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PRINCIPAL BUSINESS OF THE WEEK.

HOUSE Or Loans. Monday, March 2. Ionian Subjects Commissions bill read a second time.

Tuesday, March 3. Divorce and Matrimonial Causes ; the Lord Chancellor's Bill read a second time—Chief Constables ; Sir G. Grey's Bill committed—Ionian Subjects Commissions Bill committed.

Thursday, March 5. The House of Commons' Vote of Censure ; Earl Granville's Statement—Ionian Subjects Commissions Bill read a third time and passed. Friday, March 6. /No business of importance.

House OF COMmowS. Monday, March 2. The China Quarrel ; Adjourned Debate, further adjourned. Tuesday. March 3. The China Quarrel; Adjourned Debate concludid, Mr. Cobden's Resolution carried by 263 to 247. Wednesday, March 4. Industrial Schools ; Sir Stafford Northcote's.Bilkiend a second time—Court of Chancery, Ireland (Titles of Purchasers); Mr. Whiteside's Bill read a second time.

Thursday, March 5. The Vote of Censure ; Lord Palmerston's Statement—Judgments Execution, &e.; Mr. Craufurd's Bill withdrawn.

Friday, March 6. The Resolute ; Mr. Evelyn's Question—The Hongkong Ordinance; Sir lo. Kelly's Question—Ways and Means ; Tea and Sugar Duties ; Income-tax, Sir George Lewis's Bill read a first time.,

THE CHINA DEBATE.

The debate on Mr. Cobden's resolutions occupied two more nights this week—Monday and Tuesday. On Monday, it was resumed at an early hour, and was only adjourned at midnight ; many more Members desiring to speak than the time permitted to be heard. . ROBERT PHILLIMORE was the first speaker. He contended that the basis of the case of the Government was illegal ; that if it were legal, the wrong done would have been satisfied by reprisals, such as the capture of a junk, or any number of junks ; and that admitting an offence on the part of the Chinese, there was a vast disproportion between the offence and the chastisement. He reflected severely at the end of his speech on the conduct of the Bishops, who, in another place, had voted for "sentence of death upon many," forgetful of their mission to proclaim "peace on earth." Sir GEORGE GREY censured the taste of one who prides himself on the support he extends to the Established Church in thus appealing against a vote given by the Bishops in their legislative capacity. After criticizing the course of the Opposition speakers in assuming that the Arrow was undoubtedly a Chinese ship—a piratical ship—that the British authorities screen smugglers and pirates, he referred to Mr. Cobden's American correspondent Mr. Cook. That gentleman thought he had been misrepresented by suppression ; and Sir George Grey begged to read his full statement, in a letter published that morning in the Times. "As regards the present troubles, to prevent any misunderstanding of my views, I wish to express my opinion that the duty of the home Government to support the servants of the Crown engaged in China to the fullest extent should not be called in question for a moment, or until a satisfactory termination of the present difficulties at least ; for in case of a suspension of hostilities by the Government it would be an impossibility for Europeans to live in the vicinity of Canton, anti no amount of negotiations could alter it for the better. Anyone who has lived among the Chinese can testify to the continued insults and injuries heaped upon foreigners whenever an opportunity offers, and the studied contempt shown on all occasions, superinduced by feelings of superiority entertained by the Cantonese in contradistinction to all the other ports in China, all of which has been brought about by the previous settlement made with them, or, in other words, the want of an application of physical power to convince them of their position ; and, although we are pecuniary sufferers to a very great extent in consequence of these troubles, we should prefer to suffer still more than see any settlement which did not involve the necessity of the Chinese realizing their position, and a sufficient guarantee for the liberty and safety of foreign residents while among them. My particular reasons for these views have been acquired by a long and very Close intimacy with them, and, of course, cannot be condensed in a note of this kind."

After reading that, could Mr. Cobden say that he had done justice to Mr. Cook's views in simply saying that he was "as anti-Chinese as it was possible for him to be" ? Mr. Cobden had said that an attempt was made to mystify the "good honest country gentlemen" by producing a blue-book called "Correspondence respecting insults in China." The Government did produce, not to mystify Members, but because Lord Grey asked for them, reports of insults offered by British residents to Chinese at Canton, and by the Chinese to foreigners. So that if there had been any mystification, it was on the part of Mr. Cobden himself. Mr. Cobden had. sneered at Consul Parkes, as a clerk, deficient in experience and discretion : now Mr. Parkes had served under Sir Henry Pottanger, had acted as interpreter at Fow-chow-foo, at Shanghai, at Amoy, in Formosa, at Canton ; and had served as Consul at Amoy. Mr. Cobden should be the last to disparage any man who by talent and integrity has elevated himself to an honourable position in life, and to attempt to sneer him down by nailing him a clerk. Sir George defended Sir John Bowring from the storm of invective, sarcasm, obloquy, and reproach, that had beaten against him for nearly a week. He read a number of extracts from the despatches to show that Sir John Bowring was not alone responsible, and that the measures taken were the result of conferences between Sir John Bowring, Sir Michael Seymour, Commodore Pinot, and Mr. Parkes. It was with pain he heard Lord John Rumen allude to Sir John Bowring as a "troublesome, meddlesome official" • and Sir James Graham improved upon that, and said that Sir John is totally destitute of judgment. Sir Gitorge gave Lord John credit for honesty of purpose and depth of conviction.; he wished he could say as much for Sir James Graham. Sir John Bowrmg was appointed to the office he holds on the 24th December 1853, when Lord Aberdeen and Sir James Graham were in office. Sir James knew on whom the responsibility for the appointment rests ; but "this is not the first occasion in his public life on Which he has thought too late of the responsibility of acts committed." The House ought to hesitate before it passed a vote that would prejudice British interests throughout the world. "Before you conic to a vote confirming this resolution, I entreat you to think of the consequences which will ensue from its adoption. I don't now speak of the political consequences which may take place at home. ("Hear, hear !" and a laugh.) I don't allude to rumours which, on the authority of one of those organs supposed to represent the opinions of some right honourable gentlemen opposite, intimate to us that if the present Government is overthrown there must be a reconstruction of parties, and that a Ministry is to be formed out of elements not altosether confined to one side of the House. ("Hear, hear !" and laughter.) These are matters of minor importance. I do not stop to inquire into them. We are not concerned in them. We feel that we have done our duty as a Government in giving our support to officers placed under such difficult circumstances and having to perform such responsible duties." But if the resolution passed, every English resident will feel his life unsafe from day to day after the news arrives at Canton. Sir George called on the House to decide, not on technical and inefficient, but on broad and general considerations. Mr. Roonwrsoar' many years a resident in China, explained why he should seParate from the Conservative party and oppose the resolution. He made a statement to show that the Chinese had for years been actuated by a vindictive spirit; that they are arrogant and ferocious ; and that the Tartar Government stirs up the feeling of the people against foreigners by imputing to them, in annual edicts, the foulest crimes. Sir SORK PAHTNGTON took the side of his party in argument, but denied that he had been actuated by party motives in coming to the conclusion that the character of the country was compromised by the disastrous and disgraceful proceedings at Canton. Mr. Coaansa added his contribution to the legal view of the case in opposing the resolution. Sir FREDERICK TRESIGER spoke at great length on the Opposition aide; upholding Lord Lyndhurst against Sir Richard Bethell and the Lord-Advocate. He .. asd the House to approve the resolution and thereby express its horror of the proceedings at Canton. Sir FENWICX WILLIAMS supported the Government from practical considerations founded on his own experience in the East.

Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT accepted the challenge of Sir George Grey to discuss the question on broad grounds. The House should dismiss all that relates to the rights of the Arrow to bear the British flag. "I will upon that point state my belief in one sentence, which lam afraid must be a long one, and say with whom I agree and upon what points. In the first place, I agree with Sir John Bowring, that the Arrow was nets British lorcha ; I agree with Kennedy, the stripling from Belfast, in his statement that he knew that he was only nominally master, and that he believed that the ship was owned by a Clansman; I agree with Mr. Booth, of the Board of Trade, who says that the ordinance under which these licences are issued is illegal ; I agree with Mr. Bridges, who was the acting Attorney-General for Hongkong, who says that the British subjects to whom these licences were issued were not British subjects at all ; and lastly, I agree with Mr. Parkes, that if the Arrow had been legally a British vessel the reparation was far more than the waken required. (Frequent cheers and occasional laughter.) I also agree with the Lord-Advocate and the right honourable Secretary for the Colonies, and with his absent friend in another place the Lord Chancellor, that these matters are perfectly immaterial." But when he saw for what object the licences are issued, to promote the coasting-trade, and remembered that this coasting-trade is an opium traffic, and that we are bound by treaty to suppress that traffic; he thought it was time to look well into an ordinance by which the British flag is prostituted for such wrongful purposes. We ought to have a clear understanding what the character of the Chinese people in "I believe them to be a most precocious and extraordinary people, and to possess an extraordinary degree of refinement—I don't call it civilization, because I don't believe that civilization, in the higher sense of the word, is possible without Christianity. But then you tell me—and it is the popular argument adopted by the Home Secretary—that these Cantonese are blackguards. (4 laugh.) Well, that is a very simple way of settling the question. But, surely, it is not logical to say that every town with a blackguard population may be justly subjected to a bombardment." Most gentlemen had visited our seaport-towns. Is there any seaport-town that has not got a rascal population living in its outskirts? "Remember, too, when you are using this language, that this is the very class of people whom you want by your ordinance to convert into British subjects. What were the twelve men in the lorcha ? Chinese, picked up from the very refuse and scum of the population along the Canton river, whom you put into this vessel with a register with no limit to it—a vessel, therefore, which might go into any port in the world—which might have come over to Hamburg, to Constantinople, or to Marseilles, and the crew might have got into a row at any of these places and have gone with their Chinese faces and Chinese costumes up to the places, British Consul and said, each One of them, °leis Romani's sum.' " (Great laughter.) Going back to Canton he showed that Sir John Bowring had long and deliberately contemplated the employment of force to obtain admission to the city ; which he was obliged to postpone in 1864, because he could not proceed "in the absence of the fleet; withdrawn to other quarters by the Russian war; that the return of peace brought into the waters of Canton the strongest fleet ever there ; and that it was then it occurred to him that the circumstances were "auspicious for requiring the fulfilment of treaty obligations as re srds Mr. Herbert went into the circumstances to show that Sir John Bowring had acted with precipitatimi ; that Admiral Seymour only

coneurralin the course adopted ; and that Sir John Bowring had obtained the concurrence of the Admiral on "false pretences." Sir John had sup plied Admiral Seymour with a letter draughted in the Foreign Office by Lord Palmerston, intended to be sent by Mr. Bonham to the Imperial Commissioner in 1849—a minacious document—but he had withheld the "real instructions" conveyed by Lord Palmerston in a letter to Mr. Bon ham, recommending a middle course, neither renouncing the right to enter Canton, nor compelling the Chinese to fulfil the treaty. A Government is right in supporting servants who do their best ; but "there must be some limit imposed to this doctrine that Consuls can do no wrong." "After all, when you have said the Chinese area rascally set, end that as bar barians they are not to be dealt with in the same way and with the same regard and forbearance as Europeans—when you have said all this, of which I give you the full benefit, and also that you must defend your servants wherever they may be, there then remains this fearful case, that in a miser able quarrel, which was not worth half an hour's difficulty, which might have been settled by reprisals—for, if one junk was not sufficient you might have seized fifty—you suddenly turn round upon a new pretext, and, after destroying forts, you proceed to drop in shot and shell, in order, as my right honourable friend has described it, to disperse a crowd—a proceeding in which, of course, neither age nor sex could he regarded, and all this for some rascally Chinese whom you wish to call British subjects." The Chinese may come to ask upon what principles we act. " I know what is the public opinion of England and throughout Europe. I am not anxious that we should go on piling up year after year fresh offenses against that public opinion, until some day we may reap the consequence to our detriment. Above all, I confess I see with the deepest sorrow force exercised with so little mercy, upon a pretext so transparent—I will not say so transparently fraudulent—in a manner so destructive to the character of this country for truth, justice, faith, and mercy, that I shall give my hearty andhonest support to the resolution, and as my right honourable friend has observed, irrespective of consequences. I cannot believe that the House of Commons upon, such a matter will allow the miserable question of party ties or party feelings to interfere, when asserting the great principle of relieving ourselves, and I trust, relieving the country also, from the responsibility of those transactions by the honest reprobation which the resolution conveys.' (Mita cheering.)

Mr. Sergeant Saws spoke against the resolution. The debate wea adjourned, on the motion of Mr. Roursinna. PALMER, on the understanding that the division should be taken on Tuesday.

At the resumption of the debate on Tuesday, Mr. Rouarnam, PALMER was accordingly the first speaker. In a comprehensive survey of the legal points in dispute, he applied himself to refute the arguments of the Attorney-General. It was absolutely necessary, he said, for the Government to prove themselves right on the question of law, in order to establish the least justification for the course they had sanctioned. But they were not right on the question of law, and therefore they were without justification. On the general question he also decided against them.

The facts that the Chinese are misgoverned, destitute of Christianity, irritable, easily provoked to violence, should have rendered the British authorities more cautious in dealing with the Chinese, and led them to set an example of humanity and moderation.

Colonel HERBERT spoke in support of the motion, The itome`fecretary talked about supporting officers employed at a distance ; but when he remembered that the Government failed to give Lord Raglan a fair share of support, he was not inclined to trust those fine speeches. Mr. KENDALL, speaking from the Opposition benches, opposed the motion. Although he did not altogether approve of what Sir John Bowring had done, he thought it unjust to condemn him' and ho was astonished that the Conservative party should cheer Mr. Cobden. Ile introduced a religious consideration into the debate— Though ho did not agree with Mr. Bentinck on all points, he knew that there is a strong and growing High Church party in the country, and he was grateful to Lord Palmerston for his episcopal appointments. (Cries of "Question !") If Mr. Cobden's resolution were carried, a Toady would come into power who would not evince the same Protestant feeling as Lend Palmerston ; and, strong Conservative as ho is, Mr. Kendall would not aid in bringing about such a consummation. Mr. 3liaxne, Chasms vindicated the course taken by Mr. Cobden. Papers had been laid on the table ; if the House had been silent on them its acquiescence would have been amnuned ; Mr. Cobden's resolution WRB a practical answer to the invitation of the Government for an expression of opinion. We are told that the merchants are in favour of the policy of the Government. What merchants ? The merchants at Canton, and the tea-mer°haute at home, not the great mercantile body of the country. But it is said that the state of parties must be looked to. The question is not a party. question. The Conservatives, who generally support the Government in foreign complications, support Mr. Cobden. -Well, when it is a question of the Ballot, or Church-rates, or a ten-pound County-franchise, Lord Palmerston is not squeamish about accepting the support of the Conservative party : why should not Mr. Cobden accept that support ? There was a meeting of the Liberal party at Lord Palmerston's residence : it was the first Liberal meeting without the name of Lord John Russell being in the list of those who attended it. What inducements were held out at that meeting ? If Ministers went to the country, could they stand on "the bombardment of Canton and no Reform." Ile felt at liberty to make these statements, because the disagreeable pressure that was put upon Members to induce them to change their votes on this question could only be equalled by the measure on the voters of a small provincial town to compel them to vote in this or that direction.

Mr. Osisonain contended that the British authorities at Canton were justified in the course they took, and that the Government did not deserve the censure of the House. He defended the Canton merchants and Sir John Bowring.

"But, after all, is it Sir John Bowring,'s character which is at stake ? No man can be deceived on that point. It is not the Superintendent at Hongkong who is struck at, but the Minister in Downing Street. (Cheers and counter-cheers.) You care little about Sir John Bowring; it answers your purpose to blacken his character—an amiable amusement, forsooth. s but your real object is to displace the noble Lord. You object altogether to

the foreign policy of the noble Lord Is this a proper course—is this

the gratitude which the country owes to the noble Lord?I differ from the noble Lord on, many points—I differ from the course which he took the other evening. I did not vote on that occasion, because I had not given the noble Lord warning ,• but, however I may differ from him, I will not stab him in the back. (Cheers and laughter.) But, supposing you do upset the noble Lord, in what lorcha are you going to embark ? I think that honourable gentlemen opposite must acknowledge that the crew is rather mixed. (Laughter.) They have taken for their compradore the honourable Member for the West Riding, in whom they have always had such strict confidence ; the master lain another place, and the registered owners, I grieve to say, are the well-known firm of Russell and Co.' (Loud laugh, ter.) I have nothing to say with respect to the great name which heaths this firm. I honour that noble Lord, amid not a word shall fall from my lips to cause him pain or myself regret ; but I am afraid that the noble Lord, giving way to a chivalrous feeling for the Chinese nation, has allowed himself on this occasion to be made the catspaw of others." (Laughter.) Mr. IIMVLEY said that Mr. Osborrie'e was an amusing but not an inform ing for it had hardly any bearing on the real question at issue; That question was whether the papers on the table made out satisfactory ground for those violent measures at Cauton which the Government had approved. The most grievous part of the transactions was the falsehood they involved. Nothing could justify falsehood. Sir John Bowring and Mr. Parkes had told shameful untruths; he could acquit Sir Michael Seymour, but he could not acquit them. He had read, the papers with a desire to find

ground for not voting with Mr. Cobden, but if he, were in a jury-box he could come to no other conclusion from his reading than that these proceed ings were unjustifiable: Aware of the consequences that might come to British interests at the four ports from the adoption of the resolution, yet he could never consent to share the responsibility of downright falsehood, or the unnecessary shedding of the innocent blood of non-combatants.

Mr. EGERTON, separating himself from his closest political friends, said he should vote against the resolution on the sole ground that if it were adopted British property and British life would be unsafe. bir..J. PHILLIMO= and Mr. Bstima COCHRANE spoke in favour of the motion. Mr. THOMAS CHAMBERS said that the House was called on to perform a judicial act. The terms of the motion were monstrously unjust, since they required Members to exclude from consideration every material fact that should govern their decision. It is of no consequence whether we are right or not in the law of the question. ("Hear, hear.") "It is perfectly plain that Commissioner Yeh did not know that the Arrow was not entitled to British protection." (Renewed derisive cheers.) But the loreha is not the cause of the hostilities. It was but the occasion for the breaking out of a storm which has been collected since 184a. l'he people of this country, who look at the question on broader grounds than Mr. Cobden, are against his motion by an overwhelming majot. . ROEBUCK, taking up Mr. Chambers's advice to approach the subject in a judicial spirit, remarked that they had just had a specimen of

the judicial spirit in which it was discussed by a judge himself. For his own part, he thought the motion one of eensure ; his vote would express that censure, not only on the persons acting at Canton but on Ministers. It was the business of the House to pass over the subordinates, and to fix the censure on the shoulders of the Administration.

"It has been said that there is a wonderful coalition, and those who take the course I intend to pursue are accused of party motives. I thought, Sir,

that my conduct through life would have freed me from the imputation of

supporting any party. (Loud laughter and cheers.) I have, unfortunately as I thought, been compelled to oppose all "piutiest and I never formed a coalition with anybody. (Laughter.) On this occasion, therefore, I hope I

may be donsidered to act according to my wont, and that it will be believed I am now doming forward to blame the noble Lord and his colleagues be cause I think them deserving of censure. It is to me a matter of utter in significance whether the noble Lord sits on the opposite benches or on those which he and his supporters now occupy. I have only to inquire whether thencts of the Government redound to the honour of England, and upon

that issue I am determined to vote." (Loud cheers.) He urged the House to treat the question on the great principles of humanity. In his opinion,

one rule of morality extends all over the globe ; what would be unjust in the Mersey is unjust in the Canton river. In the case of the maligned Chinese we had betrayed a foregone conclusion—to go to war whatever hap pen*ed. '

Mr. GLADSTONE next took part in the debate, and delivered a long, elaborate, and animated speech. He began by dealing with the remarks made on the appointment of Sir John Etownng. Sir George Grey had created a misapprehension on that subject. Sir John Bow-ring was not appointed by the Cabinet; they learned his appointment through the ordinary channels of information ; it was made known to Lord Aberdeen,

and he allowed it to pass, because Lord Clarendon, who made it, was 'both intimate with Sir John and knew his career. Mr: Gladstone protested against the introduction of the name of Sir John Bowring as a

stalking-horse.to divert attention from the real issue. It is our duty to be fair to him, but our paramount duty is the interests of humanity and the honour of England. Sir John Bowling had clumsily chosen an opportunity to carry out the policy of the Government ; but it was not his case, and still less the case of Sir Michael Seymour' that was under trial. Mr. Gladstone applauded the manly declaration of Sir George Grey, that votes should be given irrespective of party : he knew many Members who would support Mr. Cobden, but not one through the influence of party. The negative of the resolution would not stand that test so well. It IS all very well to talk of the opinions of British merchants ; but it is not the practice of Parliament to govern its proceedings in cases where particular classes are greatly interested by the opinions of those classes.

We certainly, when we were considering the Factory Bills, did not take as our paramount authority the opinions of the manufacturers. When we were considering the Corn-laws, we did not take as our paramount authority the opinion of the landed gentlemen. When we were considering the abolition of the Slave-trade, we did not take as our paramount authority the voices of the Members for Liverpool ' • and if in 1833 the sentiments of the West India planters, with what they called their knowledge of the Negro character, had been predominant, would emancipation have been given to the Black population ?" It is charged against the Chinese that they prefer officials who are unfavourable to foreigners. "But China is not the only country in which I have hoard of circumstances -which appear to me very correctly to answer that description. I find it stated that Muhchangah, Wang, and a number of other high Ministers, had been dismissed because they were favourable to foreigners, while others who were distinguished for their violence and dis like to foreigners had been promoted to posts of dignity and honour. Well about two years ago a Prime Minister in this country, not very un

like this Iduhchangah, was dismissed, because he was deemed 60 favourable

to foreigners, and another mandarin, who undoubtedly has always reaped his principal credit with the people of England on account of his deter

mined antipathy to the barbarian element, was appointed in his place. (Cheers and laughter.) Then, don't let us visit this so severely on the Chinese."

Mr. Cobden was complained of sometimes for technicalities, sometimes for generalities. Now, if the Government failed in proof of the technicalities, they failed altogether. But if they succeeded, they would not have proved that they were justified in going to war ; it must still be proved that the magnitude of the injury inflicted justified them in going to war. Examin ing the question as one of municipal and international law, Mr. Gladstone

condemned the Government on both these grounds ; mid then inquired how the question stood on the highest ground of all—that of natural justice, the

justice that binds man to man. We have spoken of the treaty obligations of China towards us; let not our treaty obligations towards China be forgotten. The Emperor of China ceded Hongkong to Great Britain ass port where the British might careen and refit their ships. To that purpose Hongkong should have been applied if we had acted up to the spirit of the treaty. But that was not our only treaty obligation. By the 12th article of the supple mentary treaty, we undertook to put down smuggling to the very best of our power. "Is there anything peculiar in your smuggling on the coast of China ? It is the worst, the most pernicious, demoralizing, and destructive of all the

contraband trades that are carried on upon the surface of the globe. It is partly a trade in salt. That, of course, can be open to no objection beyond the fact that it is contraband. But it is also partly a trade in opium. Have you struggled to put dou n that trade ? I ask the noble Viscount who will addreas the House „tonight, have the British Government struggled to put down that trade ? (Cheers.) They may say that they did struggle to put

it down, but they found that it was too strong, for them. Then, I •ask, 'Whether they have done anything to encourage,that trade ? Yes, SW, they have done the very thing that is now in issue ; they have created this 'fleet of torches. What has been its purpose ? What has been its effect ?—I refer you to the very words of your own authority, page 7 of the Correspondence, where it is said that the granting of the registers to these colonial vessels has been eminently beneficial to Hongkong. And why was it beneficial ? Because it increased this coasting-trMe. Did it increase a coasting-trade in the goods and manufactures of Great Britain, or in the produce of India, such as cotton, opium, &c.? It is quite plain that this coasting-trade mainly

has reference to smuggling purposes. You received Hongkong for the nutpose of .careening and refitting your vessels; and instead of that you have

located 60,000 Chinese within it, and from them you find the means of sus taining and organizing a fleet of coasters whose 'business it is to enlarge, who have enlarged, and who are enlarging, that smuggling traffic that you are bound by treaty to put down. So stands the case so far as the treaty is concerned. And now, having taken Hongkong for purposes that you have not fulfilled—having applied it to different purposes—having failed entirely, or rather not having bona fide endeavoured to put down this smuggling trade, which on the contrary has grown largely since the treaty—having organized this coasting-trade for purposes which included an enlargement of that smuggling trade, you accumulate all these acts of injustice by trumping up a claim built upon technicalities to cover this coasting fleet

with the British flag; and when we are told that such proceedings ought not to be endured, then you reproach us with indifference to the honour of the ensign of our country. (Cheers.) Was there ever such a series of mockeries ?"

The Secretary for the Colonies had said there is no war in China. [Mr. Labouchere—' With China.") Mr. Gladstone—" I thank my right honourable friend for that correction. There is not war with China. No Sir, there is not war with China ; but what is there ? There is hostility. There is bloodshed. There is a trampling down of the weak by the strong. There is the terrible and abominable retaliation of the weak upon the strong. You are now occupied in this House by revolting and harrowingdetails about a Chinese baker who poisoned bread, by proclamations for the capture of British heads, and the waylaying of a postal steamer. And these things you think strengthen your ease. 'Why., they deepen your guilt. (Loud cheers.) War taken at the best is a frightful scourge to the human race; but because it is so, the wisdom of ages has surrounded it with strict laws and usages; and has required formalities to be observed which shall act as a curb upon the wild passions of man to prevent that scourge from being let loose unless under circumstances of 'full deliberation and from absolute necessity. You have dispensed with all these precautions. You have turned a consul into a diplomatist, and that metamorphosed consul is forsooth to be at liberty to direct the whole might of England against the head of a defenceleii people. (Cheers.) .". . . And what do these people who are as mere women and children do when you make war with them ? They resort to those miserable and detestable contrivances which their weakness teaches them. It is not the first -time in the history of the world. Have you never read of those rebellions of the slaves which have risen to the dignity of being called wars, and which stand recorded in history as the servile wars? And is it not notorious that among all the wars upon record those have been the most terrible,. ferocioua, and destructive? And why ?—Because those who haw _beau twipled upon adopt in their' turn the practices of their oppressors. And that is the character of the war which we are prosecuting in China." Parliament had been called on too late, he feared, to apply a remedy. The gloomiest prospects are before us. No human wisdom can tell what has already happened or may happen within the three months between the date of the last advices and the period when the decision of Peiliammt can reach China. " What do we want from the Chinese ? They are not making war on us. If when the vote of this Parliament goes to China they should be making war on us that would be a very different matter. But there is nothing so improbable as that they ahead make war on us. They have never shown any skill or daring in the nature of aggressive operations. We are making war upon them, and for what are we making war ? What are we asking from the Chinese Sir John Bowriug has proposed our entrance into Canton, but the Government have never told us that this is an adequate cause for the war. They have never told us even that they consider our entrance into Canton desirable. It is impossible for me to say whether it is desirable, but I own I lean to the opinion of Yeh, the Chinese Commissioner, and am inclined to believe that our entrance into Canton, if it were conceded, would be more mischievous than beneficial. I for one therefore, see no reason why we should make war for the purpose of obtaining a thing which, so far from being desirable, is likely to be mischievous." What would be thought if these proceedings were condemned by a majority of speakers and not condemned by a majority of votes ? The opinion would be, that, for fear of political inconvenience, England was ready to adopt the law of wrong as the foundation of her Eastern policy. He would not believe that England would lay the foundations of its Eastern empire on such miserable ground as that. "Sir, how stands the case at present ? I have just now supposed that the House are going to affirm that resolution which will be the seal of our disgrace. But let me reverse the picture and suppose that the House will adopt the resolution, and then what will the House do, and what will be the history of this ease ? Its history will read well for England and for the nineteenth century. Its history will then be this. The subordinate officers of England, in a remote quarter of the globe, misconstrued the intentions of their country ; they acted in violation of the principle of right ; the Executive Government failed to check them. The appeal was next made to the House of Lords, and made as such an appeal ought to be made, for the House was worthy of the eloquence and the eloquence was worthy of the cause : it was made to nobles, and it was made to bishops, and it failed. But it does not rest with subordinate functionaries abroad, it does not rest with the Executive Government, it does not rest with the House of Lords, finally and in the last resort to say what shall be the policy of England and to what purpose shall her power be directed. Sir, that function lies within these walls. Every Member of the House of Commons is proudly conscious that he belongs to an assembly which in its collective capacity is the paramount power of the state. If it is the paramount power of the state, it can never separate from that paramount power a similar and paramount responsibility. The vote of the House of Lords will not acquit us.; the sentence of the Government will not acquit us. It is with us that it lies to determine whether this wrong shall remain unchecked and uncorrected, and in a time when sentiments are so much divided, every man, I trust, will give his vote with the recollection and the consciousness that it may depend upon his single vote whether the miseries' the orimea, the atrocities that I fear are now proceeding in China, are to be discountenanced or not. We have now come to the crisis of the case. England is not yet committed. But if an adverse division reject the motion of my honourable friend, tomorrow morning England will have been corarnitW. With every one of us it rests to show that this House, which is the first, the most ancient, and the noblest temple of freedom in the world, is also the temple of that everlasting justice without which freedom itself would be only a name or only a curse to mankind. And, Sir' I cherish the trust and belief, that when you rise in your place tonight to declare the numbers of the division from the chair which you adorn, the words which you speak will go forth from the walls of the House of Commons as a message of mercy and peace, but also as a message of prudence and true wisdom, to the farthest corners of the world." [Mr. Gladstone sat down amid a storm of cheers that continued for several minutes.] Lord Parmansrox followed Mr. Gladstone. He delivered a speech of considerable length, consisting mainly of retorts fired off against previous speakers, more especially Mr. Cobden, and a repetition of the Arrow affair from the beginning to the end. He attacked Mr. Cobden for his attacks on his bosom friend, and for the anti-English feeling that pervaded his speech. "Everything that was English was wrong, and everything that was hostile to England was right." He read part of a letter from Lord Aberdeen to show that he had sanctioned the appointment of Sir John Bowring. He attacked Yeh—" one of the most savage barbarians that ever disgraced a nation." He repeated the statements that Yeh had beheaded 70,000 persons in a few months, and had offered rewards for English heads. He referred to the massacre of the Europeans on board the Thistle, and to the poisoning of bread at Hongkong. He accused Mr. Gladstone of repeating a justification of such things, which he used fifteen years ago in a discussion on China, when it was alleged that the Chinese had poisoned their wells.

Having narrated and defended the course pursued by the British officers at Canton, he contended that the adoption of the resolution would be a triumph to Yeh ; would amount to a casting off of the British communities abroad ; would be to tell the whole world that we are not prepared to defend those whom we have induced to place themselves and their property in a foreign land. Then he took up Mr. Gladstone's allusion to public opinion.

Mr. Gladstone had described in eloquent terms the opinion of foreign nations on the possible decision of the House : but foreign nations will

• probably take a very different view, and say that we have laid aside our once bold front ; that we are overcome by a love of gain, a fear of expense ; that "England has descended from that high station which hitherto she has occupied, at the beck of some of the basest, the meanest, and the most degraded beings in the civilized world." Others, who look beneath the surface, would say—" Do not believe that the British nation is a party to these proceedings. It is an occasional event. (" Hear !" and laughter.) It depends upon an accidental condition of things in the great council of the British nation. There have been combinations recently entered into— (Loud cheers)—among men who had for a long course of time been kept apart by the strongest difference of opinion, and by recollections of resentment even not now entirely forgotten. They would say= This combination, not daring to put forward their acts in the face of the day—having concluded a secret treaty—(Cheers and laughter)—not guaranteeing their present state of possession, that being the last thing they wish to do, but 'guaranteeing to each other the state of possession which they hope to obtain—have cautiously abstained in the resolutions they have proposed from using words which would fully in the face of day have explained and clearly developed unto all the nations the object which they have in view. They have shrunk from moving an address to the Queen to remove Ministers, whose places they want to occupy.' (Cheers and laughter.) They knew that that Government, not so much perhaps for its own merits as for the demerits of those who might be its rivals, did possess the approval of the • country, and that, if the question were fairly put, 'Aye or ale, will you have that Government or the Coalition Government which we are prepared to offer you ? ' they knew perfectly well what the answer of the country would be." (Loud cheers.) Mr. DISRAELI wished to recall the attention of the House to the real question. It was not a question of law but of policy. The pOliCy of the Government is an attempt to increase by force our commerce in the East. Sir John Bowring, being in London to receive his instructions after his promotion, communicated his views to various Members, and even called on Mr. Disraeli, and frankly recommended the policy he had recently put in practice. It might fairly be assumed that he had spoken not less frankly to the Government, and that the Government sanctioned the policy of which they were thus made aware. The House was discussing the policy of the Government. That policy he condemned as inconsistent with a policy of combination with other European states for the purpose of extending to China the sonic diplomatic intercourse we have with other nations.

It was said there had been party moves in connexion with this question. It is really time that both sides of the House should cease to indulge in these platitudes. There has been no party move on the present occasion. "A resolution has been brought forward by the honourable Member for the West Riding. On this side of the House it has received considerable but not unanimous support. I have the misfortune to differ on this occasion from many gentlemen with whom I act in political life, and among whom are some of my most intimate friends in private life. If I look to the benches opposite, I find there the noble Lord the Member for the City. (Cheers.) He is also a party to this unprincipled combination. I really think that the First Minister should settle his courteous description with his late much-cherished and honoured colleague, and not with me. There are also gentlemen opposite who once did act in very intimate connexion with the Conservative party, and the apprehension that that intimacy should be renewed has conjured up before the First Minister a combination at Once the most horrible and the most heterogeneous. (Cheers and laughter.) The First Minister is of all men the man who cannot bear a coalition ! Why, Sir, he is the archetype of political combinations without avowed principles. (Great cheering and laughter.) See how his Government is formed. It was only last year that every member of his Cabinet in this House supported a bill introduced, I think, by a late colleague ; it was opposed in the other House by a member of the Government, who, to excuse his apparent inconsistency, boldly declared that when he took office the First Minister required no pledge from him on any subject whatever. (Laughter.) Yet the noble Lord is alarmed and shocked at this unprincipled combination ! the noble Lord cannot bear coalitions ! the noble Lord has acted only with those among whom he was born and bred in politics; that infant Hercules was taken out of the Whig cradle, and how consistent has been his political life! (Renewed laughter.) Looking back upon the last half century, during which he has professed almost every principle, and connected himself with almost every party, the noble Lord has raised a warning voice tonight against coalitions, because he fears that a majority of the House of Commons, ranking in its numbers some of the most eminent Members of the House—men who have been colleagues of the noble Lord—may not approve a policy with respect to China which has begun M. outrage, and which if pursued will end in ruin." (Loud Metre.) Lord Palmerston's defence was 'that he was the victim of a conspiracy." He will find that he must have a policy, and when it is condemned it will not do to complain to the coon try that he is the victim of a conspiracy. " Let the noble Lord not only complain to the country, but let him appeal to the country. (Cheers.) I hope that my constituents will return me again ; if they do not; I shall be most happy to meet him on the hustings at Tiverton. (Renewed cheers.) I should like to see the programme of the proud leader of the Liberal party --‘ No Reform, New Taxes, Canton Blazing, Persia Invaded.' That would be the programme of the statesman who appeals to a great nation as the worthy leader of the cause of progress and civilization." Mr. COBDEN closed the debate with a short speech in reply. He had conspired with no ono ; he had only consulted Mr. Milner Gibson en the terms of his motion. He should not take office if there were a change of Ministry ; nor did he think such change would be a great calamity. " I never know a change of Government where the people did not gain something by it. (Laughter and cheers.) And I will tell the House what will be the result of a change of Ministers. I take it for granted that either the right honourable gentleman opposite (Mr. Disraeli) or my right honourable friend near me (Mr. Gladstone) will be Chancellor of the Excheqter. Now what will be the effect ? They will take that budget and reconsider it, and we shall have a reduction of 2,000,0001. in the expenditure. Now, the noble lord sometimes deals hard blows at me, but there is so much polish in his thrusts that it is impossible for me to be angry with him. No person in this House has fewer enemies, and I am not among them. (Cheers.) Yet I will tell the noble lord candidly, that I should make a most excellent bargain for the country if I disposed of him for that 2,000,0001. of reduction." (RUM laughter, in which Lord Palmerston heartily joined.) The House then divided, and the numbers wore—

For the motion 263 Against it 247 Majority against the Government -16 As soon as the Clerk at tho table handed to Mr. Cobden the paper containing the statement of the numbers, and it was seen that the Government was defeated, there was a loud cheer, which was suspended while the numbers wore announced ; but after their announcement it was repeated, and continued for some minutes.

Mrsasrantss ExPLANATION%

Lord PALMERSTON rose in a crowded House on Thursday to state the course which the Government had adopted ; and, in order to enable other Members to speak on the subject, he moved the adjournment. "The House must naturally expect that after what happened on Tuesday night I should state to the House the course which upon due reflection her Majesty's Government mean to _pursue. Under ordinary circumstances, after a vote by which the House by a majority—whatever the amount of it might be—affirmed that which many at least who voted considered to be a vote of censure upon the conduct of the Government, there could hardly be an alternative left to the Government as to the course to be pursued. The natural course would be that they should tender to their Sovereign a resignation of their offices, and leave to those who had obtained that majority the task of conducting the affairs of the country. But the present case seemed to us to be of so peculiar a character that we have not thought it our duty to submit to our Sovereign a resignation of our offices. (Loud cheers.) There is another comae which the Government under such circumatimeca might constitutionally adopt, and that is the course which we have deemed it our duty to pursue. We have deemed it our duty to advise the Crown at the earliest period at which the state of the business of the House will permit us to call upon the constituencies of the country to exorcise that privilege which the constitution places in their hands. (Cheers.) I say the circumstances are peculiar, because, while on the one hand, looking to the simple result of that last debate we might say that we bad lost the confidence of this House, 3-et on the other hand, looking to the divisions which took place very shortly before upon questions involving very important portions of the policy of the Government, the result was of a very different character. And I feel myself free to say, that some of those who concurred in the vote of Tuesday night made it understood that that vote was not to be considered as implying a want of confidence on their part in her Majesty's Government. But it is vain to deny that that vote would render it very difficult, if not unseemly, for the Government with regard to which it was passed to undertake the conduct of the business of the country in the ordinary manner during the remainder of a long session. Moreover, the state of parties which that vote indicated appears to me to show—connecting it with the various votes and fluctuating opinions of the House with regard to those majorities on former occasions—that it would be extremely difficult for any Government whether that which now exists or that which might be formed, however efficient it might be—and I admit, not by way of compliment, but as merely stating the truth, that that Government which might be formed by a combination of parties (using that expression not by way of taunt) would be very efficient—to carry on the business of the country throughout a session in the state of feeling which at present happens to prevail in this House. I will not allude to the very strongly-marked difference of opinion between the two Houses of Parliament upon the question which was put toissue on Tuesday night. I do not think that would be. a sufficient reason,. but still it is an element to show what various opinions exist in regard to the present Administration as compared with that which might be its successor. This Parliament is now in its fifth session, and, measuring: its duration by that which it has seen, it is a very old Parliament ; for it has witnessed more important events than it has fallen to the lot of most Parliaments to see. It has seen three Administrations—the Administration which called it together, the Administration which followed, and the Administration which now sits on these benches. It has seen the transition from a state of profound peace to a great European war ; and it has seen the transition from a great European war to the fortunate restoration of European peace. Therefore as concerns the events of which it has been a spectator, this Parliament has done as much as could be expected to fall to the lot of one which had completed its full term of existence.

"If the state of business would have admitted of an immediate appeal to

our constituents, that is the course which would have been most proper and most seemly : but the state of public business does not admit of thendoption of such a course. We have as yet voted nothing upon the Estimates for the public service; we have arranged nothing in regard to the taxes, some of which require to be remodelled ; we have not passed a Mutiny Act, and that in existence will expire before it would be possible for Parliament to reassemble and provide for the maintenance and discipline of the Army. "The course which I humbly beg to propose to this House, therefore, is, that we should do on the present occasion that which has been done on former and similar occasions—that which was done in spirit during the Administration of Lord Derby, when it was announced that there was to be a dissolution—that the House should content itself with those provisional and temporary measures which may be necessary to provide for the public service until the earliest period at which a new Parliament can assemble. We had proposed to arrange certain taxes for three years ; we shall now propose to determine them for only one year. There are some taxes with regard to which it would be very embarrassing to commence to have them settled for too short a period, but we do not think that a Parliament which is about to be dissolved could properly be called upon to fix them for a period longer than the year for which provision is to be made. Upon the same principle, we shall propose to the House to vote sums on account of the Estimates for only a portion of the year, and to pass a Mutiny Act for a similar period ; thus leaving the new Parliament, which may probably assemble somewhat towards the end of May, free to deal with all these great matters according to its disoretion. "I should hope, Sir, that this House will see that the course which we are i prepared to adopt s one which is in accordance with the principles of the constitution, and that gentlemen will therefore place no obstructions in the way of our arriving at a time when fresh elections may take place, by interposing any unnecessary difficulties in the way of the adoption of the course by which we propose to provide for the pubhe service. We shall abstain from proposing anything but that which is necessary for this purpose. There are many gentlemen who entertain strong opinions upon many subjects which they would wish to bring under discussion in this House ; but they will, I think, feel that steps of importance cannot properly be taken by a Parliament situated as this Rouse of Commons will now necessarily be. I therefore hope that the same honourable forbearance which has been shown by former Parliaments under similar circumstances will be exhibited by this one. There is this to be said, that now at least the country will have a really fair choice between two different Administrations—a choice which, without meaning to say anything offensive to any party in this House, I think I may say it could not have had, at least not to the same degree, under that combination that took place which has led to the state of things in which the Government now finds itself. As I said before, I am stating a fact without making the slightest imputation upon those who have formed that combination; but I say that, so far it may be an advantage to the country, it will have the opportunity of choosing between two different efficient Administrations. That, also, is a ground which the more justifies us in throwing upon the countrythe responsibility of determining what Administration shall be invested with the conduct and management of the affairs of the nation." ,(Cheers.)

Mr. Cobden and Mr. Disraeli rose together, but the Speaker called the

latter. Mr. DISRAELI stated his views in a few words. The course adopted by the Government would be the best for the public service, since it would be to the advantage of the country if the result of a general election should be the return of Members with definite opinions. He should give every possible facility for the progress of public business consistently with the true interest of the country. Mr. COBDEN took a wider scope ; find describing the position in which Lord Palmerston and his followers would stand at the hustings. 4' During the last ten days the noble Lord has torn from the hands of my honourable friend the Member for Surrey the last remaining rag of the old Reform banner. Ile has trampled under foot even that miserable modicum of reform a ten-pound county franchise, and has voted against everything which has entered into the traditions of the Liberal party and for which we have professed to have any affection. He has slapped in the face my honourable friend the Member for the Tower Hamlets with his proposal for the abolition of church-rates, and now he sends his followers to the country with the ory, Palmerston for ever ! no Reform, and a Chinese War ! " ItYheers.)

But the pressing and practical question was—What the Government were

about to do in consequence of the vote of Tuesday ? A Government that hold office a single day after that vote ought to carry out the resolution, and send instantly a competent person to supersede all the British authorities in China, and to act as circumstances may require. Such a person could, assuming that the apprehensions of danger are well-founded, reach Hongkong before the intelligence of this adverse vote could do any harm among the Chinese. Repressed to know what course the Government would take in pursuance of the vote of Tuesday; which, he insisted, was a renunciation of the policy initiated by Sir John Bowring. Sir CHARLES WOOD said that Government had provided a sufficient force to protect the lives and properties of British subjects. Sir JOHN WALSH explained what his vote on Tuesday meant: it meant, that Sir ;an llowring's indiscretion had entailed very serious consequences to the country. It is impossible to say that the decision should have the offeet of reversing the policy pursued at Canton—the atrocities of the Chinese have altered the circumstances of the case. Mr. DEEDES put in a word on behalf of the interests of the promoters of private bills. Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT recalled attention to Mr. Cobden's question, which Sir Charles Wood had misunderstood, not answered. Mr. Herbert wished to know whether the war would be continued for the same object—the introduction of Sir John Bowring into Canton ; and was the conduct of affairs to be loft in his hands ? To give Lord Palmerston an opportunity of replying, he moved the adjournment of the debate. The SPEAUR said, that would be out of order ; but Lord Palmerston had already the right of reply. Sir Gismos GREY oontinued the discussion, In answer to Mr. Deedes, he said that Government would propose a resolution, similar to one previously passed, the effect of which would be to place private bills when a new Parliament meets at the same stage at which they may be suspended this session. In answer to Mr. Herbert's question, he—said in general terms, that Government would protect British interests and British honour • that to abandon the demands made would be to compromise British interests and British honour; and that they would take the means they thought beat calculated to place our relations with China on n. satisfactory and permanent footing.

Lord Joint Rusions. said that the House was about to undergo what Mr. Fox used to call a "penal dissolution "—it was to be punished for the vote of Tuesday. When Lord Palmerston asked them to pass votes of supply out of the usual order the House had a right to demand an explanation of the policy to be pursued during the ensuing three months. No doubt, efficient means would be taken to protect the lives and properties of British subjects; but they have not been endangered by any vote of the House. "it is not the echo of our vote that is just reaching us from China "—it is intelligence of the consequences of the policy adopted by the British authorities in China. Are the judges of future arrangements with China to be those who have involved us in difficulties ? When large votes of supply are demanded, it is but reasonable to ask the Government what objects they have in view.

"I most say, I think the noble Lord did not very fairly represent the state of affairs when he said the question that might arise upon the vote of Tuesday night would be whether the present Ministry should remain in office and appeal to the country, or whether a Ministry should be formed out of the combinetion of different parties who supported the motion of the honourable Member for the West Riding. I think it is very possible that persons who read the papers upon China might, without any curt of concert or combination, have come to the some conclusion at which the Howe arrived the other night. (Loa class's.) I do not believe that that concert or combination existed. (Renewed cheering.) There is, as every one knows, a great party sitting on the opposite side of the House. I do not know that they have a combination with any other party ; and I suppose they would be the persons to whom her Majesty, if she were obliged to have recourse to other advisers, would confide the formation of a Ministry. I can only say, that any charges of combination which seem to be made, and which, no doubt, will be got up at the elections—any charges of a factious and unscrupulous union of parties in order to obtain a certain object—are entirely false and calumnious. (Loud cheers from the Opposition.) There is no one in a condition to prove such charges, or to bring the least evidence in their support. Certainly the different parties in the House—a great number of the party opposite, and a considerable number of honourable gentlemen an this side—concurred in the resolution of the honourable Member for the West Riding, but I believe they concurred in it honestly and upon its merits." The vote of Tuesday will form an honourable pre-. cedent in history. "This House has shown, that while it has been ready to make any sacrifice in order to carry on a just and necessary war, it would not approve blindly, all hostilities which it might be asked to sanction, and for winch no case of justice could be established." (Cheers.) Mr. ROEBUCK again insisted that he had formed no part in any conspiracy, but had voted with Mr. Cobden because he agreed with him. The House coming to the rescue of England's honour had declared against the noble lord and his Government. "It would have been otherwise if the noble lord had continued to be what he was in times past, when he declared himself the supporter of Liberal institutions and Liberal opinions. We have not deserted him, but he has deserted us. Where he went we would not follow because it was to disgrace, and it was because we anticipated disgrace and dishonour to England that we voted against him." (Loud cheers.) Mr. M‘Gitelsoa repeated the question was Sir John Bowling the man whom the Ministry still delighted to honour ? Mr. GLADSTONE made a long speech, the purport of which was that Government should declare its policy, and that the House should not abdicate its vital and essential functions on the question of taxation and expenditure. It is the duty of the House in voting supplies—before, and not after hostilities— to be judges of the purposes for which thosbsupplies are to be given. Mr. 'InomAs Derweowns made an amusing speech, partly upon the "coalition," and full of smart hits at Mr. Gladstone, Sir James Graham, Mr. Sidney Herbert, and Lord John Russell, for their conduct during the Russian war. If their advice had been followed, where should we have been now ? Mr. Gladstone had referred the House to the division-lists : well, by their contents lord Palmerston is justified in appealing to the country. Those who represent the largest constituencies were on his side —12 out of 15 Metropolitan Members; the Members for Leeds and Birmingham ; the other Member for the West Riding opposed Mr. Cobden, who is about to quit that constituency. In his foreign policy, Lord Palmerston will meet with the support of the people ; "with respect to his domestic policy, he must make more decided terms with the Liberal party." Sir JAMES GRAHAM defended himself and Mends from Mr. Duneombe's attacks. With respect to the precedent set by Mr. Fox in resisting the passing of the Mutiny Bill when Parliament was threatened by a "penal dissolution," that is a precedent to be avoided : the effect of that resistance, of which the country disapproved, was to plate Mr. Pitt in power. But the practical point is the question of finance. That must be dealt with at once—the war incometax, and the war-taxes on tea, sugar, and spirits. Sir Joust PAKINGTON pressed the Government for further explanations. Did they intend to pay any deference to the vote of Tuesday? Mr. W. J. Fox vindicated his own vote, as given on purely conscientious motives, and not to overturn the Government. He did not -wish to see a Derby Government ; he was not a Peace-at-any-price man ; he avowed admiration and very long personal regard for Sir John Bowring, but he sacrificed his connexions to his duty. Sir FRANCIS BARING pressed for an answer to the question—is Sir John Bowring to continue in his present position ? Lord PALMERSTON, in his reply, explained that he had not that night used the term "combination" as a reproach. He made a remark on lord John Russell's precedent from Fox, who spoke of an appeal to the country as a "penal dissolution." That is a strange doctrine ; for if the House is the true organ of public opinion, Members ought to rejoioe at an opportunity of going back to strengthen themselves by the approval of the constituencies. Turning from this and other retorts, he made an addition to his previous statement in regard to the future " A short time before this outbreak occurred, we, in conjunction with France, and as we trusted in conjunction with the United States, by negotiations with the Court of Pain 'hoped to improve our commercial relations with China. Every one knows that if a great extension of commercial intercourse between the nations of Europe and China is ever obtained, it will be a great advantage to the cause of civilisation, as well as a gnat benefit to the productive industry of the nations concerned. That, undoubtedly, is a very grave matter. The difficulty is greatly increased by the unfortunate events that have occurred ; and, without stating to the House anything that will prejudice matters still under consideration, I am botmd to say that it will necessarily be the subject of serious deliberation who the person shall be to whom shall be committed so grave and important a charge. It must strike every one, that a person who shall start from these shores on such a mission should be imbued with the feelings of the Government on this subject, and that, being the recipient of their verbal instructions, he would be likely to carry more weight than any person who might happen now to be in China. (Cheers.) However, in saying that, the House will see that I by no means undervalue the merits of Sir John Bowring ; to whom I think the greatest injustice has been done, and whose merits have been disparaged to a degree that has astonished me. (" Hear, haul") But, at the same time, the Government cannot shut their eyes to the gravity and importance of the matters in hand ; and it will be their duty to select for these negotiations, if they take place, come person whom they consider beat calculated to carry them to a successful termination. The House must therefore expect our policy to remain the same : it is to maintain the rights and to defend the lives and properties of British subjects, to improve our relations with China, and, in the selection of those means and the arrangement of those means, to perform the duty that they owe to the country." (Cheers.)

Practically this lively conversation ended here.

In the House of Lords, Earl Gnestvrtin stated briefly the course the Government intend to pursue. Earl GREY pointed out with great emphasis, that we are engaged in a war branded by the House of Commons as unjust, and urged that Sir John Bowring, who had entered on that unjust war, ought to be forthwith superseded by a person of high character and sound discretion ; and he announced, that unless satisfaction were given on this point, he should move an address praying her Majent y to recall that individual. He wished to know -whether the policy would be persevered in, and whether Sir John Bowring would be recalled ? Earl GRANVILLE answered

" I could perfectly understand the question which has been put by the noble earl being put in another plaee,.where the resolution has been affirmed; but I do not see the same propriety in the noble earl's putting the question in your Lordships' assembly, when, after full discussion, you have come, by a large majority, to a contrary opinion." (Claers.) He then gave an explanation on brief similar to the longer statement of Lord Palmerston.

THE OPIUM Tuserre.

In reply to the Earl of DERBY, the Earl of SHAFTESBURY said that it was his intention to move an address on the subject of the opium traffic in China on Monday next ; and every year of his life until the House arrive at a satisfactory result thereupon. On going deeper and deeper into the question, he was convinced that the whole system is illegal : his merlon will be in the form of questions to be submitted to the Judges.

THE MARRIAGES BILL

The Loup CHANCF.LLOR moved the second reading of the Divorce and Matrimonial Causes Bill. After explaining its origin, he remarked that it differed only in two points from the bill of last session : the clause prohibiting the marriage of an adulterer with the woman he had debauched, has been omitted; and a clause has been inserted by which separation-deeds are legalized by positive enactment. The bill was subjected to considerable criticism and opposition. Lord LYNDHURST, while defending the principle, desired some alterations, and especially the omission of the clause legalizing separation-deeds. The Bishop of Exuma moved that the second reading should be postponed until that day three months. In this course he was supported by the Bishop of OxYpun, Lord REDESDALE, and Earl GREY; by the last-named Peer not because he was satisfied with the existing state of things, but because the bill is so imperfect. Lord Sr. LEONARDS, the Earl of DBES; and Lord WENSLEYDALE supported the second reading, but with "misgivings." A general desire was expressed that actions for criminal conversation should be abolished. In a zealous defence of the bill, the Marquis of Laissnowsre said that neither this bill nor any of the kind ought to pass unless it were followed by a bill removing that stigma the trial for criminal conversation.

On a division, the second reading was carried by 2,5 to 10.

INDUSTRIAL SCHOOLS.

Sir &Arrow) NORTHCOTE moved the second reading of the Industrial Schools Bill. Mr. ALCOCK moved that it he read a second time that day six months. His objection was, that the law already provides for destitute children, and that the proposed industrial schools will interfere with the existing district schools and the whole existing system of education. Mr. HADFIELD, in seconding the amendment, described the bill as an attempt to collect a tax for the purpose of education. Mr. BAINFS supported the principle of the bill on behalf of the Government. Mr. Baxassa, Mr. ARTHUR GORDON, and Mr. Bissex stated details to show how efficiently these schools have worked in Scotland. Lord STANLEY, Mr. ADDERLEY, Sir JOHN PAKINGTON, Mr, HENLEY, and Mr. Sroossmat supported the principle of the bill. Mr. NE1VDEGATE opposed the bill. Mr. BOWYER opposed it on the ground that it would be a means of proselytizing Boman Catholics. Mr. PALE and Mr. EDWARD BALL were favourable to the bill, SO far as regarded towns and cities, but thought it would be oppressive in its operation in rural districts. Mr. lisimerw held that the bill was altogether superfluous.

Sir STAFFORD NORTHCOTE, in reply, showed that the measure is intended to meet the ease of a class of children for whom establishments between reformatories and national schools must be provided; that as regards tuition the bill is founded on voluntary principles ; education being paid for by voluntary subscriptions, food and lodging by the parents where they can afford it.

Other Members supported the principle of the measure ; and, Mr. ALCOC1E having withdrawn his amendment, the bill was read a second time.