Debates anti iirocetbings in Varliament

The ARMY OF THE Su'ranr. •

In the House of Commons, on Monday, Sir ROBERT PEEL moved the following vote of thanks to the officers and soldiers who achieved the re- cent victories on the Sutlej-

" That the thanks of this House be given to the Right Honourable Lieutenant-Gerie- ral Sir Henry Hardinge, Governor-General of India, Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the Bath, for the energy and ability with which he directed the military meamrat his disposal, to the repelling of •the unprovoked invasion by the Sikh army of the do- minions of the British Government, and of the Protected States upon the lett bank of the Stftlej ; and also for the firmness and gallantry with which he directed the opera- tions of that portion of the army under his immediate command, In the afternoon and night of 21st December 1845, and on the morning of the 22d ; upon which occasion the enemy's defences were carried by storm, the greater part of their artillery captured,

and their subsequent attempts to regain what they had lost repeatedly defeated. •

" That the thanks of this House be given to General Bir Hugh Gough, Bart., Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the Bath, Commander-in-Chief of the Forces in the East Indies, for the distinguished valour with which be directed and led the several attacks upon the enemy, and for the eminent services rendered by him in the battles of the 18th, 21st, and 22d of December 1845; displaying, as he did, In conjunction with the Governor-General, a brilliant example to the troops of perseverance and courage In critical circumstances, and of irresistible ardour in the several attacks made upon the enemy. " That the thanks of this House be given to Major-General Sir Henry George Smith, Knight Commander of the Order of the Bath, to Major-General Walter Raleigh Gilbert, and to Major-General Sir John Hunter Littler, Knight Commander of the Order of -the Bath, and to the several officers, European and Native, under their command, for the eminent services rendered by them In the recent arduous and successful operations.

" That the thanks of this House be given to the non-commissioned officers and pri- vate soldiers, European and Native, for the perseverance and fortitude maintained by them at Moodkee on the 18th December 1845, and for the daring valour with which they forced the enemy's intrenchments at Ferozeshah on the 21st and 22d December, captured most of his guns, and finally compelled the Sikh army, of greatly superior numbers, to retire within their own frontier.

" That this resolution be signified to them by the commanders of the several corps.

" That the said resolutions be transmitted by Mr. Speaker to the Governor-General of India, and that he be requested to communicate the same to the several officers re- ferred to therein."

Sir Robert Peel's speech in support of this motion consisted of a luminous review of the disorganized condition of the Sikh Government, an account of the precautionary measures adopted by Sir Henry Hardinge, glowing descriptions of the recent victories, and tributes to the fallen heroes. He remarked at the outset, that the resolutions did not commit any one to an opinion favourable or otherwise to the policy of the Indian Government.

By the ability and energy of Runjeet Singh, the Punjaub and its powerful an 4Y were kept in good order; but since his death in 1839 anarchy has prevailed; the acts of the licentious and debauched Government having been controlled by the military, who have repeatedly mutinied for the purpose of extorting increased pay. With the view of getting relief from this military scourge, it became an object of the rulers to provoke a collision with the British army, in order that the licentious soldiery might be sacrificed in the conflict. Adverting to Sir Henry Hardinge, Sir Robert Peel remarked that that gallant officer had undertaken the Government of India at a period of life when ambition was on the wane; he was occupying a high place in the councils of his Sov was held in general esteem even by his political opponents; and was regarded by the Army as its friend, because he was the friend of justice to all ranks and de-

in it. Sir Henry, under a deep sense of public duty, went to India, with a highh military reputation; but he was solicitous to establish his fame, not upon conquest not upon the exhibition of military skill and valour—his object was to earn for himself a name in the annals of India as the friend of peace, the pan- moter of the social interests and welfare of the inhabitants of India. Sir Henry's opinion was that the British dominions in British India were sufficient for every purpose i that the interests of England could not be promoted by the addition of the Punjaub; and his desire was to see a strong native Government established in that country, capable of maintaining its independence, and of restoring disci- pline in the ranks of the army of Lahore; an army composed of men of great natural valour, of great physical strength, and trained to discipline and military habits by European officers of eminence and skill. He was determined, however, to resist every attempt at aggression on the British territories.

The continuance of a profligate and debritiched Government in the Punjaub, by

a licentious soldiery, was necessarily deemed a constant source of danger; and Bir Henry Hardinge adopted precautionary measures; but cautiously "abstained from any such collection-of forces as would justify either aggression or even re- monstrance on the part of the Lahore Government. A frontier extending for at least a hundred miles on the banks of the Sntlej had to be protected. Ferozepore was chosen as the advanced post; and there was placed an army of 8,000 men, capable of arresting any sudden act of aggression. At Loodiana, about seventy- six miles to the Eastward, a force of 5,000 men was collected; and still further into the interior, at Umballa, 7,500 men were stationed.

There were good reasons why Sir Henry. Hardin" ge did not collect for the last two or three years an immense Native and European army on the banks of the Sntlej. Constant efforts were made to corrupt the Native soldiers; the superior .pay offered by the Sikhs being one of the inducements to desert. The efforts proved unsuccessful; the Sepoys remained faithful: bat, under the circumstances, at could not have been deemed prudent to bring together an immense force of the British army, seeing within a few miles of them the example of a soldiery free from all restraints, and constantly extorting by threats of violence increased pay. There were military reasons equally powerful. " If the army of the Punjanb in- tended an irruption, it was difficult to conjecture what course they might adopt. Between Ferozepore and Loodiana there are not less than twenty fords. It was hard to say where they would cross. My gallant friend, therefore, thought that measures should be taken to guard the banks of the Sntlej by two divisions—one stationed at Ferozepore and the other at Loodiana; and that it was more con- sistent with the rules of military policy and prudence to have the main body as- sembled at Umballa, with reserves at Meerut and near Delhi." " This force amounted to not less in the whole than thirty regiments of Native infantry, nine of European infantry, twelve of Native cavalry, and three of European cavalry. Therefore, I think it is quite clear, that, consistently with his policy of for- bearance, consistently with his determination to be seduced into no act of ag- gression, the Governor-General of India did take every precaution which he could to defend the British' dominions in the case of unexpected and unprovoked attack." In June last year, thinking that the state of affairs in the Punjaub had become critical, Sir Henry Hardinge proposed to the Council that he should proceed to the Sntlej, so as to be enabled to give directions on the spot, instead of at a dis- tance of so many thousand miles. The Council unanimously coincided in the :suggestion; and Sir Henry proceeded, in October, to the Sutlej. He cherished the expectation that no attempt to cross that river would be made by the Sikh army; and experience warranted him in drawing that conclusion, because in 1843 And 1844 the army of Lahore were actually on their way to the British territories, but retired on the remonstrances of the British agent. In November, accounts reached Sir Henry Hardinge that an attack was se- riously meditated; the intention being to divide the army into seven divisions, one to remain at Lahore, and four to make separate attacks on the British terri- tory. The soldiers, however, having received their pay, retired to their villages; but in the early part of December they had again congregated, and another attack on a large scale was resolved upon. Upon learning this intention, Sir Henry Hardinge ordered the British army to advance from Umballa; and it ef- fected a junction with the troops at Loodiana. The combined force then moved towards Ferozepore; but before it reached that point battles had to be fought.

Sir Robert then described the brilliant achievements at Moodkee on the 18th, and at Ferozeshah on the 21st and morning of the 22d December. " The details," said Sir Robert, speaking of the battle begun on the 21st, "are given with admi- rable clearness by both the Commander-in-Chief and my gallant Mend; but there are private letters which speak with less of formality, and give a more vivid account of the scene. Perhaps the House will excuse me if I read an extract from a private letter written by my gallant friend the Governor-General to a member of his family. The night of the 21st was the most extraordinary of my I*. I bivouacked with the men, without food or covering, and our nights are bitter cold: a burning camp in our front, our brave fellows lying down under a heavy cannonade which continued during the whole night, mixed with the wild cries of the Sikhs, our English hurrah, the tramp of men, and the groans of the dying. In this state, with a handful of men, who had carried the batteries the night before, I remained till morning, taking very short intervals of rest by lying down with various regiments in succession, to ascertain their temper, and revive their spirits.' (Great cheering.) I really, Sir," continued Sir Robert Peel, con- siderably affected, "I really, Sir, can scarcely go on with the extract. (Much cheeringlrom both sides.) My gallant friend, you see, spent the night in going from regiment to regiment, lying down with them, animating their spirits; thus insuring, rislair as human effort could insure it the conquest of the coming day. 'I found myself again with my old friends of the Twenty-ninth, Thirty-first, Fifty-ninth, and Ninth, all in good heart. My answer to all and every man was, that we must fight it out, attack the enemy vigorously at daybreak, beat him, or die honourably in the field. The gallant old General, [ Sir Hugh Gough,] kind- hearted and heroically brave, entirely coincided with me.' Let the House observe how anxious my gallant friend is to do justice to his companions in arms. During the night, I occasionally called on our brave English soldiers to punish the Sikhs when they came too close and were impudent; and when morning broke we went-at it in true English style. Gough was on the right. I placed myself, and dear little Arthur, [his son, sixteen years of age,] by my side, in the centre, about thirty yards in front of the men, to prevent their firing; and we drove the enemy without a halt from one extremity of the camp to the other, capturing thirty or forty guns as we went along, which fired at twenty paces from us, and were served obstinately. The brave men drew up in an excellent line, and cheered Gough and myself as we rode up the line, the regimental colours lowering to me as on parade. The mournful part is the heavy loss I have sustained in my officers. I have bad ten Aides-de-camp hors de combat, Eve killed and five wounded. The fire of grape was very heavy from a hundred pieces of cannon; the Sikh army drilled by French officers, and the men the most warlike in India.' There is, Sir, a characteristic trait of my gallant friend in this very letter. He had two sons with him: one of them having entered the army, had been present throughout the whole of the action at Moodkee, and the early part of the 21st; the other was a civilian. On the night of the 21st, he sent the civilian to the rear, saying that his presence in the field disturbed him: when the son refused to go, he said he would send him out of the field a prisoner, if neoeasery, as his ,presence disturbed his mind; while he says the presence of the son who was in the service, and who had a military character and reputation to form, only made him the more determined and resolute in the discharge of his duty. (Loud cheers.) He says also, that on the 22d, when the danger was over, in visiting the hospitals he took one of his sons with him, who has had the mis- fortune to lose a foot, and telling the wounded men that they saw a Governor General who had lost a hand, with a son who had lint a foot, consoled them under their wounds, by showing them that men of the highest rank are subject to the same calamities. (Cheers.) He says—' visit the hospital and comfort the maimed by showing them a Governor-General without a hand, and his son with- out a foot; and these practical illustrations are consolatory to our poor fellows.'" After ample explanation on these heart-stirring topics, Sir Robert adverted to the fallen. "Sir, the pride and satisfaction we must feel from witnessing this gallant exploit, are no doubt greatly subdued by the regret which must be felt in reading of the loss of so many men of the highest distinction and the greatest promise. We have had the misfortune to lose that gallant officer whom on a former occasion we so admired—Sir Robert Sale. He has closed a long career of

military glory by that death which I believe he himself foresaw—a death in the field of battle= felix etiam in opportunitate mortis '; and I do hope that the House will encourage me, by an unanimous expression of its regard and admiration for the services and memory of Sir Robert Sale, on a future occa- sion humbly to represent to her Majesty, that if she shall think fit to record our sentiments by a public monument — (Loud cheering)—this House will make good the expense of that tribute to his memory. (Meers.) We have also, among the superior officers to deplore the lass of General M‘Caskill; a loss briefly but touchingly recorded by Sir Hugh Gough, in a sentence of one of his despatches. We have also to deplore the loss of one of the most eminent men in the civil and military services of England, Major Broadfoot; one in whom the highest confidence was placed by every man who came in contact with him, and who had obtained the applause of every one, either in the civil or military ser- vices, under whom he had acted. (Cheers.) He was a man whose sagacity in civil affairs was perhaps only exceeded by his valour and ardour in the field. I think it has been stated that he was one of three brothers, and the last of them, who have all died in the service of their country. Major Broadfoot was preseet with Sir Robert Sale at the siege of Jellalabad ; and it is mournful to think that in the same conflict we should have to deplore the loss of two men so eminent in their country's service as Sir Robert Sale and Major Broadfoot. Sir, I will not refer to individuals of a lower rank, because it must be invidious to make any selection where all have distinguished themselves; but I think we should assure the surviving relatives of those who have fallen, that this House can do justice to the valour and devotion they have shown in the service of the country." In reference to the falling back of the Sixty-second Regiment and its flank regiments of Native Infantry, Sir Robert Peel ventured to say, that the deficiency of a single moment would be a/together forgotten in the recollection of the former eminent services of these troops, and in the recollection of what they performed even on that occasion.

" Let us," said the Premier, in conclusion, " without divisions or differences of politics and party, all concur in bearing testimony to these brilliant services, so worthy of the name of England. My own opinion is, there never was a greater or more happy instance of extreme forbearance, of greater justice, of firm re- sistance of all temptation. There never was a greater combination of all these high qualities with the highest degree of fortitude and the most brilliant display of military talent in the defence of the British territory. For those who have unfortunately fallen, their lives will not have been sacrificed in vain ; they will constitute one of the greatest defences of this country. When we see what can be effected by discipline and valour like that manifested on the 18th, 21st, and 22d of December last, we feel increased confidence that in a just cause this counttrryp must be victorious. The memory of the men who have now fallen through their devotion to their duty will long survive, to animate the British army by their example; to make us proud of that name which we bear in common with them; and to animate us, if we should ever be called on for similar exertions, to equal devotion, equal perseverance, and equal courage in the cause of a great country." (Much cheering from all 1 parts of the House.) Lord Jouw RUSSELL seconded the resolutions in an eloquent speech, echoing the tone of Sir Robert Peel's-' only reserving to himself the right of forming an opinion on the policy of the Indian Government when it _should be fully developed— The non-aggressive spirit of Sir Henry :Hardinge was highly honourable to him; though it could not be denied that this policy of forbearance had exposed the British army in very disproportionate numbers in its encounter with the army of Lahore. " When the action of Moodkee took place, about thirteen thousand of our troops. bad to engage with a force not less than three times their number; but the spirit of the Governor-General and his troops, far from quailing at th sight of so superior a force, was only kindled into greater determination. I ven- ture to say, Sir, there was not in our army that day a man who ' wished for more men from England.' (Cheers.) As to the subsequent battle, of which the right honourable Baronet has given us so affecting an account, I must say I fully agree in the triumph of oar arms, and in the pride which it is calculated to inspire. ,see in the history of that battle, as well as on so many other occasions, that no superiority of numbers or of position can enable an enemy to compete with British soldiers, when they place their reliance on the British bayonet, held and directed by determined hands and hearts of British soldiers, and of our Indian Native troops, who have been most faithful and courageous in all those actions. Our troops had the satisfaction of knowing that the gallant men who led them could have no cause for hesitation, or distrust of themselves or their companions. Sir Hugh Gough could not bat recollect the gallantry and ability of Sir Henry Har- dinge at Albuera: whilst the Governor-General could not forget that ut the battle of Barossa one of the most valiant and distinguished men was Sir Hugh Cough. With these recollections, they must have had the fullest confidence in themselves and in each other." (Cheers.) Lord John expressed his satisfaction at what Sir Robert Peel had said in defence of the Sixty-second Regiment; as also the suggestion to address the Crown for a monument to Sir Robert Sale.

The resolutions Met with a most hearty assent. Several of the speakers vindicated Sir Henry Hardinge from the imputation of having been taken by surprise.

Mr. HUME remarked, that even persons:living at Lahore, and possessed of good means of information bad no expectation that the Sikhs would have crossed the river. Mr. Hume did not think that a better disposition of the forces could have been made than that adopted by Sir Henry Hardinge.

Sir ROBERT Nous spoke approvingly of the allusions to the Great Disposer cc events contained in Sir Henry Hardinge a despatches. Mr. Hoax remarked, that Sir Henry Hardinge would not have been justified in doing more than he had done in preparations. He believed that in a short time it would be acknowledged that the military maneuvering had been con- ducted with consummate skill, and that every available advantage had been seized, promptly and efficiently, by the British commanders. It was an entire mistake to talk of our bank of the Sutlej: we had none—both banks are pos- sessed by the Sikhs, comprising a population of two millions. So long as Runjeet Singh was on the throne, the English Government had ni apprehension, and never prepared for danger; but when, in 1842, danger did appear, the English stations were advanc4 and every precautionary measure was adopted. There was another circumstance of importance. " The Sikhs recruit their army to a very great extent from the same provinces we do; thus the Sikh army abounded with the friends, relatives, and connexions of our Sepoys; yet, in the midst of such temptations as no soldiers of ancient or modern times were ever exposed to, their fidelity remained unshaken." Captain LAYABD mentioned, that the Duke of Wellington, on hearing of the death of the gallant Sale, exclaimed " We always expected it." Sir HowAnt) DOUGLAS demonstrated from a map, that the best practicable military dispositions had been made. He had recently received a letter from Sir Henry Hardinge containing these words—" Our policy must be decidedly pacific; and will be pushed so far, that perhaps you may think it approaches to suffering too much." Lord Emm:mow asked whether it would not be possible to publish the names of all the killed and wounded in the Gazette or in some public papers, so as to relieve the anxiety of the relatives; otherwise all must apply at the Horse Guards. Sir ROBERT PEEL would take care that a favourable attention should be paid to the suggestion; and that every means should be afforded of furnishing information to the relatives of the non-commissioned officers and private soldiers who died 01 this glorious occasion.

Mr. Hon* expressed a similar feeling as to the names of the killed and wound - ed in the East India Company's service.

Similar resolutions were moved in the House of Lords on the same day,

by the Earl of RIPON. In addition to the materials handled by him in common with Sir Robert Peel, Lord Ripon mentioned that the Governor of Bombay had sent forward to Knrachee a considerable force to be placed under the command of Sir Thomas M`Mahon ; that reinforcements were on their way to the Sutlej, and that Sir Charles Napier was advancing from Scinde. Now that a war had been fbrced on the British Government, it was its duty by every exertion to bring it to a successful issue.

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE would not give the resolutions a cold acquiescence, but the most cordial support—

As to the Army, enough was known to prove the existence of a devotion which knew no bounds, and which had never been exceeded. As to the Governor-Ge- neral, his conduct in combining the duties of a civilian with those of a military commander was deserving of the highest approbation; and it was incontestable that in both capacities he had displayed the most zealous devotion to the interests of this country. Sir Henry'Hardinge, no doubt., occupied a position which at a future time might engage the attention of Government when taking into consideration Eastern arrangements; but no one seeing the position in which that distinguished military officer was placed, could fail to perceive that he had only done his duty in laying aside his civil character and drawing his sword,—furnishing, at the same time, what was still more valuable, his example in exciting our soldiers to deeds of valour, and leading them forward to that success which such valour merited.

The Duke of WELLINGTON gave his unqualified approbation to the con- duct of the troops and of the officers, particularly of his gallant friend the Governor-General— Sir Henry Hardinge, after discharging every duty appertaining to his office of Governor-General, collecting all his troops, and adopting precautions for the se- curity of the country, volunteered his services,-and tendered his assistance to the officer commanding the Army in chief, in order that he might be the better en- abled to carry into effect the operations necessary to secure the public interest and the possession of the country. " My right honourable and gallant friend has given an example which I hope will be followed. When he found that his ser- vices would be useful, he resigned for the time his situation and his power as Governor-General: for it must not be forgotten that he carried with 11i1/1 into the field all thepower over the military operations of the Army with which he was invested before he left England; her Majesty in Council and the East India Company having given the Governor-General the supreme command of the Army after the death or coming away of the present Commander-in-Chief." As to the military achievements, the Duke remarked—" It is not generally known, my Lords, but I know it, that the fortified position which has been re- ferred to was closed in by intrenehments; and that it ought to be called a fortress instead of a fortified position. Notwithstanding, also, the advantage which troops in India generally possess, of having water carried for every company, these troops laboured under the singular disadvantage of being deprived of water for nearly twenty-four hours, in consequence of the persons who were employed to get water not being able to procure it; and the troops, consequently, had not even that re- freshment. Under these circumstances it was that the troops carried this po- sition; not, certainly, without great loss, but a loss which I hope has not left them in a state otherwise than efficient if their services should be required on a differ- ent occasion. I really must say, that I have not for a length of time heard of an action which has given me such unqualified satisfaction, except in one particular; for I have read with pain of one regiment to which the word' panic' was attached. I have thought it my duty to inquire into the circumstances attending that regi- ment; and I find that it lost five-twelfths of its numbers in the engagement, and an immense number of officers and non-commissioned officers. I have seen an account which states that in the first quarter of an hour from the moment when the regiment was first engaged one-third of its officers fell. I cannot question the accuracy of the report of the operations made by a general officer; but I wish that this officer, [Sir John Littler,] when he sat down to prepare an elaborate re- port of the conduct of the troop. under his command, had referred to the number of killed and wounded, and had inquired what losses this regiment had sustained. If he had inquired, I believe he would have found that when this regiment was compelled to pause the men were actually mowed down by the severity of the fire under which they had advanced."

Further inquiries had shown that the regiment had spent sixteen years in the East Indies; serving during that period in every part of the country, and having its ranks recruited twice over. It had also been found, that of the men actually engaged in the recent battles, three-fourths of them had not been seven years in the service. The Dike of Wellington stated in conclusion, that he had seen a report by Sir John Littler expressing unqualified approbation of the regiment when he inspected it at Christmas last.

The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH remarked that the statement made by the Duke of Wellington relative to the Sixty-second Regiment would afford much satisfaction—

He knew the deep feeling of poignant regret with which the despatch that had been referred to, would be read in every regiment in India; and he knew that the Governor-General would have gone to the regiment in question, and told the men composing it that nothing had passed to diminish his confidence in them; and he trusted that he would add—what like a true soldier he knew would strike on their hearts and feelings—that as a proof of his confidence, he reserved for them the honour of taking the breach at Lahore. Lord Ellenborough knew how that announcement would be received.

Eulogiums were passed by the Marquis of LONDONDERRY, the Duke of Rio:mown, and the Earl of Accirwro. The resolutions were then passed.

[The Peace agitation contrived to find its way to the table of the House of Commons the moment Sir Robert Peel was called upon to move his resolutions.

Mr. BRIGHT was the instrument: he started forward and presented a petition from five hundred and sixty of the inhabitants of Reading, expressing great regret that war had broken out in India; and remonstrating against the award of thanks to the Army engaged in what they believed a very impolitic and unchristian war. Sir ROBERT PEEL commenced his exordium as though nothing unusual had oc- curred; and, having told what he intended to move, added—" And until I was interrupted by the honourable gentleman the Member for the city of Durham, I was not prepared to believe that it could be possible that any body of Englishmen could be found, who, seeing what were the circumstances of unprovoked aggres- sion which called forth the exertions of these men and what in a just cause was their devotion to the interests of their country—I say, I could hardly have be- lieved it possible that, in this country, any body of men could be found to sign a petition grudging such an ack-nowledgmcnt of courage and devotion as that which I propose to offer." (Cheers.)

Towards the close of the discussion, Dr. Bowaneci revived the matter; Sir Robert Peel, he thought, having spoken severely of a party in this country, in whose opinions he might not share, but who were entitled to deference and re- spect. He granted that this was not a case of aggression or invasion; but the party alluded to looked with great alarm and distress at war in any shape or form: they thought that these great sacrifices could be avoided; and he was grieved to hear the right honourable Baronet give any opinion against them. Sir ROBERT PEEL assured Dr. Bowring, that it was not his wish to speak with harshness either of the pacific principle or of those who advocated it. It was a principle to which he was himself much attached; but ho had never heard it contended that it should be carried to the extent of not permitting self-defence. Were they to stand with folded arms and have their throats cut? "1 THE COnw-Law.

The House of Commons, on Monday, went into Committee on the Cus- toms and Corn-importation Acts. On the first resolution, introducing an alteration of the Corn-laws, Mr. Viia,rens moved as an amendment "that all duties on imported corn do now cease and determine"—

He explained, that this amendment did not arise from any desire to impede the Ministerial measure, but from a conscientious belief that the full advantage of the measure might be extended at once without danger or inconvenience. The ()On- ions of leading agriculturists, farmers as well as landlord; show that they had no apprehension of injury from immediate abolition, but that on the contrary OWilliam ferred it. Protectionist Members in the House—Lord Worsley, Mr. Miles, and others,—had asserted that immediate abolition would be better that a postponement for three years. Lord John Russell was of the same opinion. Mr. Villiers thought that Sir Robert Peel himself must prefer immediate abolition, as be had proposed what was tantamount to it, the opening of the ports in November. He also claimed the support of the Duke of Richmond, on the ground of his ex- pressed preference. The probability of a deficient harvest next year was urged. Lord WOBSLEY explained, that if the House had to decide simply be- tween the Ministerial propositions and the amendment, he should support the latter; but as various other amendments were to be proposed on the Protection side of the House, he must withhold his vote in the mean time, lest he should preclude himself from voting for better terms.

Mr. Brcirweat Escort' would vote for the amendment if he could be as- sured that its success would not endanger the original measure.

Mr. BRIGHT quoted from a speech delivered by Lord Worsley three years ago, to show that he did not think, even then, that agitation could be put down by any measure short of abolition. Mr. Bright proceeded to argue in favour of the amendment; warning the House that the League would continue its agitation till the entire removal of the tax.

Sir ROBERT PEEL said, he would address himself strictly to the amend- ment, reserving such general observations as he was anxious to make till the second reading of the bill— If the case of Ireland were the sole question to be considered, he thought the immediate suspension of all duties would be the preferable course. But there were other considerations; and the Government had considered that the whole question could be better dealt with in the way they had proposed than by the course prescribed by the amendment. Sir Robert proceeded to show, that by the adoption of his measure certain descriptions of corn and other food would be ad- mitted duty-free, and all other kinds at a greatly reduced rate. "Still, if the measure be carried—that is, immediate instead of deferred repeal—I shall accept the amendment, (though my conviction of the.policy of my measure remains un- changed,) and yield to the opinion of the majority. of this House: but it is totally impossible I can answer for the effect of such a change in the passing of the mea- sure. I prefer the deferred to immediate repeal, on this among other grounds, that the Government intend to accompany it by other measures. I cannot help

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thinking, if we came forward in the first instance with a proposal for the total repeal, the measure would have encountered such a degree of opposition that we must have abandoned all hope of success." Sir Robert was of opinion, that if the question were settled, wheat in the home market would instantly rise in price; and he did not think that the slightest apprehension need exist of this country being inundated, under any circumstances, with foreign corn.

Mr. Bright had threatened the House with continued agitation if the repeal were not immeoliate: Sir Robert was sorry to hear it. He thought, however, that such siin agitation was unreasonable; he did not think the Agricultural party would 'ake an attempt to disturb a settlement when once made. [The Protectionists were silent; neither assenting to this opinion nor dissenting- from it.] Butiset only did he think the threatened agitation unreasonable, he thought also it wing not be successful. " I think a great number of persons would withdrawfrom.the ranks of the Anti-Corn-law League; that a great number of men woulriay that our proposal was not an unfair one, considering the differences of opinion which exist, considering the prospect there is of the duty expiring in thisTe years, and that every day we are advancing towards a total repeal of the duty, after the proposed reduction, would be much lower than at present."

Lord JOHN RUSSELL would have voted for the amendment were he not apprehensive that the measure might be endangered should the amendment be carried— Sir Robert Peel had made a most important statement, to the effect that, in his opinion if he had brought forward a project of immediate repeal he would have failed in his endeavour to settle the question. "Looking," continued Lord John, " at the comparative advantages of the two courses, I for my own part say, that I will not incur the responsibility. of assenting to the motion of the honourable Member for Wolverhampton. It is far better, in my opinion' to promote the measure of the First Minister of the Crown; and I believe if the House carry it by as great a majority as voted for the Committee, that the Upper House will accept it more readily as a measure of that Minister."

Sir Robert Peel had expressed his regret, the other night, that Lord John had not undertaken a Ministry founded on the immediate abolition of the Corn-laws. " I was surprised to hear that statement," said Lord John; " for though I be- lieve the right honourable gentleman would have given me every support to any measure I brought forward, which he conceived to be for the public good, yet I

think he and have heard, since that time, objections and statements strong enough and numerous enough to have convinced him that those who would have followed him and supported me in office on such a proposition, would have been a very small number indeed as compared with the hundred and twelve Mem- bers who have now voted with the right honourable gentleman. I must fairly say that I do not believe there would have been more than forty or perhaps fifty Members to have voted with me." (Loud cries of "No, no! not so many.") After a good deal of speaking on both sides of the House, but of minor interest, the debate was adjourned.

Tuesday's discussion was led off by Mr. GEORGE BANKES ; whose speech, like those of several others on the Protectionist side, was taken up with the ordinary Corn-law arguments, and allusions to what occurred during the twelve days' debate. Others addressed themselves to fresher points. Lord GEORGE BEN'TINCK begged to corroborate Lord John Russell's statement that had he been in office and proposed the present measure, he would have been in a minority of forty. Many of the gentlemen who abandoned their colours now would not have done so had Lord John Russell been in office. The Protectionist; however, would fight the battle to the last—from post to pillar; and if defeated in the House, they would carry the question to the country. Mr. LIDDELL approved of the delay of two or three years before protection should be entirely abolished. This would give some experience of the character of the foreign corn-trade, and enable landlords and tenants to make new arrange- ments.

On the Free-trade side, opinion was pretty equally divided as to the propriety of supporting the amendment; allegiance to the rallying- principles of the League on the one hand, and a desire to withhold the slightest appearance of dissatisfaction with the Ministerial scheme on the other, constituting the motives. Mr. WARD confessed that he never gave a vote on any subject with more diffi - culty and doubt than on the present occasion. He entirely concurred in the view taken by Lord John Russell; but when he looked at the conduct of the Protec- tionists, and saw them setting at nought the decision of the House and calling for a fresh appeal to the constituencies he found a justification for voting for the amendment; and he should accordingly do so. Mr. Ward cited opinions which he had heard expressed by farmers in favour of immediate repeal; and assured the landlord; that the worst policy they could adopt for themselves would be to keep the question open. Mr. HUME would not endanger the Ministerial measure by voting for the amendment. It was a greater, more extensive, and more useful scheme than he had anticipated; and he was not willing to risk, iu any way, its failure. He had therefore determined to vote with Sir Robert Peel; whose measure he would take now, and see how much more he could get afterwards. (Derisive cheers from the Protectionists.) Mr. COBDEN supported the amendment, on the ground that immediate aboli- tion was the League s bond of union, and also that to waive it did not insure the passing of the Ministerial measure; Sir Robert Peel being unable to give a guarantee to that effect. If any thing more than another could justify the amend- ment, it was the fact that the Protectionists had declared that the battle was not yet decided—that they would keep up the fight from post to pillar and from pillar to post. Mr. Hume had reflected on the supporters of the amendment for introducing disunion; but the amendment was founded on the principle which held the League together, and from which it could not depart without shaking the confidence of the people in its trustworthiness. It was also obvious that the Protectionists were calculating on the defeat of the measure in the House of Lords. "Now, seeing the right honourable gentleman does not and cannot give us any guarantee that the measure will pass into a law, we are not in a position to entertain the question of surrendering the principle which has united us out of doors and enabled us to occupy the position in which we now stand. I admit the measure of Government to be very little inferior in principle to that which we advocate. I will not for one moment attempt to undervalue its importance. I will say this as to out-doors agitation, that if the measure were passed and acquiesced in, it would be impos- sible to maintain or excite any intense agitation against the law." The Pro- tectionists, however, were not only bent on adopting every possible stratagem to defeat the measure in the House, but they were also waiting for a convenient opportunity to place the Government in a minority. At the present moment there were motions on the paper which if brought on during the progress of the measure would place the Government in a minority. "It is because I see in all these insidious amendments, and in the amendments spoken of in another place, only so many dangers, traps, and pitfalls, laid for this measure—it is therefore, I say, that I am anxious we should preserve ourselves intact with the country; and if you [addressing the Protectionists]—if you do defeat this measure, nay, nay, alter or even tamper with it, then will we fall back upon the country ten lames stronger than before."

Mr. THOMAS Derxeozree would oppose the amendment; feeling that were he to desert the Government, Sir Robert Peel would have a right to say to him- " Yon left me on the question of the repeal of the Corn-laws, when you knew that our proposition amounted to deferred repeal: you have no right to require us to stand by another part of the plan, the retrospective alterations in the law of settlement." Looking at the matter in a practical point of view, he felt that, however unpopular the League might make his vote, still it was his duty to go out with the Minister.. (Cheers.). Mr. WAKI.EY regretted the bringing forward of the amendment. It might 4004,the country to suppose that division existed among the Free-traders: but Atturapph inference was fallacious. Free'. his intercourse with the middle and Meorlung classes he knew that the impression was .all but universal that Sir Ro- bert-Peel had dohe all he could in introducing his measure in its present shape. After other speeches, Mr. V11.1.1E118 replied; and the House 'divided— For Mr. Villiers's amendment, 78; against it, 265;. majority, 187. The Committee shortly afterwards adjourned till Thursday.

THE PETITION TRADE.

A Free-trade petition, forwarded to Mr. CRAVEN BERKELEY, the Mem- ber hr. Cheltenham, for presentation, is to form the subject of inquiry by a Select Comitfittee. The allegation is, that the petition, although purport- ing to come from Cheltenham, was manufactured at the League Office at Manchester. Mr. BRIGHT has offered an explanation. The sheets of names were forwarded from Cheltenham to Manchester as a matter of con- venience; and one of the League clerks, whose business it was to paste them, finding that the sheet which contained the petition had no names, and Lowing that it could not be presented to the House in that state, took five names froin some of the other sheets and transferred them to the first one. It was, no doubt, irregular to do so.

THE ANTI-CORN-LAW LEAGUE AND THE REGISTRATION.

In the House of Commons, on Tuesday, Mr. NEWDEGATE moved that it be an instruction to the Select Committee appointed to inquire into the Cheltenham petition, to investigate also the alleged organized and extensive system of fraudulent and vexatious objections by which the votes of duly qualified electors for Warwickshire and other counties have been challenged. Mr. Newdegate enumerated the thousands of objections which had been sent through the Post-office, and freely imputed the blame to the Anti- Corn-law League. Much recrimination followed; the to quoque argument doing full duty on the side of the Leaguers. The prevailing opinion was that the practice was a bad one, and ought to be put an end to; but it was also admitted, that although the League had sinned the most, it was not the first to begin. Lord JOHN MANNERS made the House laugh with a story. He was walking down Grosvenor Place the other day, when he heard a comfortable-looking baker's boy say to one of his companions " I say, old fellow, have you signed the Anti- Corn-law petition? I signed it 'three times." Colonel SIBTHORP was facetious to; with allusions not very well suited to polite society. Sir ROBERT PEEL objected to imposing upon the Committee any other duty than that for which it was specially appointed. He took occasion also to contra- dict an assertion which had been made, that he was in collusion with the League. Neither on the subject of the Corn-laws nor anything else had he ever had any communication, direct or indirect, with the League, or any of its members. Lord JOHN RUSSELL thought that a wholesale system of objection to voters was a very great abuse, and ought to be rectified. As to the purchase of free- holds, he thought that if a man gained 501. or6OL by his own industry, and chose, at the instigation of the Anti-Corn-law League, or of any other body of men, to purchase land, and established his right to a vote, such a vote was as good as any other.

The motion was withdrawn.

The proceedings of the League and some other Free-trade matters were incidentally alluded to in the House of Lords on the same day.

Lord KINNAIRD guessed that the Dake of Richmond felt some surprise at the extent of the majority in the Commons in favour of the Government measure. The Duke of RICHMOND was not in the least surprised. " Why, it is only ninety-seven, including all the placemen. There are a great many vacant offices, and a great many looking for office—(A laugh)—and I really wonder the ma jerky is so small, when we take these things into consideration.'

The Marquis of Seuannair described the League as an unconstitutional body.

The Earl of WICKLOW said it was not: it was legal and constitutional. Lord BROUGHAM wished it to be understood that he ha never called the League un- constitutional: it was both legal and constitutional, and established for rierfectly constitutional purposes. What he stated was, that it was unconstitutional, though it might be legal, for any body—he did not say the League—but for any body to collect a fund for the purpose of obtaining votes in Parliament by means of the purchase of freeholds. It was now said that the League did not act in that man- ner—they merely advised people to become purchasers: if so, there was an end to the question. But, looking at the large sums collected, he could not help suspect- ing that the species of encouragement given to people to buy freeholds was the somewhat tempting one of paying a portion of the price.

POOR-LAW ADMINISTRATION: THE ANDOVER UNION.

In the House of Common; on Thursday, Mr. ETWALL moved for a Select Committee "to inquire into the administration of the Poor-laws in the Andover Union, and into the management of the Union Workhouse"—

He enumerated a number of particulars connected with the inquiry instituted by the Poor-law Commissioners, in August 1845, into the management of the An- dover Union. He accused the Commissioners of discouraging the inquiry, and of bringing it to a close are the investigation was complete. Concealment of im- portant facts was also imputed; and he referred to the sanctioning of the appoint- ment of Price, a discarded master of a workhouse, to succeed M'Dougal, who had been dismissed from the Mastership of the Andover Union, as an act which ex- hibited culpable ignorance of their duty. An account was then given of the disclosures which came out daring the offi- cial investigations,—such as the employment of the paupers to crush bones; their sucking the marrow and eating the gristle of old bones from hunger; the stinting of the dietary; neglect of the sick; the drunkenness and unfair dealing of M'Dougal the Master • and so forth. The atrocities had been stopped; but why had they ever been permitted? If some amendment did not take place, the Poor-law, instead of elevating the moral condition of the people, as it was said it would do, would produce an exactly op- posite effect.

Sir Jamas GRAHAM thought it was a melancholy thing that, in so im- portant a juncture as the present, so much of the precious time of the House should have been consumed in a matter which, after all, was but a workhouse squabble— Sir James was not there to defend the conduct of the Andover Board of Guar- dians, or to vindicate their proceedings: but it was necessary to keep the facts in view. In consequence of the representation made by Mr. Wakley as to the treatment of the paupers, Sir James suggested to the Commissioners the propriety of instituting inquiry; and it was gone into accordingly. In consequence of that investigation, certain alterations had been made; in fact, all the chief grounds of complaint had been removed. The diet had been increased, bone-crashing abol- ished, and a proper Master appointed. Care had also been taken to protect the medical officer against the attempt of the Guardians to displace him in coesequence of the information he had given. Sir James did not think that Mr. Parker, the Assistant Poor-law Commis- sioner, had conducted the inquiry with judgment; but he did not think that his removal from office had arisen from that cane alone. He had not the slightest desire to keep back the evidence connected with the case; but he thought it de- sirable, before the House proceeded to grant a Committee of inquiry, that all the papers connected with the case, and the transactions which had arisen out of it, should be in the bands of the Members; and he would therefore move, as an amendthent to the motion before the Hole*, for-copies of Mr. Parker's report and evidence, as well as of all evidence taken before the Commissioners, and of all correspondence between the Poor-law Commissioners and the Board of Guardians from the 1st September 1845 to 1st March 1846. The necessity for inquiry was strenuously urged by Mr. WAKLEY, Mr. CHRISTIE, Mr. FERRAND Captain PECHELL, Sir ROBERT INGLIS, Mr. THOMAS DUNCOMBE, Mr. PETER. BOBTHWICK, Viscount POLLINGTON, Mr. JERVIS, General Joassoiv, Mr. AGLIONBY, Mr. -SHARMAN CRAWFORD, Mr. FIELDEN, Colonel SIBTHORP, Mr. LAW' Mr. MILE; and Dr. Bow- RING; in feat, by all the speakers who took part in the discussion. Sir JAMES GRAHAM stood by himself.

The question, however, was not limited to the Andover Union, but branched out into the propriety of including the case of Mr. Parker, who had resigned his office of Assistant Poor-law Commissioner, on the sugges- tion of the Commissioners; also the affairs of the Keighley Union. The latter subject was not pressed; and the speaking was confined to the An- dover Union and Mr. Parker.

Mr. Canurrta stated the case of Mr. Parker; arriving at the conclusion that he bad been harshly and unjustly treated by the Poor-law Commissioners. Sir JAMES GRAHAM observed that Mr. Parker had improperly introduced into his pamphlet a statement purporting to be a minute of an official conversation which had occurred with himself; and he would leave the House to divide whe- ther or not Mr. Parker had been guilty of a breach of propriety in such a pro- ceeding. Mr. Parker's resignation did not arise from the Andover Union in- quiry. The fact of the matter was simply this: Mr. Parker was a subordinate officer; but he forgot his position, and manifested a spirit of insubordination to his employers, which fully justified the course taken by the Poor-law Com- missioners. The Commissioners were responsible for the selection of Mr. Parker: they became dissatisfied with his conduct generally, and dismissed him. The word " insubordination" seemed of suspicious import to most of the speakers, and gave an impetus to the call for inquiry. Sir JAMES GRAHAM said that, in deference to the feeling of the House, he should withdraw his amendment on the subject of the Andover Union, and acquiesce in the mo- tion for inquiry; bat he should offer a decided opposition to the proposal to include an inquiry into the case of Mr. Parker, deeming such inquiry an unfair interference with the proceedings of the Poor-law Commissioners. Eventually, however, Mr. Christie's amendment, to include in the inquiry "all the circumstances under which the Poor-law Commissioners called upon Mr. Parker to resign his Assistant-Commisionerahip," was carried by a majority of 23; 92 voting in its favour, and 69 against it.

CHARITABLE BEQUESTS.

In the House of Commons, on Wednesday, Lord Joule MANNERS moved the second reading of the Bequests for Pious and Charitable Purposes Bill; and gave this account of it. The report of the Select Committee appointed two years ago to inquire into the state of the law on this subject had shown the necessity for an alteration. As matters are at present, the State refuses to provide for the moral and religious education of the people; yet every possible impediment is allowed to stand in the way of attaining these objects by private charity. For instance—the Dean of Westminster had bequeathed bona file personal property to the amount of 5,0001. for the purpose of erecting a church in a district of London which had been very much neglected, and where the deficiency of spiritual accommodation had been sensibly experienced; but the entire of this bequest, with the exception of the small sum of 5001., had been held to be null and void, under the operation of the statute which it was now sought to repeal. Mr. Grove, addressing the Manchester Law Association, in 1845, remarked—" The largest charitable bequests I have ever known entirely failed, owing to the solicitor who made the will neglect- ing to inform the testator that they could not-be satisfied ont of monies on more gage of which his personal property wholly consisted." Lord John proceeded to detail the provisions of his bilL The first clause re- pealed the statute 9th George IL cap. 96; and the second enabled all British sub- jects, legally. entitled, to demise their property, real or personal, to any public purpose not in opposition to the policy of the country or condemned by its laws. Precautions were adopted to guard the heir from undue influence quoad the dis- position of his real property, and yet more quoad his personal property. The bill was also protective of the rights of creditors; and power was given to the Lord Chancellor, in accordance with an old and well-known canon law, to order reason- able allowances to certain relations of the donor, parent, wife, child, or grandchild, left unprovided for. But the main safeguard was contained in the clause which enacted, that when more than half the donor's property, whether personal or real, was bequeathed for charitable purposes, certain formalities of a very stringent character should be indispensably required. Thus, it was required that the will deed, or other instrument of conveyance, should, for the purpose of being effectual, be executed in the presence of three credible witnesses, one of them being the medical attendant; who should certify, on the back of the deed,. that the testator was to the best of their opinion of a sound disposing mind—in the enjoyment of mew sane in corpore rano. Two of the current objections to such a measure—that it diverted land from the beneficial operation of commercial competition, and sanctioned undue interfer- ence with testators in a languishing or dying state—were noticed. As to the first objection, Lord John held that the advantages likely to result to the commu- nity from the establishment of churches, hospitals, cathedrals, and almshouses, and their due maintenance and ability to meet the growing wants of successive ages, were such as completely to overbalance any evil of that trivial description; and as to the second objection, if it was valid with respect to real property, it must be equally so with regard to personal; and he never yet heard any one assert, inside or outside of that House, that a case had been established against the clergymen of any church, whether Protestant, Roman Catholic, or Dissenting, showing that they had surreptitiously and in an unwarrantable manner procured bequests of personal property from languishing or dying persons.

He entreated the House to enact a law of the description he now proposed; a law sanctioned by the authority of great modern lawyers, and calculated to diffuse throughout the land those great and manifold blessings of which Faith was the mother, Religion the handmaid, and Charity the fulfilment.

Sir JAMES GRAHAM said, he had considered the measure, and his con- viction was that Government ought not to support it— He thought it quite sufficient to take his stand on the existing law; which did not interfere in any degree with the alienation of personal property to pious and charitable purposes; the restrictions applied only to real property. With the view of showing the immense amount of personal property which could be applied to the purposes in question if testators were willing, Sir James mentioned that the amount upon which legacy-duty was paid during the year 1845 was not less than 45,599,7141. As to real property, he did not think that the obstructions were unreasonable. " By the act of George the Second, if a person desires to devote his property to such purposes, it shall be by a sacrifice of a personal nature made during his life. The best test of his sincerity is that he shall give up his property while he lives; that he shall not be enabled to make that charitable disposition at the close of his life, perhaps on the suggestion of an understanding clouded by disease or otherwise, that a misspent life may be atoned for at the expense of his heirs. Such a proceeding is no proof whatever of a repenting heart or an im- proved conscience. But, on the other hand, if a man will perform the charitable office at the expense of a personal sacrifice while living, that is a splendid act to which no law oughtto be a barrier. Does the act of George the Second offer any such obstruction?" Sir James reviewed the provisions of the proposed bill, to show that Lord John Manners was fully aware of the existence of those dangers which the existing act meant to avoid; and foretold, that were it to pass, a larger num- ber ofsaits wouldarise out of it in ten years than had grown out of the legislation of the last half-century. Sir Romer- Imams objected strongly to the measure: it was of too sweeping a character—

It was also imperfect. No protection against clerical solicitation was given to a testatrix, though women required it the most. This he illustrated by a case which occurred in Ireland where the statute of George the Second did not apply. Anne Caldbeck lived for thirty years in the house of her brother on the most affectionate terms, and gave him every reason to believe that he would inherit all her property. She was induced, however, by her spiritual director, to draw up a will in favour of the religious community among which she had worshiped, and which eventually inherited her property. The will was not drawn up on the written directions of this lady, but on the verbal dictation of a Roman Catholic Dean, Dr. Meyler. He was quoting from a report of the proceedings, which had not been contradicted.

Mr. O'CONNELL--" It was contradicted by Dr. Meyler." Sir ROBERT beams would restate what he understood to be the facts of the case. The will was executed in the house or rather in the chapel ,of Dr. Meyler; and, instead of being afterwards left hi the possession of the testatrix, was left in his hands: the will was admitted to proof; the father endeavoured to set it aside, but was defeated: to these facts he believed no contradiction had been offered.

Mr. O'Coineera contradicted this story; remarking that Sir Robert Inglis had no better authority for his statement than newspaper reports.

Sir ROBERT INGLIB—" It was a report of the trial."

Mr. O'Ccarezer, undertook to state the facts. From an early period of her life the lady declared her intention to bequeath her property to charity. Her brother knew this fact, and he had the fullest opportunity of endeavouring to change her intention; but she adhered to her intention. The will was deliberately made and proved: the cause was debated on both sides; and was heard before an extremely able Judge, Dr. Keating; who pronounced in favour of the will, which was ad- mitted to probate. The Very Reverend Dr. Meyler had no pecuniary interest whatever in the will; not one penny of the money was left to him—it was all be- queathed to charitable purposes. No community had a more respectable person than the Dean of the Archdeaconry of Dublin. Such were the facts of the case. Mr. O'Connell did not pledge himself to minute accuracy on trivial matters.

The ATTORNEY-GENERAL corrected a mistake into which the Commit- tee, upon whose report the bill was founded, had fallen at the very thresh- old of the subject—.

The report stated that the 9th George IL c. 36 was treated and acknowledged as the existing law on the subject of mortmain; but the truth was, that thi&law was not at all applicable to mortmain. The first mortmain act was Magna Charts; and other acts were passed in the times of Edward the First, Richard the Second, Henry the Eighth, and William the Third; and the object of the 9th George IL was to prevent devises of land generally, and gifts for charitable pur- pose* unless certain conditions were complied with. He asked the House if there bad been any mischief resulting from the provisions of the 9th George II., of such a nature as to call for the interference contemplated? He had turned to the report of the Committee and the evidence on that subject; and, having read it as carefully as his other engagements would permit, he had risen from the perusal with the impression that there had been no case made out of any particular grievance calling for remedy. When he read the evidence of the witness, he had seen that which he had expected to see, a proof how dangerous it was to inter- fere or meddle with the law, and how careful persons ought to be of the cense- qtteuces of such an interference.

Mr. CHARLES Btri.tata gave the bill his most cordial adhesion: his name appeared' on the back of and from the first he had encouraged Lore John Manners in his efforts to bring the subject before the House— The primary object was to make the law uniform with respect both to real and to personal property, in order that the holders of different kinds of property might not be perplexed and confused by the action of different and com.phcated statutes. Not even lawyers themselves thoroughly understood the distinctions at present in force; and surely it would not be deemed unreasonable that the people of England should be clear as to what property they could give by wills, and what _property they could not. The inconsistency of withholding the same protection from the owners of personal property as was extended to the owners of large estates was palpable. With regard to the 45,000,0001. a year of personal property disposed of, there was no complaint, and no safeguard had been found necessary. But on this ground alone he did not rest for an alteration of the law of mortmain. He did not see any instances of mischief in any country arising from parties on their deathbed appropriating a portion of their property to public purposes. In this country there was a general feeling in favour of taking care of a man's own family,. and there was a love of pnmogenitare, which would prevent persons from being inclined to give too much of their property to public purposes; and lee thought that in the present age, instead of protecting men against such dispositions they should give them every possible encouragement. The experience since the 9th George IL was that there was no apprehension of danger; and they ought to produce uniformity in the law by taking away those restrictions on the disposal of real property, which had been found not to be necessary with respect to personal.

As to the Established Church, nothing could be more beneficial to its interests than that parties should be encouraged to give property to its use; for every contribution of property strengthened that Church. His opinion was that the Church ought never to have had to depend upon compulsory payments; and he looked upon it as a wise policy of our ancestors to make the clergy independent of individuals during their lives, by making provision for them by way of perma- nent property, which they could enjoy for public purposes. He entertained the same view as regarded Dissenters; and thought it would be far better to do away with the cumbrous machinery, and say at once that they should hold the same property without coming under the operation of this restrictive law. Nothing i had occurred to beget distrust in the management of charitable bequests by cor- porations. It had been stated during the debate that the principle of the 9th George IL had been extended to Ireland; and for his own part, he would be per- fectly content if the House were prepared to extend to England the principle of the Irish Charitable Bequests Act, with all its restrictions. By that act, be- quests could be made within three months of the death of the testator, and it was not necessary that the bequest should take place immediately. In this way the testator was not deprived of a single comfort during his lifetime. Mr. Buller trusted the House would not now go back on the feelings exhibited by honourable Members on both sides of it when this subject had been brought forward on former years; and he would call upon his noble friend, if he were even now defeated in his object, not to relax his efforts or to abandon the prin-. ciple on which he relied, and which lie was convinced would ultimately triumph.,.

The SOLICITOR-GENERAL opposed the bill; asserting that it not only was in discord with the invariable policy and practice of the law of Eng- . land as regarded the distinction between real and personal property, but it. also interfered with the prerogative of the Crown, by doing away with the rule that no corporation could use or dispose of property without a direct, licence from the Crown: After a prolonged discussion, Lord JOHN MANNERS replied; adducing more instances to show a necessity for arnendment of the existing law. +1.= The House divided—For the second reading, 24; against it, 60; major-1 ity, 36. Thus the bill was lost.

THE CONVICT SYSTEM - - In the Holum of Lords, on Tuesday, the Marquis of LANSDOliNE pro, sented a petition from Van.Diemen's Land, praying for a redress of gray- antes: it was signed by 1,788 persons, representing every class and inte- rest, and included the names of the Bishop and six Members of Council, thirty-nine Justices of the Peace, and a large number of landed pro- prietors— The petitioners stated, that having been induced to emigrate thither in the hope and expectation that no greater number of convicts would be sent to that part of her Majesty's dominions than might be expected to be useful in the colony, and to be absorbed in the virtuous and free population, that country had recently been subjected to such an annually-increasing importation of convicts as to change the whole face of society in the colony. From 1824 to 1840, the popu- lation increased from 12,000 to upwards of 40,000; the number of acres of land under cultivation increased from 25,000 to 124,000; the imports carried in Eng lish ships 62,0001. to 988,0001.; and the exports from 15,0001. to 867,0001. These facts indicated that during that period the colony was rapidly advancing in pros- perity. The number of convicts sent over since 1840 was so disproportioned to the number of free settlers, that the increase of crime was more than proportioned to the increase of the population. During the last four years, no fewer than 16,000 convicts, 3,000 of whom were females, were sent to that colony. The number of free settlers was constantly diminishing: inahe course of the last seven or eight months, only 700 free settlers entered the colony, while upwards of 2,000 left it. In supporting the petition, Lord Lansdowne said, he was not one of those who thought that transportation as a punishment ought to be abandoned. He had in- dulged the hope, in common with many benevolent persons, that transportation might be so conducted as to be beneficial to the colony as well as to the convict. The whole success of such a scheme, however, depended on the number of con- victs not bearing too large a proportion of the amount of the population of the colony. He knew the difficulties which beset the question, and he knew also the anxiety which was felt by Lord Stanley to provide a remedy. On some points of

i policy the colonists differed in opinion; but in this they were all agreed, that the introduction of convicts at the present rate would entail ruin on the industrious settlers.

Lord STANLEY remarked, that the principle involved in the petition did not merely apply to the circumstances of a single colony, but embraced the whole system of punishments in this country— He admitted to a certain extent the existence of the grievance complained of; but the petitioners had overlooked one very important point, namely, that the holders of land in Van Diemen's Land were bound to maintain a certain number of convicts; a condition intended to operate as a boon, not as a burden, by supply- ing the settlers with convict labour. The existing system was open to great objections; but the responsibility did not attach to the present Government. In 1840, Lord John Russell, then Colo- nial Secretary, restricted the stream of transportation to Van Diemen's Land; abolishing the assignment system and introducing the gang system, while the House of-Commons came to a resolution in favour of increasing the number of convicts. He did not deny that the petitioners, in consequence of these changes, were entitled to seek relief from Government; and he had turned much of his attention to the subject when in office, with a view to remedy the inconveniences, which he must say he had foreseen from the first. In 1842, he had been instru- mental in introducing a number of beneficial regulations, assisted by Mr. Mon- tague, then Secretary of Van Diemen's Land, and the Attorney-General for New South Wales, who happened to be both in England at the same time. Under these rules, the convicts were to be sent first into the penal (or probation) gangs,

to be worked in unsettled parts of the colony; and thence at proper periods per witted to pass through various less severe stages, till they arrived at conditional or ultimately free pardon. The means of religions instruction were also provided; and if the scheme failed in anything, it had been in this, that from thelarge in- crease in transportation precisely at the period of the great financial embarrass- ments of New South Wales and Van Diemen's Land, there had been less demand than was anticipated for the labour of convicts when they came to the more ad- vanced stage. Lord Stanley enumerated certain measures passed fir the relief of the settlers. Government had taken upon themselves a much larger amount of the charge for ls and police expenditure, and had introduced a new land sales act, which Par-

ent passed last year. Before this act, though the gangs might be employed in clearing the unsettled parts of the country, the produce of the land-sales went to the colony, while the Home Government was paying a vary large sum for the maintenance of the convicts. The Government then resumed the control of the land-fund, devoting the produce of improvements by convict labour to the payment for the maintenance of convicts, and providing land for the better-conducted as they became free. Now, let it be remembered that Van Diemen's Land, which had been called by the petitioners "this small colony" and "insignificant island,' was nearly equal m extent to Ireland, and was occupied by apopulation of 40,000 free settlers, and no more: to talk of its being swamped by 4,000 convicts intro- duced in a year, with proper discipline and means of providing for themselves when free, looked rather like creating unnecessary difficulty. If they were not to be sent there, what were we to do with the sweep in of our gaols?

It was else worthy of consideration, how far the presence of a convict papule- lion was not to the free an incentive to moral superiority: at all events, must not the _presence of that free and honest population improve the character of the con- victs labouring among them, in a country where there were ample means of ob- tainino, subsistence ?

He:referred to the general complaints made in France of the return of convicts to that country, to show the advantage which England possessed in having out- lets for the many convicts which underwent transportation. Practically, at pre- sent, as the convicts became free they were quietly absorbed into the neighbouring coutment of New South Wales, without exciting any invidious feeling, and with- out going there in the character of convicts; and Government had appointed an additional colony to the North of New South Wales, beyond the limits guaranteed to that colony, and not so Tropical as to be unhealthy: and there those might go who having passed through a certain portion of their sentence in Van Diemen's Land,might not be able to support themselves in that island; provisions would befurnished them for a limited period, and land assigned them, and as opportunity occurred they might enter the adjoining settlements and engage in the service of the population. These steps had been taken with a view of improving a moral system, the amendment of Which greatly depended on the admixture of the con- vict with the free population, and the proximity of some large and important country, to which the labour of the convict might be easily transferred. Lord Stanley entreated their Lordships to remedy such defects as might exist in the convict system, but not to abolish it before a better should be substituted.

Lord LwTTELTON would not adopt to its full extent the remark of Lord Stanley, that the rules referred to had been found to act beneficially— As to the complaints of the petitioners in respect to the great influx of convicts, Government were most anxious to consider the subject with the view of devising a remedy. One measure of relief much desired by the colonists, the free impo

tion of their produce into this country, was provided for in the measures sire y proposed by the Government. Lord Lytteltaa mentioned, that so great was the demand for labour at Port Phillip, that applications had actually been made for convicts with pass orders.

Earl GREY altogether objected to the system—

He complained that no satisfactory assurance had been given as to relief from the .r evil: it was clear from the statements made by Lord Stanley and Lord Lyt ,teIton that the present system of transportation was to be substan-

tiallreontinned. He entertained the opinion that that system ought to be done away with that penal labour ought to be carried on is this country, under the eye of the Government, and subject to the scrutiny of public opinion. The Bishop of OsPonn took the moral and religious view of the subject; and warned the House of the consequences which could not fail to arise from adherence to a system so prolific in demoralization— It might be that they were nursing up in that remote part of the world a nation of future pirates, who would cramp and destroy the energies of their commerce. It might be that drough India this country would be punished; but that punish- ment must come upon a nation that would seed the earth with iniquity, those who believed in the moral government of the world could not for an instant doubt. The Bishop thanked Lord Stanley for what he had accomplished in the way of promoting moral and religions instruction ; but he thought his assertion, that the prevalence of vice among the convicts in the penal colonies tended to raise the stan- dard of virtue among the free-population, the most monstrous paradox he ever heard.

He agreed with Earl Grey in thinking that our strictly penal discipline could be managed better more safely, more cheaply, more certainly, at home; that at home we could better provide for the separation of criminals whom it might be deemed advisable to keep apart; that we should there have them more constantly under our eye, and should consequently be better able to adopt an effizient system of moral restraint. After the period of punishment had been gone through, the penal colonies might become receptacles for such persons; thus giving them an opportunity of achieving new characters and becoming the pioneers of civilization. The petition was ordered to lie on the table.

Maraorourax IMPROVESIENTS. Sir Jams Gruareat introduced a bill, on Wednesday, to amend the act 7th and 8th Victoria, c. 84, for regulating the con- struction of buildings in the Metropolis and the vicinity, by authorizing the ap- pointment of a third official referee, to act as umpire between the other two in cases of dispute. Under the existing statute, two referees were appointed, at salaries of 1,0001. each; but as one of them had " thrown up " the office, the Government would be enabled to appoint two others with salaries of 5001. each ; so that no additional expense would be incurred. The working of the present act was loudly condemned by Mr. BENJAMIN HAWES, MR. HUME, Mr. Penns; Mr. TENNYSON D'Erwcomar, and others; chiefly on account of the expense and trouble to which persons are subjected who come within its operation. The objectors seemed to think that a totally new bill would be necessary.

PERSECUTION OF THE POLISH Nurs. The atrocities said to have been per- petrated upon the Basilian nuns of Minsk, in consequence of their refusal to con- form to the Rosso-Greek Church, formed the subject of a short discussion in the House of Commons on Thursday. Mr. COWPER moved for despatches on the sub- ject, received by the Foreign Secretary. Sir ROBERT PEEL stated that he was unable to communicate any despatches which could throw any light upon so pain- ful a subject. The only document received was a letter from the British Consul at Warsaw, stating that he had not been able to ascertain that any such occur- rence had &ken place in Poland; and he thought the reports were either without foundation or greatly exaggerated. Sir Robert was inclined to think that nothing of the kind had taken place with the knowledge of the Russian Government. The Emperor had disclaimed all knowledge of it, and had promised inquiry. He advi- sed every Member of the Haase to suspend his judgment, and as a branch of the Legislature he advised them not to interfere in such matters. He reminded them of the allegation about the bone-suck. nd eating. in the Andover Union; and asked the Hoase, if the French Chambers were to interfere with such a matter, would they not resent it?