CHINA'S UNDYING LAMP.
TO discern an outcrop of hope in the chaos which covers China to-day denotes an attitude of mind either incurably steeped in optimism or sufficiently imaginative to realize the Chinese temperament of wait- and-see. Against the former attitude facts beat in vain : lacking in true insight, it pins its faith to a reformation that never comes. The rainbow it pursues always escapes its grasp. Observers of the other kind study not the clouds alone but also the solid earth—mundane con- ditions of to-day and even more those of yesterday, tracing effect back to cause. To such minds whirlwind remedies make little appeal. These, in seeking to account for Chinese occurrences, look first to Chinese tradition and mentality. For instance, to the significance of the time element : balancing the decades which suffice for our vistas against the centuries which occupy those of the Chinese and recognizing the naturalness of this in China's immemorial antiquity. So, too, China's expe- rience of the past explains her firmly-rooted conviction that present troubles, however deep and wide they may be, are but transient. Again, the fact of over-population that has persisted for ages has been always punctuated— she remembers—and mitigated—she thinks—by famine, flood, pestilence, and civil disturbances, each taking its toll of human life. Nor has she ever been accustomed to long periods of good government. In consequence, the present tyrannical rule of the Tuchutzs, or military governors, is regarded even by the commercial class, which suffers most by it, as burdensome rather than in- tolerable. These convictions and traditions are those of a race which throughout its vast area shows an amazing disregard of personal discomfort and is content to earn an infinitesimal wage for an industry that is almost incredible. With long hours, a seven-day week, a negligible number of holidays, and no sanitation to speak of, Chinese folk continue to laugh, to listen to stories, to endure, and to believe China to be the only country in the world which merits the epithet of Celestial.
Had China continued to be free of foreigners, as in the early days of George III., and had her mineral wealth been no greater proportionately than that of Japan, it is probable that she would continue to be classed with Peru for remoteness, and that she and her internal dissensions would have been left to themselves, as happened during the changeful 2,500 years in Europe between the founding of Rome and the dissolution of the Holy Roman Empire. The admission of the foreigner and the world's increasing demand for China's minerals and other natural products have now ren- dered it impossible for her, whatever be her wishes, to remain isolated or outside the world's markets. A new necessity, indeed, dominates the situation to-day. China must remain safe for the foreigner. For the last two decades, till the beginning of the present year, this condition has been on the whole fulfilled ; the persons of foreigners have been almost sacrosanct, their interests protected by consular officers and enforced by legal courts of their own. During the last twelve months, however, during which two Presidents and six Governments have flitted across the political stage, an ominous change has taken place. Outrages upon foreigners by organized bands of brigands have become increasingly frequent ; English and Americans have been held to ransom and have only been released on the farcical condition that the marauders shall be recognized as soldiers, and, as such, receive Government pay.
This episode is a danger signal which the Powers that took part in the Washington Conference cannot afford to disregard. The situation is urgent, and, if allowed to drift further, may easily become critical. The regard for foreigners tends to diminish to a degree which, though it seems to satisfy the Chinese for themselves, has no counterpart among civilized nations. A tendency of this kind cannot be reversed by a mere exchange of diplomatic notes. The Chinese are past-masters in the art of discerning whether the silk glove hides the hand of steel, and no impression at this stage can be made on them unless the Powers show a united front and replace words by action. It is high time that they should take decisive steps for providing China with a stable central government, ensuring its continuance by such methods as may seem best calculated to that end. What form their intervention should take—an armed foreign force, a native police officered by foreigners, an effective financial control of railways—we do not propose to discuss further than by expressing the opinion that, of all forms of compulsion, the one least calculated to achieve its purpose is the punitive indemnity, since, in this instance at least, it could fall only on the wrong shoulders. For the rest, we cannot believe that the Powers which at Washington combined to safeguard China's territorial integrity from foreign domination will be powerless now to secure her from disintegration at the hands of her own self-seeking and corrupt military adventurers.
Our object is to call attention to certain sparks of hope which, with proper care, could be fanned into a flame giving light as well as warmth to a peace-loving people who, perplexed and seething with foreign ideas mis- applied, urgently need to be protected against themselves. Before this ferment took its present threatening aspect— that is, so recently as December last—our Government, after informal conversations with the United States and Japan, decided to forgo the remaining instalments of the Boxer Indemnity due from China, amounting in our case to a capitalized value of £11,000,000; or, in the actual form it has assumed, to £400,000 a year for twenty-three years. Before the War, remission had repeatedly been urged on our Government by the British trading community in China through their Chambers of Commerce. The sup- port of the Foreign Office had been secured, and in response to its representations a tentative half- promise had been received in the form of a fishing inquiry something like this :—" If you folks think the education of Chinese so important as to deserve help from the British taxpayer, what are you yourselves pre pared to do ? " Such an inquiry was not unnaturally taken to mean that, if the Chambers did their share, our Government would follow up the matter. The Chambers therefore accepted the challenge and appealed for funds. All the great Anglo-Chinese firms—the Asiatic Petroleum, Jardine's, Butterfield and Swire, Brunner, Mond and the rest—generously responded ; a really large sum was collected and placed, in the hands of the Associated Chambers, which had thus proved their faith by their works. The Govern- ment thereupon—for these and other reasons which doubtless Lord Curzon will enumerate this month when the Foreign Office Vote comes before Parliament— decided to remit all further instalments of the Indemnity, stipulating only that the moneys, which being secured on the Customs will be collected as usual, shall be assigned to undertakings beneficial to both countries. The Asso- ciated Chambers then set to work to consider in what way this proviso could best be met, and in February last, at their Conference at Shanghai, unanimously passed a series of resolutions recommending that the Indemnity money should be expended mainly in educating Chinese on British lines and on medical work in China. Despite the worsening condition of affairs in China, this generous view still holds the field. And now is the time for the discussion of principles and agremeent as to outlines.
The Conference was composed of delegates from all the British Chambers of Commerce in China, reaching from Tientsin to Canton, and from Shanghai to Hankow. It was therefore completely representative of the British trading community. Also, by invitation, members of the diplomatic and consular services attended, together with nominees from the Universities, including Hong-Kong, and from the Colleges and Schools under British control. Thus all British interests in China, commercial, diplo- matic and educational alike, were assembled in consul- tation. The Conference without hesitation recommended that the moneys available should be devoted in the first place and mainly to the education of Chinese on British lines. This must be taken as an expression of their belief that what most benefits China will in the long run benefit our country too. This is certainly true, if the methods adopted avoid denationalizing the pupils, and if the machinery be such as to develop mutual trust and co- operation. In any case, the scheme is a venture of faith ; it is also a policy of the long view. For, while all the pro- cesses of education are slow, their ultimate results in any given direction cannot be predicted.
The Conference, having thus selected education as the influence best fitted to promote the benefit of China, proceeded next to consider the sums available. Towards the education of a population of 400,000,000 a yearly sum of £400,000 for twenty-three years will not go far. It was decided, therefore, to suggest concentration on Secondary and Higher education and to aid existing institutions only. It was stipulated that the schools aided should submit to full inspection and admit free assigned numbers of scholars from selected elementary schools. Similarly, the Colleges and Universities were to admit free scholars from the secondary schools. Arrangements were also suggested for sending a few selected graduates from Chinese Universities to continue their education at British Universities. In addition to these main provisions, the Conference expressed the opinion that Hong-Kong Uni- versity had special claims on the funds available ; also, that medical missions and their training schools should be aided, and that the education of girls should be similarly encouraged.
The Conference concluded its task with the enunciation af a principle upon which the ultimate success or failure of the proposals undoubtedly depends. Welcoming the fact that to carry the scheme into effect certain machinery must be set up, as, for instance, a central Commission at Peking, local Education Committees, bodies of manage- ment for institutions, the Conference declared that the inclusion of Chinese members throughout this machinery was indispensable for its successful working.
These resolutions cover the ground and deal with the facts ; they also reflect credit on the liberal spirit which animates our countrymen. On both counts the pro- posals deserve favourable consideration at the hands of any advisory body that the Government may set up to investigate the matter.
It is permissible to point out, however, that before the ship can reach safe anchorage the old dangers of Scylla and Charybdis have to be overcome. The vessel has to avoid the rock of Chinese conservatism and to escape the whirlpool of religious sentiment. On the one hand, can the Chinese be induced effectively to co-operate ; to take their full share in management ; to pull their weight in the boat ? Young China has to be reckoned with, and a widespread misinterpretation of national sovereignty. Again, can the missionary bodies which have founded and now run the secondary schools and colleges be induced to take grants impressed, as these must be, with a conscience clause requirement ? In England this requirement presents no difficulty. The religious bodies, Protestant and Catholic alike, accept grants from the Board of Education, all of which bear this condition. The religious aim of a school is in no wise interfered with by such a proviso ; founded for inculcating the principles of one faith and staffed accordingly, the school agrees to admit scholars professing another faith or none at all, allowing them on request to stay away from religious observances and religious teaching. It is probable that in China, as in England, little call on such freedom would be made ; but no sympathetic observer can doubt that the withdrawal of the shadow or the reality of religious compulsion would in the long run strengthen the cause of Christianity in China. The Missionary bodies concerned are thus faced with a clear issue. Shall the freedom that in matters of education all religious parties in turn have claimed and won in England be withheld from their scholars in China ? If so, what interpretation will these scholars place on the inspired words which declare that, where the spirit of the Lord is, there is liberty ? In fine, if the pupil is to be taught, as another Apostle enjoins, to look into the perfect law of liberty and to continue therein, it is example, not precept, that will drive the lesson home.
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