8 AUGUST 1846, Page 1

NEWS OF THE WEEK.

Among the measures which Ministers do not defer, is one to renew the Irish Arms Act! You may doubt the fact, but it is so. Yes, the men who ousted Sir Robert Peel on the Coercion Bill— who had so many harsh things to say against this very Arms Act—who were to begin a totally new policy--are entering upon their practical administration of Irish affairs with a renewal of the Arms Act. They were quite right in condemning the Arms Act : it possesses the two very worst features of legislation—an odious aspect, and utter inefficiency in operation—it looks as i

tyrannical as a Russian ukase, and s as impotent as the oath against bribery at elections. There is something so extravagant in the inconsistency between this practical step and the whole spirit of Lord John Russell's recent speeches on Ireland, as to imply some powerful conflict of motives. The discrepancy be- tween the policy of the Premier and this official act of the Irish department makes one remember certain rumours that seemed at the time inconsistent enough : while Lord John Russell was op- posing the Coercion Bill as against Sir Robert Peel, it was said, reproachfully, that Lord Besborough, the very man whom Lord John intended for his Lord-Lieutenant, was notoriously and avowedly in favour of coercive measures. Lord John denied the reproach, in set terms; but this singular disagreement between the general policy professed by himself and the first Parliamen-

t act of the Irish Administration recalls that rumour.

Parliamen-

tary recalls another fact, to which it imparts a new significancy. Soon after taking office, Lord John intimated that he and his colleagues were agreed on some points, but disagreed on others ; reviving the old plan of "open questions." This one of Irish coercion or conciliation, indeed, was presumed to be a settled question: was that presumption wrong? Disagreement between individuals of the Cabinet on matters which are not upon the carpet does not import much; but this question conspicuously de- mands instant handling. It has been the weakness of past Administrations, that the friction of resistance which they had to encounter was not exter- nal: measures often provoked a secret but a formidable battle among themselves. The "deliberate consideration" to which many a measure has been condemned was really a bitter struggle for existence ; the project being contested inch by Inch; its pro- moters having to threaten the most disastrous steps in order to obtain for it even patient attention, and having to sacrifice essen- tial portions to preserve a bit. The world knew unusually soon the internal difficulties which 'Sir Robert Peel had to encounter in his enterprise for abolishing the Corn-laws. There are signs that Lord John Russell's Cabinet labours under the same predis- position to disorganization, the same debilitating weakness. But it will surprise those who have given the head of the Cabinet

credit for having acquired a deeper insight into statesmanship and bolder views, if they should find that even in so essential a branch of policy as his Irish administration he is yielding to an internal opposition. Such symptoms of weakness cannot but tend to diminish the most willing confidence.

There are symptoms in other departments, on which a new light is reflected by this new incident. The ultimate scheme of Sugar settlement varied materially from the scheme at first proposed.

As we anticipated, Members were too much under the influence of the moribund session to pay much attention to Dr. Bowring's motion for inquiry into the Tobacco-duties; but we did not anti- cipate the commonplace Chancellor-of-the-Exchequer-like re- sponse made by Mr. Charles Wood : he not only refused to meddle with the matter at present, but he held out no hope that he should be more favourably disposed at any future period. He said he could not spare so large an amount of revenue! Now, if the tax produces all the vexation and immoral consequences imputed to it, surely it would be better to abandon it at any sacrifice, and take another impost. But, in fact, nobody asks him to touch the revenue; the demand is, that he should bring down the tax to the revenue point—that point at which it would be most pro- ductive. However, the question can be better mooted next ses- sion; and the issue does not depend altogether on Mr. Charles Wood.

One of the measures reserved for " deliberate.consideration " is not improperly deferred. Ministers will not accept the St. Asaph and Bangor Bill forced upon them by Lord Powis : if they do what that requires, they insist upon doing more, and upon read- justing those parts of the scheme propounded by the Ecclesiastical Commissioners which depended upon the union of the two sees. They have therefore stopped its progress in the Commons, with the concurrence of Lord Clive, who had it in charge.

One of the measures carried on by Lord John Russell is Lord Lyndhurst's Religious Opinions Relief Bill; a good instalment, of a practical kind, in the expurgation of our still intolerant code. The Poor Removal Bill, which originated in a desire to give a boon to the landed interest, has found its way into the House of Lords ; where it is received by the Duke of 'Richmond and his party with grudging and grumbling instead of gratitude. - Captain Layard, on entering into the Army Estimates, has made an attempt to obtain a better mode of enlistment for limited periods instead of life with a plan also for securing better pen- sions to soldiers after icing service. Mr. Pox Maule resisted, on the old plea of expense: a poor enough excuse. This country has never shown itself niggard in the matter of military expenditure: it has by no means relinquished the belief that while it has an Army and Navy they ought to be efficient ; and if an extra mil- lion or so were necessary for complete efficiency, no doubt it would be forthcoming. The system, both Naval and Military, is crude and bad, and it is a libel on the faculties of English states- men to say that they cannot devise a better. They will be forced to it : for corporal punishment will not endure much longer. ; and when they lose that engine of control, they will be obliged to secure order by improving the constitution both of sea and land forces.

Certain inhabitants of Malta have preferred a complaint before Parliament. Their amusements during the Carnival were pro- hibited by the local Government ; and an attempt to enforce the suppression provoked a riot, in which blood was shed. Ministers say in apology, that the Governor acted with the concurrence of the Romani Catholic Vicar-General, and that the respectable in- habitants had themselves wished a discontinuance of some amuse- ments, such as the masking, because it led to "indecencies." Moreover' Mr. Hawes, Under-Secretary for the Colonies, calls the island "only a garrison"! He might have said the same of the great free cities of Germany ; yet they had a substantive poli- tical importance; and the Maltese are a distinct nation, whose con- tented allegiance is important to us. There are some very equi- vocal points in the Ministerial apology. Who were the "inhabi- tants "—Maltese, or English ? What were the "indecencies"? were they indecencies according to Maltese or to English morals —was the object to enforce a British "observance of the Sabbath" on the Catholic population? Was the Vicar-General's concurrence spontaneous or extorted ? It would be well not to make our rule odious in Malta, though the Colonial Office has not learned that truth. Will Mr. Hawes teach it?