THE MAGAZINES.

THE Nineteenth Century opens with a long and careful study by Sir Herbert Maxwell of the Constitutional position and political value of the House of Lords. He points out that if the recommendations of the Select Committee on Procedure are adopted, a Standing Committee will cease to be a microcosm of the House of Commons, and Bills will receive the impress of the will, not of the House, but of certain Parliamentary groups. If this happens, an increased responsi- bility will be thrown upon the House of Lords to scrutinise Bills sent up to them, since they will not have been subjected to the examination of the whole House in Committee. Sir Herbert Maxwell makes out an excellent case for the existence of an Upper House, quoting Cromwell's famous dictum :-- "I did tell you that I would not undertake such a Government as this unless there might be some other persons that might

• interpose between me and the House of Commons, who had the power to prevent tumultuary and popular spirits." But he admits that an hereditary Chamber under such a Constitu- tion as ours is an anomaly which must be exposed to frequent attack. After dealing with the various attempts to reform it, he points out that the proportion of the Upper to the Lower House, which was 77 to 298 in the reign of Henry VII. and 219 to 558 in the reign of George L, has now become 594 to 670,—an altogether unwieldy ratio. His proposal is to have this proportion fixed on some low scale, and in order to obtain the required reduction in numbers, to introduce the electoral principle which is in force to-day in Scotland. The diffi- culty, of course, is that elections tend to be conducted, as we see in Scotland, on party lines. Sir Herbert Maxwell's article, how- ever, is full of interesting suggestions, and it is remarkable that so sound a Conservative should condemn the continued creation of hereditary titles as "the practice of handing blank cheques to posterity."—Mr. Edward Dicey in a paper on" The Story of the Capitulations" approves in principle of their abolition in the case of Egypt, but considers that there is no chance of other Powers agreeing to it. Germany would demand another Algeciras Conference, and would refuse to ratify any arrange- ment between Britain and France. We confess ourselves

-unable to understand the purpose of the article. Most .of it is taken up with explaining how undesirable it - would be to abolish the Capitulations throughout the

• whole Ottoman Empire, which no one has ever proposed. To raise the abstract question in connexion with the Egyptian proposal, which stands on a wholly different basis, ;may well tend to prejudice a very real and practicable reform,

on which educated-opinion Min substance-agreed.—One of the ablest articles in the number is that • by Mr. -D. O.

Lathbnry on the Education Bill, in which he.warmlTdefends

Mr. Chamberlain's solution. On the general question we-are absolutely at variance with him, but we welcome certain admis- Siena which he makes. "I believe that there are very few

parents who would not wish their children to have some religious instruction?' This is the basis of our argument also, though our conclusions differ.—Of the other contents, we may mention a delightful paper on Siena by Miss Rose Bradley, and a curious, indeterminate study of Lord Acton by Mr. Alfred Lyttelton.

The new National Beview is a disquieting number. We learn from Dr. Haig that tea, our "national beverage," is a slow, but deadly poison which has all but driven health from our midst. And the editor hi.uself is in a very gloomy temper. The my for reduction of armaments, the visit of the German editors, the Baghdad Railway scheme and the new arrangement about the Turkish Customs, the conduct of the Government about the Education'Bill-and of the Opposition about the reform of their organisation,—all fill-him with dark forebodings. As is always the case, the "Episodes of the Month" are an admirably written summary of current-politics ; and in the domain of _foreign affairs, where there is naturally more perspective and less temper, -the comments would be hard to improve upon.—The place of honour in the number is given to a review by Colonel Camille Fevre, a distinguished Swiss officer, of our system of Imperial defence. It is a con- vincing reply to Mr. Balfour's quietism about the impossi- bility of invasion. Colonel Favre points out, as M. Delca.ss6 did the other day, that alliances • with 'other nations will only last so long as the friends have assets to bring into the partnership, and he maintains that -the present position of Britain in international politics demands a strong Army. His scheme for a national Militia is reserved for a later article.--Dr. William Barry in :a striking paper, "Liberals or Jacobins ? " warns the LiberA Party against allying themselves with a creed which England will never favour, and putting their fine estate "into commis- sion with Jean Jacques as head of the Board."—Mi. Maurice Low in his notes on American affairs declares that the Chicago packers have defeated the President in the amendments they secured in the House of -Representatives to the Beveridge Bill. Inspection is charged to the Govern- ment instead of to the 'packers, and any future House can nullify it by reducing -the appropriation.—Among other papers, there is an extremely interesting study by Captain Melville Lee of the work of Samuel Pepys as an Admiralty reformer, which we recommend to the attention of all who are interested in the history of British sea-power. A vivid picture of the Panama Canal by Lady Susan Townley is also worth the notice of readers.

The most important article in the Contemporary is Sir Alfred Pease's elaborate exposition of "The Native Question in the Transvaal." He has the advantage of having been an Administrator of Native Affairs, as well as of having had a large experience of native races in North Africa. On the whole, his conclusions support what may he called the Colonial view. He thinks that any premature attempt to bridge over the gulf between the races will lead -to certain disaster. At the same time, he is in favour of many of the recommendations of the Native Affairs Commission appointed by Lord -Milner, and of the scientific and considerate attitude which their Report defined. He thinks—a point on which we are inclined to differ—that the time for the old segregation policy is past, and that the tribal reserves must be gradually drained and the natives brought into our industrial system. We should be sorry to lay this down as a general principle ; in many districts the tribal system is still a living reality, which may long continue. With -one • recommendation of Sir Alfred Pease's we cordially agree. He advocates that the work of the Native Labour Association should be trans- ferred to a Government Department. He is aisoiil favour of native representation in a Central Native Indaba distinct from any European Legislature. The paper is a most useful and thoughtful contribution to the subject. —Of the other contents, we would notice Mr. Harold Spender's "Great Congo Iniquity," M. Paul Sabatier's "Religious Events in France" —a panegyric upon the Bloc—and Dr. Dillon's -most gloomy account of current events in Russia. Professor W. M. Ramsay's Redo Lecture on" The War of Moslem and Christian for the Possession of Asia Minor" occupies the place of honour.

In it he quotes a remark once made to him by Mommsen: "If I bad to begin a new life of scholarship, I should take up the period between Diocletian and Justinian."

The picture that Mr. Alfred Stead gives in the Fortnightly Review of King Charles of Roumania is the likeness of an ideal King. The Hohenzollern Prince can look back over his forty years of rule and feel that the words he spoke at his election have been acted upon. "I bring," he said, "a loyal :heart, right thoughts, a firm desire to do good, a devotion without limits to my new country, and an invincible respect for the law." In 1859 the National Assemblies of Wallachia and Moldavia declared the union of the two principalities, and elected a native Prince as ruler of Roumania. Although the union was successful, the native Prince proved a failure owing to the intrigues and petty struggles of contending

families. In 1866 a coup d'etat took place, and a German Prince was elected to rule in the place of Alexander Cuza. Roumania has had no cause to regret the choice of Prince Charles. The young ruler at once set himself to work, and became acquainted with all parts of his dominion. He did not think only of external diplomacy, though that was

pressing enough, with the malign nearness of the Turk and the upas-like shadow of the Great Powers. Agriculture was stimulated and the finances of the country cared for, and when sacrifices were asked of the people the Prince shared them too. The following were his words at a time of financial stress :—

"In presence of the actual financial difficulties, which impose sacrifices on all in order that the re-establishment of our credit upon a healthy basis may be achieved, I consider it as a duty to share equally the State charges. I desire, therefore, that all reductions which shall be applied, in the future, to all those who serve the State, be also applied to the Civil List."

--Mrs. Belloc Lowndes writes a grim abort story upon the text of Mr. Meredith's prophecy delivered to the halfpenny Press,—that in the future "marriage will be allowed for a certain period, say ten years." An enthusiastic and visionary man makes an alliance "according to Meredith" with a Danish girl, who is able to show great fortitude in bearing poverty. At the end of the time, however, the woman sees no reason why she should not marry another man, and the °announcement of her intention drives the man of her first choice to murder and suicide. The other man can scarcely be -called a lover, the woman caring more for his motherless children than for him. The story is an attempt to work out

the text to its logical conclusion.—Mr. Baughan puts the obvious case against Wagner,—that his drama is in the orchestra and not on the stage : the instruments and not the voices of the characters sing the emotional phrases which rise out of the situations. It is true that the effect of this is to make the characters of Wagner strangely unreal abstractions, compared with the men and women of Mozart. Mr. Baughan also insists that Wagner weakens his dramatic effects by his constant desire to preach and explain by means of the orchestra. This tendency was deeply rooted in the man, who, unsatisfied with his wonderful powers of musical creation, wasted his time in writing pamphlets. But, as Mr. Bauglian says, he was a genius. If genius is there, and of the highest kind, the rest matters but little.

In Blackwood there is a striking story by Mr. Oliver Onions of a storm on some North Country coast. The scene opens with the gipsies being driven info the fishing village by the fury of the wind and snow on the hills above. Then comes the attempt to launch the lifeboat, and the failure of the fishermen to do it. At this point the farmers step in and set out to take the lifeboat seven miles by land to where the endangered ships are. The account of this journey is most graphic, especially the passing through a wood where a path has to be cut. The frenzy of the men working against time, fearing lest they should be too late, surpasses the fury of the storm. But the 'boat reached the sea in time and saved those on the fishing.

boats. The story is told by an old schoolmaster, and we cannot help thinking that a little less realism in the garrulity of the narrator at the outset would have been advisable. It requires a dogged attempt before one can get into the story. —In the present number are to be found the first chapters of a new serial story, "The Daft Days," by Mr. Neil Munro. The motive of the opening is the expected arrival of a boy nephew from Chicago by an old bachelor and his two sisters in a Scotch provincial town. At the end of this first instalment a child appears, but turns out to be a girl.— General Chapman in writing an article called "Moving towards a Territorial Army" notes the change that has come over the offices of both Lord and Deputy Lieutenant in the counties. A hope is expressed that in the scheme which Mr. Haldane has in contemplation some attempt will be made to free these offices from being the resort of political favourites, and to enli_t people of importance in country districts in the work of helping the Territorial Army. There are many ways in which this could be done, one very important thing being the organisation of labour so that there should be places found for the soldier returning to civil life.

An article in the Monthly Review signed "S. A." gives a number of statistics relating to both black and white labour in the Transvaal. The writer seems to doubt whether the country can ever be a white man's laud, though the inferences drawn from the details he gives are not pressed.—The Rector of Barberton, Mr. Benson Knowles, adds a somewhat disquieting account of the changes taking place among the native races in South Africa. He declares that the old tribal jealousies are diminishing, and says that natives of formerly hostile tribes now eat together, a thing practicallyamknown hitherto. This is attributed to the greater intercommunication brought about by the move- ment of the natives to centres of labour. At the same time, the writer believes that the most important of the chiefs, Dinizulu, has communications with distant tribes, and he asks what will be the result of such intercourse. We are told that it is widely believed that Dinizulu has been in communica- tion with Majaji. Here is the account of this mysterious influence :—" Let Majaji be mythical or historical, she wields an influence over the native mind comparable to none other. Her abode is in the fastnesses of the Northern Transvaal. She possesses the secret of perpetual life ; she disappears but returns at will; her co-operation is in- valuable ; to secure it is to secure success in any under- taking." Mr. Knowles points out that the all-important question is whether the natives over a large area are prepared to act together or not.—Lieut. C. A. Cameron has adapte 1 from the Russian a considerable amount of information concerning the social condition of the peasantry. It seems that one great obstacle to their improvement is the vast area in which nothing but grain is cultivated. This means that for a large part of the year the people are idle. But at the same time, if a change took place, and agriculture of a more general kind were introduced, th3re would be too many people on the land for profitable working, and at present there are no outlets in Russia for a great industrial population.

The pages of the Independent Review have been taken up with a discussion of militarism. Last month M. Urlatiu Gohier attacked with vehemence ; now Colonel Keene replies with mildness. To the contention that the presence of armies breeds wars Colonel Keene answers with the facts that we had plenty of wars in England before there were regular armed forces, and that "neither the Federals nor the Con- federates at the outbreak of the American Civil War had armies." Mr. Carnegie holds that the English-speaking race by "raising its hand could command peace" and enforce arbi- tration. What attention would that hand command if it had no power behind it ? The editor of the Review adds a note to the article in which he says it is a fact "that war is a barbarous form of sport which appeals irresistibly to a certain type of character." We are also told to consider the "economic helplessness of the average discharged soldier." Is there no economic helplessness in the class from which the soldier most largely comes?--Principal Laurie makes a powerful plea for really effective technical education. He points out how absurd the waste has been in the past. Elementary scientific smattering instead of real education has been given by County Councils and municipalities. The ignorance of our legislators is no doubt largely to blame. Educated on the lines of the old Universities, they are quite unable to realise the vital importance of the highest scientific study being applied to industry. In addition to this, our manufacturers and business men, who have great practical capacity, show impatience of the "slow and laborious methods of science, an unwillingness

to spend money which does not promise to yield immediate return, and a tendency to wait for other people to work out any new manufacturing or industrial problem." The writer goes on to deal with the teaching in chemistry in this country, and contrasts it with that of Germany. At the University of Edinburgh there is one Professor. "Organic chemistry is not represented by a professor ; there is no professorship in any of the departments of

applied chemistry. In Leeds University we find one professor of General Chemistry, a professor of Organic Chemistry, a professor of Dyeing and a professor of Chemistry for the leather industries." In other centres the provision is on the same lines. It is humiliating to be told that at the Charlottenburg Technical University of Berlin there are no fewer than eleven Professors of Chemistry. "If we take the other central technical institutions in Germany, we find everywhere a repetition of the same thing." It is the same in America; research and education are brought to bear upon manufacture in a way unknown in England. Principal Laurie estimates that to remedy the deficiency a capital expenditure of from one to two millions would be required and an income of two hundred thousand a year. This money would be divided between the great manufacturing centres, and would be well spent if it enabled our industries to hold their own against foreign rivals.