7 JANUARY 1854, Page 5

NEWS OF THE WEEK.

EXCEPT in the Baltic, the Russian question ostensibly remains nearly unaltered. The latest telegraphic advices received from EXCEPT in the Baltic, the Russian question ostensibly remains nearly unaltered. The latest telegraphic advices received from

Constantinople do not add to what we knew before, but only prove that Turkey remains in the same calm and self-possessed state of her councils in which she has so successfally persevered. The Porte agrees to negotiate, but has issued to its subjects a procla- mation that the war continues ; and the cessation of the war, therefore, still depends upon the reception which Russia shall give to the proposition of the Four Powers.

In the Baltic, the one event of importance publicly announced is the conclusion of a compact alliance between Sweden and Denmark to maintain a genuine neutrality between the belligerent powers should war break out. When the announcement first reached this country early in the week, it was at once received as a confirma- tion of the idea that Sweden submitted herself to the pleasure of Russia, since Russian influence was already known to be strong in Copenhagen. Should the conduct of the courts be sincere, this sup- 'position would seem to be a mistake. The neutrality is of that kind .which professes to impose no restrictions upon the belligerent powers, except conditions necessary to maintain the safety and in- dependence of the neutral states; and since that independence could not be menaced by either of the Western Powers, the alli- ance has at present the appearance of being conceived to resist the encroachments of Russia. We have made a reservation as to the sincerity of Denmark: that sincerity will probably depend upon the degree of union, firmness, and vigour displayed by the West- ern Powers.

With regard to the conduct of other powers, no further state- ment has appeared which is in any degree trustworthy. Prussia is still reported to be inclined to ally herself with France and Eng- land, and with a constitutional interpretation of international law. The one thing apparent is, that all the states are making prepara- tions for action ; and in all the states of Austria, France, and Prussia, a loan appears to form one of the public measures, while Russia also is inspecting her money-stores. Prussia will have to invite the concurrence of her Chambers, and probably the Govern- ment will find no great difficulty should its proposed course of ac- tion in reference to Russia be such as to command the sympathy of the representatives. In France, no doubt, the loan (to the amount of 200,000,000 francs, or about 8,000,000/.) is more for domestic purposes—intended to smooth the proceedings of the Government in carrying out the arrangements by which it sustains its action and influence. For the hundredth time, Austria likewise lb moving towards a loan, but, in a manner which promises no sue- eess. It has recently been stated that the deficiency for the cur- rent year is g5.000,000 florins, but it is well known that the ac- tual deficiency must be considerably more. It is now proposed to raise a loan of 50,000,000 florins, for the purpose of paying inte- rest due and some other pressing demands. The mere proposal of raising so beggarly a loan is enough to bring discredit upon the Austrian Government, if the very nature of the necessity, and the purpose of the loan, were not in themselves circumstances sufficient , to do so. The most recent acts in Russia indicate her active pre- ' parations, from the suspension of railways in order to devote her money to war purposes, to the recall of officers out on leave, with sonic other military movements of the same kind. These are the outward and visible signs of a state of Europe which continues to grow more complicated every day, but the true relations of which are still unexplained.

At a time when our naval and military resources are likely to be required in all their strength and efficiency, it is most import- ant that discipline, in particular, should be sustained, not more by rigid command than by the intelligent exercise of influence ; and perhaps it is not to be regretted that at such a moment certain striking incidents should fasten attention upon the paramount ne- cessity. It happens that both in the Army and the Navy a some- what arbitrary exercise of authority has suggested doubts as to that perfection of discipline which results in thoroughly rational control.

The resignation of Lord Harding° has been announced, bat has been followed by his continuance in office. The original announce- ment was accompanied by another—that Sir George Brown, the Adjutant-General, who had previously resigned, is reinstated. Sir George's resignation was occasioned by an unusual exercise of authority on the part of Lord Hardinge, who had countermanded some orders which Sir George had given with regard to the ab- sence of certain officers. There had long been insinuations that Lord Hardinge's conduct of the Horse Guards was in some way or other considered oppressive ; and, sudden as it is, his resigna- tion under moral compulsion has created as little surprise as, after recent experience, his continuance has created.

The Naval incident is of a more painful character, though in some respects not so important. Admiral Pellew was the officer in command on the East Indian station, exercising his authority, when the crew of the Winchester mutinied at Hongkong. The ease appears to be very peculiar. The men had not been on shore for eighteen months; they presented a memorial, respectfully worded, it is said, requesting leave ; and it is intimated that the captain of the ship did not disapprove. The Admiral, however, responded to the request for going on shore by an order preparing for sea : a demur on the part of the crew was treated as a mutiny; and, by the Admiral's order, the officers suppressed the mutiny at the point of the sword. This incident reminds the journalist, that forty years ago, in the Mediterranean, Admiral I3ellew was the officer in command when a similar incident occurred with the crew of the Resistance. The Admiral is a veteran ; but he appears to possess a stronger sense of personal authority than of the influence which a commander exercises over his crew to keep it, in will as well as limb, up to the true English standard of duty. The question is, how he came into his present post at all, after being shelved for those forty years, during which steam navigation has been developed to such a point that our whole Navy is likely to be converted into a steam fleet ? Lord Derby's Government is answerable for the appointment ; which probably that Govern- ment would excuse on the plea that it is now an established eas- tern to appoint ancient men of oldfashioned training to a chief command. It is a custom that might suit the Disraeli cinquecento style of administration, but now, on the eve of a great European conflict of arms, it should be absolutely condemned as a species of public treason.