SIR WILLIAM HARCOURT AND HIS PARTY. T HREE things seem clear
from Sir William Harcourt's last letter on the leadership question. He is not going to come back as leader, he is not going to retire from politics, and he is going to sit at the corner of the Front Op- position Bench and give his successor what the schoolboys call "a hot time of it." Of the latter intention there is, of course, not a word in Sir William Harcourt's letter, but for all that we may be sure that this is what will happen. To demonstrate that this is what must occur is not diffi- cult. It is pretty certain that the man chosen to lead in the Commons by the majority of the Liberal Members of Parliament will be an Imperialist of the type of Lord Rosebery and Sir Edward Grey. That is just now the fashionable type in the Liberal party. Again, it is almost certain that the man chosen will be for dropping Home. rule. He cannot be of any other opinion, for practically Sir William Harcourt and Mr. John Morley are the only Front Bench Liberals who have not publicly dropped Home-rule. But though Imperialism and the dropping of Home-rule are the policies approved of by the majority of the Liberal party, there is still a large section of the Opposition who are convinced Little Englanders, and there is the whole Irish Opposition, who are as keen for Home-rule as ever. Hence, whenever the new leader of the Opposition fails to take an anti-Jingo line, or supports any forward movement, he will at once have Sir William Harcourt, supported by Mr. Morley, falling on his flank and stating the anti- Imperialistic side of the case—a case for which there is always something to be said—with a great deal of power and conviction. Anti-Imperialism is one of the things in regard to which Sir William Harcourt is absolutely sincere, and about which he speaks with real conviction. Again, it is not likely that Sir William Harcourt's successor will be so anxious to beat the drum ecclesiastic as Sir William Harcourt. Yet if he does not, Sir William will be able, or rather, let us say, will be forced by circumstances, to deal the new leader many a shrewd blow. Remember, too, that whenever there is a split in the Opposition it is to the side of Sir William Harcourt, and not to that of the new leader, that the Irish will rally. Hence it is quite possible that after the first few weeks of the Session—at the beginning no doubt everything will seem most correct, and Sir William Harcourt will appear to be going to efface himself and give his successor a loyal and constant support—Sir William and his anti- Jingo, pro-Home-rule band may count more on a division than the regular and official Opposition.
If things turn out as we expect they will, it is clear that the position of the Opposition will become one of extreme confusion, and that for the time the party will be reduced to that state of impotence which is always the outcome of anarchy. Though Unionists to the core and warm supporters of the present Administration, we do not profess to regard this prospect with anything but the keenest regret. A weak and distracted Opposition is a double evil. It injures the country both directly and indirectly. In the first place, the members of a distracted Opposition have little or no sense of responsibility, and carry the work of opposing everything and proposing nothing to a pitch which may become a source of national periL Then, a distracted Opposition gives an opportunity which is eagerly seized upon by pushing and not over- scrupulous Members whose object is not to " serve and save the State," but rather to advertise themselves, no matter how, into prominence and notoriety. Again, the absence.of proper discipline in the Opposition prevents the policy of the Government being modified here and there by close and moderate discussion. In spite of the abuses of " public deliberation," that process is capable of much good both in forming policy and in checking crudities in the plans of the Administration. Policies and schemes which are unable to stand the fire of criticism and discussion cannot be produced when there is a strong and sound Opposition. When the Opposition is all at "sixes and sevens" anything can be got through, for the men who ought to be criticising are fighting among themselves. To pat the thing in itc plainest terms, a weak Opposition makes a Govern- ment slack, careless, and indifferent. Demoralised by the easiness of their task, they are apt to fall a prey to the worst, and not the best, influences in their own party. When a Minister cannot say of some importunate sup- porter's project, " We should find it impossible to face the opposition which this Bill would create in the House of Commons," because he knows that the Opposition is not up to taking advantage of a bad Bill, he loses half his power for stopping those undesirable schemes which are perpetually being forced upon an Administration. But though we cannot help feelin g that our political system is going to be subjected to a certain strain by the collapse of the Opposition, we do not for a moment suppose that this anarchy will last for ever. Out of the confusion order will at last be evolved, and out of the weakness will come forth strength. A true leader, a man capable of leading and of suggesting a policy, will one day be thrown up, and behind him all the sections which now seem so discordant and so antagonistic will rank themselves with as complete a docility as they did in the time of Mr. Gladstone. The more complete the confusion the more likelihood is there of this saviour of the party being produced within a reasonable time. A partial reconciliation of the hatreds and jealousies, a mere patch- ing up of differences, might prolong the agony of birth for the new leader. Now that things have gone so far, the fiercer and more decisive the struggle the better. Only through Sir William Harcourt and his antagonists having it out in the open, and with the gloves off, is it possible that the Liberal party can regain its integrity and stability. One side must win clearly, the Imperialists or the Anti-Imperialists, the Harcourtites or the Roseberyites, before the efficiency of the Opposition can be restored. Personally, our wish would be to see the Anti-Imperialists carry the day. We are Imperialists ourselves, but we want to see Imperialism carried out with reason and moderation. This is far more likely to be the case if there is a strong and watchful Anti-Imperialist party ready to put the drag on. The country will not allow the drag to be put on unnecessarily, but assuredly it is a most useful thing to have a drag in readiness. Nothing could be more foolish than to say that a drag is a detestable and mischievous thing because it retards the carriage, and the object of a carriage is forward movement. So it is, but at different degrees of pace. Therefore, though the State coach ought to go forward, it wants a drag for use at times. Let us hope that the outcome of the con- fusion in the Opposition will be to give it a drag, and not merely another whip.
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