TOPICS OF THE DAY.
GOVERNMENT AND COUNTRY.
ITALF-A-DOZEN meetings have been held on the subject of Turkey, one on the subject of a "Greek Empire," and one is to be held next week on the subject of Peace; and, what with the diversity of the sentiments, the character of the attendance at the Anti- Russian meetings, and the still more considerable numbers and character of those who stop at home, it might be inferred that the country does not know its own mind.
No such doubt could exist on any such important subject in the United States. In that republic, "the country" really, after a rough and cumbrous fashion, does appoint its Government. If any opinion does take hold of the Union, and keeps its hold long enough, then, after a due amount of struggling, of self-conflict, and perhaps of heads broken in the freedom of debate, that convic- tion gets duly established in office. Once in, the Government, in compliance with usage, renders a periodical account to the people ; even the most confidential matters being stated to the nationally- elected Senate, and never very long concealed from the public at large. Thus there is, still after a general and rough fashion, but genuine in all essentials, a thorough understanding between the nation and those who administer the Government. It scarcely needed General Webb to inform the Times and the English public what is the feeling and policy of the Great Republic, because the Government of General Pierce is that policy and that feeling. Hence it cannot be for want of opportunity or information if an American Government mistakes the feelings of its own citizens, but solely for want of judgment. It is far otherwise amongst ourselves. With a habit of keeping its own council, Government never fully informs the country as to what is going forward ; and, with a limited franchise, a press of limited relation to the whole people, and the increasing domesticity of the classes possessing a political influence, the Government has no trustworthy means of knowing what the country is at. It is said that these reserves, especially in foreign affairs, save irrita- tion: but in the present instance we see that they have conse- quences not quite so desirable. At the present moment, we believe, the public, conjecturally regarding Lord. Aberdeen as firm and judi- cious in the Turkish question, is well inclined to support him ; but it is not sure of that supposition—has no downright knowledge of it ; and hence the more grave and discreet part of the public hangs back. Again, Lord Aberdeen (and when we speak of the Premier we mean the whole Government) may suppose that the great body of the English people would go with him : but he knows that the people is not thoroughly informed, so that it cannot have a com- plete opinion ; and he knows that there is no perfect means of ascertaining the public sentiment; even a general election only resulting in an adulterated representation. How, then, can he with any confidence reckon the support of the English people among his ascertained resources ? lord Palmerston has said that a Minister has no better eyes or ears than any other man ; and in some respects he is worse off than many. He sits long hours in his office, long hours in that very peculiar and exclusive assembly called Parliament; goes occasionally to a party among his own class; more rarely to a public meeting, where all that surrounds him reflects himself. His "ordinary channel of informa- tion" is the paper, which he does not always read. If he did, he might suppose that Cobdenism, once triumphant in a great national movement, represents the England of the present day ; and that the only feeling on which he can count for aid in supporting Turkey is the standing Dudley-Stuartism of Radical boroughs. How little that presumption would be true, those who enter into various classes of society can tell ; but how is Lord Aberdeen to know, in a country where the Government and the governed are so little en rapport ? Turn to the other side, and see the consequences of the extreme
opposed to the American. In Russia, the people only know what is officially revealed ; but then the people are of no account. They do not create the Government, as in America; nor do they dole out "the supplies," as in England. Hence there is no inconveni- ence to the Minister if he is not en rapport with the public. He is en rapport with his master, and that is enough. All the incon- venience is to the people ; in whose behalf, however, the measures are not taken, but only in behalf of the Czar, who knows all about it, and can count on his own support without difficulty. Ile can conceal, disclose, disguise, invert, at pleasure—can deceive foes or allies. He not only can do so, but he has done it ; alternating threats, disclaimers, actions, and renewed negotiations, in a way to keep up the progress of encroachment by one approach, while resting on another.
. The reserve of our Government cannot attain these advantages, if English statesmen could swept them ; because the people, after all, must be consulted at one time or other. Thus that same people is a burden without being a support, a responsibility without being a strength. Nor does the concealment, admirable for purposes of intrigue, attain that which we want—the full strength of a direct course. While it enfeebles Ministers, keeping the Government less efficient than it would otherwise be, and intrusting affairs of the utmost importance to men whose actions are hampered by un- certainty, it prevents any party from knowing how matters really stand, until, probably, some lamentable and irretrievable mis- chief be done; and we only learn all about it from sonic retro- spective blue book, published months or years after, when a new esibroglio is fermenting.
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