IRELAND.

The Habeas Corpus Suspension Act expired on Friday last; and on Saturday morning Mr. Gavan Duffy resumed his place among the "public instructors" in Dublin, with a new series of the Nation newspaper. This is the opening of his leading article, six columns long— "An Irish rebel,' for whom the transport-ship floated in Dublin harbour but four months ago; who has since seen his dearest friends and comrades carried away into penal exile; who sees the wrongs they rose up to redress at peril of their heads daily widening and aggravated since their fall; and who knows that the country they hoped to save is sinking deeper and deeper into an ignominious lethargy—is called upon today to show cause, if there be any, for still believing in the deliverance of Ireland.

"I do not blame any man for feeling disturbed by mocking doubts, and clouded by deep despondency at present. Which of us has not despaired for the country within the last twelve months? . . . . I confess that for a space I despaired of Irishmen in Ireland ; I felt my heart borne away by the ebb-tide of emigration that flowed like a torrent towards the shores of the New World. The manhood and intellect of the country in which the hopes of '48 had centered were flying fast, and it seemed a more feasible task to rear a new Irish nation on the hanks of the Mississippi than to reinfuse courage and hope into the debauched and despairing heart of the old country. Visions of a New Ire- land, in which the Celtic virtues, long choked with poisonous weeds, would at last be f eely developed and vindicated to the world, did sometimes fill my prison meditations. And assuredly it was no cloudy Atlantis or fantastic Icaria, but a solid nation of men as God has moulded them, living by the sweat of brow and brain, and striving towards national prosperity and honour by the appointed paths Of industry sod religion. Bat the dream was but a dream to me, as it will prove to all who trust in it. It faded away before the returning light of sense and duty. In this land, or nowhere, an Irish nation must grow up. In this land, or nowhere, the Irish race can be saved from extinction. If we cannot hold this island which covers our fathers' bones, and shelters the ashes of soldiers and scholars and venerable saints and martyrs of our blood, whose sky and soil have nursed and trained us like a second mother, and become mysteriously incorporated with our very flesh and blood, there is no home on the earth for as."

' Mr. Duffy has bean making a tour in the provinces; he has seen the famiue districts and the rebel districts, and has " oonversed with many of the wisest and best mon in Munster and Connaught." This appalling picture is the result of his experience-

" No words printed in a newspaper, or elsewhere, will give any man who has not seen it a conception of the fallen condition of the West and.the'South.' The- famine and the landlords have actually created a new race in Ireland. I have seen on the streets of Galway crowds of creatures more debased than the yahoo, of Swift—creatures having only a distant and hideous resemblance to human beings. Grey-headed old men, whose idiot faces had hardened into a settled leer of mendicancy, simous and semi-human ; and women filthier and more frightful than the Harpies, who at the jingle of a coin on the pavement swarmed in m from unseen places, struggling, screaming, shrieking for their prey, like some monstrous and unclean animals. In Westport the sight of the priest on the Street gathered an entire pauper population, thick as a village market, swarming round him for relief. Beggar children, beggar adult; beggars in white hairs, girls with faces grey and shrivelled, the grave stamped upon them in a decree which could not be recalled; women with the more touching and tragical aspect of lingering shame, and self-respect not yet effaced ; and among these terrible realities, imposture shaking in pretended fits, to add the last touch of horrible grotesqueness to the picture! I have seen these accursed sights, and they are burned into my memory for ever.

" Away from the towns, other scenes of unimaginable horror disclose them. selves. The traveller meets groups, and even troops, of wild, idle, lunatic- looking paupers' wandering over the country, each with some tale of externem_ Lion to tell. If he penetrates into a cabin and can distinguish objects among filth and darkness, of which an ordinary pigstye affords but a faint image, he will pro_ bably discover from a dozen to twenty inmates in the one hut—the ejected cottiers clustering together and breeding a pestilence. What kind of creatures men and women become, living in this clang-heap—what kind of children are reared there to grow up into a new generation, I have no words to paint. " Another feature of painful interest obtrudes itself constantly on any one who had a personal acquaintance with the people. Whatever men among the farming or working classes were most prominent for intelligence, independence, or enter- prise, are in general to be seen no more. Some were ejected from their land, some fled away voluntarily ; but fled from the system—lied from landlords in whose sympathy or equity they had no trust. The young, strong, skilful working man, the adventurous self-reliant man prescient of success, the independent man in. patient of misgovernment, the man of moderate available capital that keeps ape_ culation alive—the blood and bone of a state—these have emigrated in masses to America. You ask for them, and End they have abandoned the country in despair."

' What are the grounds of hope?" Mr. Duffy proceeds to state theta and to develop his plan; but stops mid-way, promising to fill up " the de- tails of the rude map of action" in his next number. Meanwhile, there is hope in the very tone of the following passage-

" If the struggle is to be renewed, for what object is it to be renewed, and by what ways and means 2-1 answer, without hesitation, that the struggle of 1848 to win our independence by arms cannot be taken up now. All bluster and bra- vado are more repulsive and mournful to me than a death-bell. They sound mom falsely, more offensively, than even the glosses of simulated loyalty. It is true that no man can presume to fix limits to the endurance of a nation, or bar its rights of resistance—and God forbid that! should try to do so; but to me, who am not ignorant of any part of what has been done or attempted to be done since February 1848, nothing is more certain than that Ireland is not prepared to walk in that path, and that it is a mischievous and misleading falsehood to pretend that she is. For nations have generally an alternative, and it is only by choosing neither course that they perish. For a renewal of the contest on the old grounds we are very plainly disabled. We can no more go back at a leap to the year 1848 than to the year 1782. In revolutions, like games of smaller scope, 'a miss is as good as a hit,'—your chance is forfeited whether your measures hang fire or hit their mark. This is an uncomfortable fact, but a fundamental one, essentially necessary to be known and understood. We cannot even go back to the Irish League at this moment. It was the birth of warm hopes and deep labour; and to revive it now would be as fruitless as growing corn in December. Vain and futile are all efforts that are not based upon a knowledge of our actual condition ; and upon a free admission that we begin to reconstruct our works in the fourth year of famine, and the first after an utterly unsuccessful revolution. And now again we renew our labours, in new and trying circumstances. We must begin this time at the bottom, for we have arrived there. We must begin by solidly piling granite upon granite—not laboriously balancing a house of cards, to be blown down con- temptuously in the end by the breath of a Court lawyer. A design, wisely sub- ordinated to the actual facts of our condition, but incessantly expanding itself till it fill up the entire breadth of our purpose—the purpose of making Ireland a free, prosperous, and honoured nation—is the only one in which I can put faith. It is easier to sigh over opportunities which are gone, or to scream for contingencies which have not arrived, than to strive towards this purpose by systematic labour and devotion; but whoever means to live through other years than the present or hopes to see the end attained, had better not prefer that plan. Assuming these premises, what then ?—This, then: we cannot win our rights at a blow, but we must win them in detail. This is my faith. We must win them in detail, be ginning with the most urgent, and advancing from point to point towards the great goal. Ireland is a sick and disabled man, whom we must strengthen and invigorate with many preliminary successes before he is able to win his last and most precious right. Independence is no longer the first achievement and sole spring-bead of all that will enrich and ennoble our country, but the end and re- suit of many previous victories. There, and no other where, does it lie. For the tme of revolution has gone out and left us stranded on the shore, and we needs most conform to the circumstances in which we are cast. Shipwrecked men build with spars and waifs spared by the storm ; and if they are wise ones, work cheerfully with the means and appliances fortune has left them, making no un- manly whining for those that lie buried in the great deep, for whining will not bring them back again. We must win our rights in detail, and strive to learn, or revive, the heroic virtues in the struggle; for it is folly to talk of the independ- ence of the Irish race till the individual men of Ireland have learned to become independent."

We lately presented in an extract the recantation of the Cork Reporter, one of the most earnest and able of the Young Ireland journals; Mr. Gavan Duffy's revised and amended political creed is indicated above: on the other hand, we find a "new profession" by one of the organs of the antagonist party of High Orange Toryism. The Fermanagh Reporter, casting off the old leaven, calls upon the Protestants of Ulster to be no longer ashamed of being classed among the "mere Irish,"—to forget their Saxon descent, and feel a just pride, in common with their Celtic brethren, in being natives of Irish soil. The writer contrasts the faults and errors of the South and the North- " The fault of the people,. in the South and West of Ireland is, that they are prone to submit to the leading of designing men, and to fancy that they are seek- ing the country's good and their own prosperity, while all the time they are being skinned like eels and sold like sheep. Can any one in his sober senses imagine that the orators (if we Must so miscall them) of Conciliation Hall really sought and hoped for Repeal? If any one is still so far lost to common sense as to imagine it, let him dream away—it were vain to hope for his waking. We grant that many or most of the Confederates were in earnest; and so seen on them, as the saying is—they are not enjoying loaves, fishes, or favours, like some soi-disent patriots, of whose valour diseretion was the better part, and whose country is their own dear selves.

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"The fault of the people of the North has been, that many of then did 2" - leak upon themselves as really Irish; patriotism, withreferente to the land of their birth, they did not dream of, at least mitil of late; the Bine; at Ireland and the Irish never came home to them; the prosperity and glory of England, as dis- tinguished from our own country, was their glory and boast; and when sons.e brainless braggadocio wanted to make a more than common display of exalts" sentiment, his boas ,t to the dismay of language, was, 'I'm a Britoner.' This i no fancy sketch. Multitudes of our readers must know that the state of feeling to which we refer has had an existence for many years. In fact, we ourselves were brought up in the belief that it was a kind of Protestant duty to despise 'Ireland and the Irish'; to think of England as everything, Ireland as nothing; and to blush at the name of Irishman. It is well known that a great many emi- grants from Ulster to the United States deny their country, and call themselves Scotehmen, beyond the Atlantic. Such conduct cannot be excused by the con- tempt with which the mere Irish' are regarded; for no man is ashamed of his country save the man of whom that country has a right to be ashamed." • The origin of these evils he traces to enmity of races hereditarily preserved, and false guidance by a political priesthood. As to the first, the distinctive fail- ing of the North, he says—" It is time that such a feeling had lost its power; for the people of Ulster are Irish now in spite of destiny; and they must know that their prosperity is inseparable linked to that of Ireland." As to the last, the weak point of Celtic Ireland, he writes—" It were treason against the bulwark of Protestantism, the right of private judgment,' to tell our Roman Catholic countrymen that we will not join them in seeking the good of Ireland unless they think with us on religious matters ; but we may and ought to tell them, that as we do not ourselves admit of clerical interference in politics, we can never unite with them while they submit to what every nation who ex- perienced it has found to be a dangerous domination—that of the priesthood. A religious politician, like Wilberforce, is a blessing to the nation; hut a political religionist is a curse to any people. The Roman Catholics have been led to cry vigorously for political chimeras, which were useless to themselves and their country. The Protestants were either silent about the good of the country, or, if led to made a noise, opposed the demands of the others, and cried out as lustily for equally useless things; and thus, between them, we have never seen the Irish for Ireland.' " The new phasis of opinion and policy thus indicated, secures also the temperate suffrage of the Leinster Express—

"The resources of the country are as boundless as the wretchedness of the people has been unparalleled ; and surely we should not let the present period pass without making provision for the future. The progress of legislation when for public benefit is proverbial for its slowness. Instead of waitin,e listlessly for its advent, let us endeavour ourselves to effect beneficial changes. The combined exertions of a united community can overcome obstacles which to the individual would be insurmountable. Let us, as men and as Christians, each in his own sphere, exercise his best energies, and act with a generous confidence towards his neighbour. We may thus be enabled to avail ourselves in some measure of those resources with which we are favoured, and which are being in a state of waste, and eventually save ourselves from the renewal of the miseries and horrible wretchedness which crushed the heart of the country the last three years."

Among the Nation's notices to correspondents is this one- " As the suppressed Nation has hitherto only delighted Mr. Inspector Guy and a select circle of the Castle Detectives, we propose on the first convenient day, perhaps in our next number, to make some selections from it, for the Sovereign People, for whom it was originally intended. The King ehall have his own again.", Some extraordinary specimens of the pulpit eloquence of Dr. M'Ilale, the Catholic Archbishop of Tuam, have been communicated to the public through the medium of the Dublin Evening Mail, by the Reverend Mr. Moore, Rector of Cong, County Mayo. It had been announced for several Sundays that the Archbishop of Tuam would hold a confirmation on Thursday the 23d August, "and that he would then and there denounce Mrs. Moore's school and Mr. Moore's lecture": Mr. Moore therefore, in order to obtain a true account of what "the Pope's servant" should really say, sent two reporters to the chapel, one a Protestant, the other a Roman Catholic. 'Mr. Moore gives the report of the Roman Catholic, as less ex- ceptionable.

"Mass being over, the Archbishop ascended the altar, and addressed the con- gregation in Irish, saying— .

" He was much pained at receiving an invitation frem that 'holy man' (point- ing to the parish priest) to visit the parish of Cong at thatunusual period. The circumstances that called for his immediate attention were indeed painful. He, as their Bishop, the lawful representative of the true church of God, felt it his duty to warn them against the wily and crafty assaults of a base and corrupted church—a church filled with such filthy and foul abominations that he would blush to mention—a church begotten and founded by Lutherand Calvin—a church cherished and nursed by brutal force and the lustful desires of Harry the Eighth and Elizabeth—a wicked church, a cursed church, established on the spoil of the old Catholic church of God—a church that would now rob the poor of Ireland of the last legacy left them by their forefathers—a church that was now tam- pering with the youth and age of this parish, under the 'literal visitation of Pro- vidence, to ensnare them, by holding out to them pecuniary relief only to ruin their souls—a church whose aim was to invent traps and snares for them. They will give you schools for your children, damnable schools, and then seduce you into their churches. Oh, what a curse! Could he believe it to be the case that any parents should be found base enough to murder their children? Whatever were their excuses, they were more inexcusable than Cain, who killed his brother Abel. • • • • If any parents would send their children to such ghouls, they were killing souls, by making them feed on the poisoner's' heresy of that cursed and damnable church—a church which was instilling into their mind the loathsome and soul- killing doctrines of Luther and Calvin. • • • • There is only one true church, which is the holy Catholic church: a church founded on such corrupt principles as I have alluded to cannot be the true church. * • * * No; it is a church which robbed God of His glory; a church that despises His Virgin Mother, and de- prives her of her honour. How can they honour the Son When they despise the blether? A church which despised the saints•, 'a Church which divested the true church of God of its glory, and had only retained the loathsome, .filthy carcass, with which they would fain feed the poor deluded souls theywere destroying by their heretical doctrine. Oh! could the remains of those departed saints, who once adorned the now Mouldering walls of that venerable abbey, arise and speak, and whose spirits are now in the realms of bliss, they would raise their voice, and tell what were the principles of that damnable Church: they would tell the sad history of 'spoliation which left it deserted and in ruins;, a church founded on the spoil of the Catholic church, supported and established bylaw. He wished the People Of the 'txtrish ymod henceforth cease to hold any communication with sunhat-foul institution. They should hold no intercourse with them—they should not speak to them—they should not listen to them—they t-heuld not salute them for the future on the highway—their very breath was poison. Now let us pray that the Holy Ghost may come down upon us," &a.

At a dinner of thelirectora and friends of 'the Dublin and Kingstown Railway, on Tuesday Week, Mr.' George Roe, the Chairman of the Com- paq, proposed the- health of Lord Clarendon in connexion with " Proer perity to Ireland"'' ascribing the happy event of the, Queen's visit to that nobleman's persom;1 opinion and WirlextPer-

If hi S Excellency bad .liatened to the [ear; and doithts.of the timid, instead of boldly taking the whole responaibilitY upon his psi& shoulders, lie believed her

Majesty's visit would have been again postponed. The Chairman dwelt for some time on the contrast between the present prospects of Ireland and what they were when Lord Clarendon arrived in this country ; giving his Excellency credit for effecting the change; to whom it would afford hereafter, when peringa filling a higher destiny in the affairs of the United Kingdom, much matter for self-gratu- lation.

The "Encumbered Estates Commission" was also toasted; and the com- pliment was acknowledged by Baron Richards, the Chief Commissioner. He of course thought that the Commission was calculated to do much good. Yet be discouraged the extravagant expectations of some parties, who imagined that it was a perfect panacea for all the evils of Ireland. . . . The Commiseiocers had no intention of travelling at railway speed ; but they trusted they would be able to introduce such improvements as were suited to the altered state of society.

Some consternation has been created in Dublin by the spread of cholera among the upper and middle classes, and its invasion of "some of the most salubrious districts in the neighbourhood of the metropolis." " At Castlenock," writes the Dublin correspondent of the Morning Chronicle, "adjoining the Phoenix Park, and not far from the Viceregal Lodge, a large por- tion of the inhabitants have been carried off. On Sunday last, Major Turner, Master of the Horse to the Lord-Lieutenant, attended divine service, apparently in good health; he was soon after attacked, and died in the course of a few hours. In some streets in Dublin the epidemic has been very fatal. In Denzille Street, adjoining the terminus of the railway at Westland Row, and Merrier' Square, several persons in the middle class have died within the last week. ha some parts of Kingstown there has been considerable mortality amongst all classes, ex- tending even to localities remarkable for their salubrity. The disease broke out a few days since at a poor hamlet half a mile from the town, called the Seven Houses, where almost all the cases proved fatal. It exterded on Saturday in a direct line towards a terrace inhabited by respectable families. One of the houses is occupied as a boarding-school, where a youth, the son of a clergyman of the Established Church, was attacked, and died in a few Mures The master of the school, also a clergyman, has broken up his establishment for the present, and sent his pupils home to their families."

Apartments are in preparation at the Customhouse for the sittings of the Encumbered Estates Commission. One of the first large properties with which tho Commissioners will have to deal is the Devon estate, in the county of Limerick.—Dublin Letter.

The wholesale houses in Dublin are beginning to receive orders from the country shopkeepers in the South and West, for corduroys and other coarse fabrics worn by the humbler classes; a branch of trade almost entirely ne- glected for three years past.—Dublin Correspondent of' the Morning Chronicle.

Galway was thrown into the highest degree of excitement on Sunday evenings [the 26th August,] by the announcement that the engineers of the Midland Rail- way Company intended opening the works on Monday morning. The bells of old St. Nicholas tolled merry peals from an early hour. The whole population of the town may be said to have been in the streets at six o'clock. The procession be- gan to be formed at half-past six o'clock. The trades, each with its banner, marched in the usual order, and, attended by a vast concourse of people, arrived at Renmore, where the works were to commence. The procession halted, and, having formed a circle the Reverend Mr. Daly addressed the assembled thousands. Mr. Daly afterwards, amid deafening cheers, turned the first sod of the new railway, the band playing the national anthem. The procession returned to tiwn, leaving a number of labourers engaged upon the works. The bells of St. Nicholas pealed at intervals during the day, which the mechanics for the most part enjoyed as a holyday; and at night the town was splendidly illuminated, and boohres blazed in every street. All was excitement and enthusiastic hope.—Galway Vindicator.