THE MAGAZINES.

IN view of the successes achieved by the Labour Party at the Greneval Election, and their influence on recent legislation, no one can blame Mr. Keir Hardie for the tone of exultation in which he discusses the Labour movement in the current Nineteenth Century. The predictions in which he indulged in the January number have been in considerable measure fulfilled, and he is not exaggerating in pointing to the Trade Disputes Bill as a conspicuous example of the advantage of concentration on a well-defined object. Mr. Keir Hardie scouts the notion that there is friction between the Socialist and Trade-Unionist Members of his party, or that the recent municipal elections afford evidence of a Socialist scare. "Never before was so large an aggregate vote polled for Labour candidates. Socialists and Trade Unionists worked together amicably under the -aegis of the Labour Party, and both alike improved their position. This applies to London, with the solitary exception of Woolwich, as well as to the provinces The Independent Labour Party has more than doubled- its inoome-in the last twelve months, whilst its

output of Socialist literature has increased tenfold." Mr. Keir Hardie welcomes the adhesion of the educated middle- class Socialists to the. Labour Party, not merely for their more comprehensive outlook, but because "members of .the educated class who become Socialists have usually more of the true spirit of rebellion in their bones than have those drawn direct from the ranks of the toiling millions." His conclusion, therefore, is that the political Labour movement in Great Britain will ultimately become an avowed Socialist movement.

"Liberal-Labourism already seems to be under- going a process of painless extinction of the nearly 600 Labour candidates who went to the polls [at the recent municipal elections] not more than ten, all told, could be

described as Lib.-Labs and it can only be a question of months ere every working-class member of Parliament who is paid from Trade Union funds is also a member of the Labour Party."—Sir Herbert Maxwell's paper on the Government and the House of Lords is designed to hearten and fortify the Peers in fulfilling their responsibilities as an indispensable bulwark of the Imperial structure. He draws reassuring auguries from the recent municipal elections, but is far from re- commending a wholesale policy of "chucking out" Bills. The Education Bill he dismisses as unlikely, and the Plural Voters Bill as unworthy, to be made a cants belli between the two Houses, but he holds, and we think with excellent reason, that the Lords will have plenty of backing in the country, where agricultural matters are understood, if they refuse a second reading to so ill-conceived and ill-drafted a measure as the Small Holdings (Scotland) Bill, which, with the Land Tenure Bill, was overwhelmingly rejected by the Scottish Chamber of Agriculture. In regard to the Trade Disputes Bill, he asks no more than that it should be restored to the comparatively harmless form in which it was originally introduced by the Attorney-General, and vigorously condemns the deplorable vagueness of purpose shown by Mr. Balfour, culminating in his sudden acceptance of the Bill in its new form. "Through- out the whole of the proceedings -floats the haunting suspicion of tactics.' The Trade Disputes Bill must not be amended lest the Trade Union vote be cast against the Unionists at the next elections. Let party tacticians beware lest, in surrendering principle in the attempt to mollify the resentment of Trade -Unions they do not permanently alienate a large number of their present supporters." Sir Herbert Maxwell in conclusion makes a good point when he urges that if the Lords accept the Bill in its present form, they will not only be false to their convictions, but "they will be defrauding the nation of the right to pronounce its will upon a proposal which was not before it when the present House of Commons was elected." In so far, however, as the proposal was before the country in unofficial form in the shape of Mr. Hudson's Bill, it was repudiated in the most explicit terms by Mr. Haldane in his speech of January 22nd.—Mrs. Bertrand Russell sends a most interesting account of the Ghent School for Mothers, probably the most complete system in existence for fighting infant mortality, founded and supervised by Dr. Miele, a public-spirited doctor in that town. A special feature of the system is a course on child culture for girls from fourteen to eighteen, the pupils subsequently being employed in the creches at a small salary.—Miss Gertrude Bell's article on "Islam in India—a Study at Aligarh" should be read in connexion with Mr. Chirol's paper in the National Review. The practical evidence given by Miss Bell of the healing of the breach between Shiahs and Sunnis at Aligarh throws an interesting light on Mr. Chirors views as to the future of Pan-Islamism in India.

Mr. Valentine Chirors article on Pan-Islamism in the National Review is extremely interesting as well as admirably written. After a lucid historical survey of the claim of the Turkish Sultans to the Khalifate, the writer traces the steady and unfaltering campaign conducted by the present Sultan to revive the claim, laying special stress on the construction of the Hejaz Railway, "which will ultimately link up the seat of his temporal power as Sultan at Constantinople with the seat of his spiritual power as Khalif at Mecca." The summary of General Auler'e technical report on the railway, with the comments-of General von der Goltz, is especially interesting as giving the most instructed German opinion on the political significance of the scheme. On its strategic importance Mr. Ohirol haa-much to say that is worth attentive study, The

article also deals with the progress of Pan-Islamism in Persia, Afghanistan, and, above all, India, Mr. Chirors conclusion being that the influence which Abd-ul-Hamid is trying to exercise as the Khalif of Islam over the-minds of Indian Mohammedans is causing amongst the more loyal and enlightened section of that community a certain measure of apprehension, and that they feel that the time has come openly to discountenance its growth. Finally, he notes the curious fact that Pan-. Islamism has achieved greater popularity outside than inside Turkey. "None know better than the best class of Turks:

what Abdul Hamid's policy has cost- them, and none deplore- more deeply the estrangement of British friendship."—

Lord Newton's paper on "The House of Lords and the Country" resolves itself largely into a complaint against the

Unionist leaders, not only for having failed to set about reforming the Second Chamber, but for having consistently

ignored it during the past ten years. "Circumstances have now arisen which force the Unionist leaders to turn to the House of Lords for assistance in an acute emergency, and if the latter is equal to the task expected of it, it will certainly not be due to any intelligent anticipation on the part of those- who are responsible for the policy of the party." To Lord - Newton's suggested reforms little exception can be taken, and there is considerable point in his conclusion :--

"A House of Commons dominated by Labour and Radicalism- would naturally desire to maintain an unreformed Second Chamber in its inherent weakness, just as it is the object of the Russian Government continually to prevent all reforms in the Turkish Empire. The one thing which the Radical party probably dreads more than anything else is a really strong Second Chamber which might serve as a counterpoise to the House of Commons. But why should we play their game ? What most sensible and practical people want is as efficient a Second Chamber as can be provided, and in view of the present situation the sooner the Unionist party sets about the task the better."

This view closely accords with that expressed in our leading article on the subject. —Under the heading

"American Affairs" Mr. Maurice Low discusses the

defeat of Mr. Hearst—which he regards much in the light of a moral victory—the dramatic intervention of Mr. Roosevelt, and the anti-Japanese agitation on the Pacific Coast. The ease against the Japanese is stated under several heads, the grounds for hostility being chiefly threefold,—first, the ineradicable prejudice of the Americans against a coloured race ; second, the allegation that the Japanese have not been grateful for American support, but have repudiated the promises made during the war ; and third, fear of exclusion from the markets of the Far East. Mr. Low also quotes gratifying testimony to the good work done by Sir Mortimer Durand during his short tenure of office at Washington.—We must briefly express our gratitude to the editor and to Mr. H. W. Wilson for the

efficient support they are giving the Spectator in its demand for full inquiry into the Admiralty policy instituted under

the Fisher regime.

The chief political article in the Contemporary is that by Mr. J. A. Spender on "The Government and its Opponents." On-

the question of Liberalism and Labour Mr. Spender devotes a good deal of space to "the indiscretion of the Scottish Whip" and its consequences, his view being that it was nobody's duty to raise the Socialist scare at this moment. Twenty years ago, he maintains, Socialism was apparently in a stronger position than to-day ; and yet, in spite of Henry George, Ruskin, the Fabian Society, and William Morris, we have lived through nearly twenty years of Conservative govern-

ment. Of the Labour Members in the House— "only the merest handful would avow themselves to be Socialists.

The bulk of the Labour M.P.'s realise that the chance of maintaining their present position will depend at the next election, as it did at the last, on a good working relation between Liberalism and Labour, and that if Labour broke away and hoisted the flag of Socialism in opposition to Liberalism, it would emerge in an infinitely worse position, oven though it inflicted disaster on the Liberal Party."

This view of the Socialist group as negligible will not com- mend itself to Mr. Keir Hardie ; in any case, Mr. Spender is on safer ground when he takes the broad view that all "this ferment about ideals, and with it the discussion of all manner of generous and visionary schemes, is absolutely essential even

to the Liberal movement. The Liberal Party has no future and no intellectual basis unless it can keep in touch with this movement and gradually' guide it to practical issues." And

again : "We are in the stage [in the controversy as to what is Socialism] in which free speech and free thought is for the benefit of everybody, and in which party leaders have no call to excommunicate heretics." At the same time, he admits that some sort of working compromise is likely to be found when a General Election approaches ; but it is in the mean- time becoming a serious question whether the adoption of the second ballot would not, from the public point of view, be the better solution. We have not space to follow Mr. Spender further in detail in his ingenious discussion of the situation created by the Lords' amendments or the plan of campaign he recommends to bring the Peers to reason. As between the different sections of the Liberal Party, Mr. Spender ingeminates peace and preaches the doctrine of comprehen- sion, tolerance, and patience. In particular, he deprecates recourse to any "extremist guerilla welfare," adding: "nothing is to be done in this country except by patient effort on con- stitutional lines, and in proportion as the case is strong, motion must be patient, if persistent."—Mrs. Fawcett, writing under the heading "The Prisoners of Hope in Holloway Gaol," announces her conversion to the methods of the new suffragists. In the course of her argument she contrasts the different treatment accorded by the Press to the imprisoned suffragists and the women who went on strike in South Wales. The latter, she admits, showed "an appalling degree of ferocity and brutality," but they were not, she asserts, "made the subjects of hysterical outbursts in leading articles and offensive cartoons in the illustrated papers. For these wild and misguided women were not fighting for anything for themselves ; they were acting the ' womanly ' part of backing up their husbands' trade union." It is a relief to learn later on that Constitutional agitation in the cause of woman suffrage is not exhausted. Mrs. Fawcett clearly favours the creation of a Woman Suffrage Party on the Labour model, but unhesitatingly pronounces against a premature demand for universal adult suffrage.—Mr. John Murray contributes a very timely, moderate, and instructive paper on the work of a publisher,—its restrictions, difficulties, risks, and responsi- bilities. Incidentally he observes, and the point is worth noting, that the estimates of recent amateur critics are based on the assumption that a whole edition is sold, whereas this happens not once in five hundred times ; while even if this does happen, and a reprint is made, the sale may stop suddenly, and leave a large supply, unsold, on hand. Again, he asserts that estab- lishment charges, owing to various causes, are nearly double what they were thirty years ago. Here is an interesting side- light on Mr. Gladstone's ability as a critic :—

" It used to be said that Mr. Gladstone was able to secure the success of a book ; but this is a case in which it is possible to prove a negative. He took the greatest pains to promote the success of three books published by my firm ; the Life and Letters of Daniel O'Connell,' the Life of Susan Dabney Smedes,' and the Life of Sidney Gilchrist Thomas.' The two latter were published at his own suggestion, and he did his utmost by means of reviews, of speeches and of personal recommendation to increase the circulation of all three. O'Connell's Life' resulted in a loss to us of between £500 and £600, and the other two yielded a profit of something under £50 together."

In conclusion, Mr. Murray observes that the world is apt to form a sweeping judgment of the publisher and his work from some exceptional instance or instances laid before it on inadequate information or in a misleading way, and adds his deliberate conviction that "there are few honourable crafts in which the profits—over a large area of operations—are smaller in proportion to turnover; few in which the disappointments are more frequent."

Count Tolstoy's discourse on Shakespeare in the Fortnightly is an amazing piece of self-satisfied absurdity. It appears that long ago Tolstoy came to the conclusion that Shakespeare's works were an imposture. Recently he re-read the plays so as not to give a hasty judgment, and now he announces to the world that they are foolish and unnaturaL The play of Lear is

analysed in detail, and we are told that in it there is no wit, truth, or poetry. Even the scene in the storm cannot touch this bard-hearted Russian. There seems little good in print- ing such writing, for criticism it cannot be called.—Mr.

Henry Arthur Jones complains of the divorce of the English drama from literature, and appears to lay the blame entirely upon the latter. But surely the general public is more responsible. Here is the difficulty : how is the public to be converted to oaring for literary drama any more than

to a longing for artistic pictures P The taste that rules at the Academy also rules at the theatres. As long as this taste is catered for the result will not be art. Mr. Jones tells us that the Professor of English Literature at Harvard has given his students a course of modern English plays, and asks what would be the response of the Oxford authorities if a similar course were demanded of them. Certainly a course of Mr. Bernard Shaw's drama would be entertaining if it were nothing else.—Professor Ray Lankester writes a vindication of the charges brought against himself as Director of the Natural History Museum. He says he has been accused of treating his post as one which gave him ample opportunity for research work, to the detriment of his care of the Museum. In answer to the charge, a detailed account is given of the duties of administration and organisation he has performed. From his own account, these seem to have been of an arduous nature, and to have left little time for original work. One reform brought about by Professor Lankester is interesting. The great authority on a certain form of insect, who lives at Vienna, asked for the loan of our collection, which was un- studied, and only a few of which had been named. The Act of 1753 says that specimens are to remain in the Museum "to all posterity," so the request was refused. A similar request to Paris resulted in the collection being lent, with the result that a very large proportion of the unnamed insects were classified, to the advantage of the lenders. Professor Lankester returned to the subject, and got the legal authori- ties to declare that the Act did not forbid such loans. Thus by the new policy within a reasonable time fairly complete "determination" of all specimens in the Museum will be attained.

An unsigned article in Blackwood by a lady brings before us the present condition of Turkish ladies. European educa- tion, it seems, has penetrated deeply into the harems of Con- stantinople, and the younger generation talk French among themselves, play the piano, and read novels. The effect of this is that an intense feeling of unrest and dissatisfaction has arisen among Mohammedan women of the upper classes in the capital. The writer of this paper gives us reports of con- versations with and letters from her Turkish friends, and these alike testify to the abhorrence that exists both for the seclusion and the marriage customs. Infinite ingenuity is exercised in carrying on flirtations by young girls, who outwit or bribe the slaves who are constantly on the watch. Acquaintance with Western ideas through books makes the unhappy people detest the custom of marrying men they have never seen. A girl exclaimed : "Better far remain unmarried, for marriage with us is the crowning misery, not to say humiliation, of our lives." What will result from this dis- content we wonder P Will Turkish women be able to exert an influence over their mankind to attain freedom ? When there has been discontent from a widened outlook things do not generally go back into exactly the old groove.—We are glad to welcome the return to these pages of the author of On the Heels of .De Wet. The enemy on this occasion, who was overcome after severe engagements, was the Custom-house at Hamburg. The objective was the passage of a motor-car through the red-tape entanglements. The writer and his friends proposed to take a motor tour in Germany for the purpose of seeing as much of the Army Manceuvres as they could, but this paper deals with their journey only as far as Berlin. It is indeed to be hoped that we are to be given further adventures, for if they are described after the manner of these initial experiences they cannot fail to be entertaining. The description is most amusing of the delays and exasperating methods of the German officials, who had to be appeased before the car could be got free from the Custom-house. The process threatened to be endless, but fortunately a police office clerk who accompanied the travellers to the dock to go through certain formalities was determined to have a drive in a powerful car through the streets of Hamburg, and to this vanity the party owed their departure that night on the road to Berlin. When once the officials were left behind, nothing seems to have surpassed the friendliness of everybody, and the writer pays a warm tribute to the kindliness they encountered. Stopping to dine at the town of Nauen, the travellers found the hotel occupied by a party of officers of the Cuirassiers of the Guard on their way to the manceuvres. A question asked of one of the hotel _servants about the road revealed the English

nationality of the questioner, and the answer came in perfect English from an officer standing by. After some talk this officer introduced himself, "but so slurred his denomination that the travellers never caught his name." Friendly rela- tions ensued, and the evening was spent with the courteous Cuirassier and his brother-officers. At parting the travellers were given a letter of recommendation to a hotel in Berlin. The following is the writer's comment on the incident :—

"We would ask our readers to picture in this country a similar circumstance, whereby three German explorers arrive in some garrison town and find the hotel filled with officers of a House- hold cavalry regiment. Would the fact that the three addressed the bar-tender in German prove so attractive to British officers that they would, in the first place, go out of their way to render the visitors every assistance, and in the second, invite them to join in an evening's entertainment ?"

The hotel-keeper in Berlin looked over the heads of the dis- reputable-looking wayfarers and refused accommodation ; but

the officers' letter was produced, and a change came over the scene. "I beg your pardon, sir. Of course we have room. If we had not, when Royalty commands us by letter we must

obey."

Mr. Charles Bright, in the Monthly Review, shows how mistaken the popular view is that wireless telegraphy is the invention of Signor Marconi. It is quite true that Marconi

was the first to make the sending of messages without wire a commercial success, but Sir Oliver Lodge demonstrated in 18,4 at the Royal Institution that by the agency of the Hertzian waves messages could be signalled without wires, and

he can therefore claim priority over Signor Marconi. The con- clusion deduced from this by Mr. Bright is that it is greatly against the public interest that only one system should be recognised, and he approves of the late Conference. At the conclusion of the article reference is made to a new system —that of Mr. Valdemar Poulsen—which may have important results.—" The Strange Obsequies of Paganini " is the title of an article by Mr. Loveland which describes a series of events the gruesome details and callousness of which could only have taken place in Southern Europe. Paganini died at Nice in 1840, and although he made confession, he did not receive the Sacrament for medical reasons which the doctor stated in writing. The Bishop refused Christian burial to the body, and the son appealed to the Nice tribunal, which upheld the Bishop, but a further appeal was made to Rome. During this delay the body, incompletely embalmed, was deposited at the hospital. From thence the coffin was removed to a lazaretto at Villefranche. After a month the authorities there determined to get rid of it, and deposited it by the side of a stream formed by the refuse coming from an oil mill. After some days the Comte de Cessoles, a friend of Paganini, decided to remove the body, which he did by night, having it carried along the seashore in a storm to the Cap St. Hospice. Here it was buried and remained for two years, when the great violinist's eon determined to take his father's body to Genoa to be buried there. The ship, however, was refused admittance at this place, as it had come originally

from Marseilles, where there was cholera, so the body was put into a hole in the rook of a tiny uninhabited island near Cannes. Five years later the body was taken to Gajona, near Parma, and buried there on Pagamni's own property. This was in 1845. In 1853 it was exhumed and re-embalmed ; in 1876, thirty-six years after the musician's death, the Papal Court authorised burial in a churoh at Parma with Christian rites. Twice again was the body exhumed, apparently out of curiosity, and finally a pane of glass was put into the coffin to render visible the face, which had been preserved.