TRUSTEES OF THE NATION.

[CONTINUED FROM MARCU 2GTTI.]

WE are anxious to correct several misapprehensions which have been entertained concerning our lists of persons worthy to be elected National Trustees.

First—We are accused of being the organ of the Parliamentary Candidates Society ; which is described as "an impertinence at best,"* and at worst as "a joint-stock company for the return of its own directors to Parliament." f Now, in our humble opinion, the Society is an abortion,—as we foretold that it might prove, in consequence of too many of its founders being "young .gentlemen about town,' who dare not think against the opinion of "my club," and who never meddle with politics but to display indecision, timidity, and helplessness. If the persons of this .stamp, who 'assisted to form the Society, expect to sit in a Reformed Parliament, they will be wofully disappointed. We acknowledge that they mean well; but that is their sole recommendation. When it comes to action, they are worse than useless 'Morning Herald. f Morning Peat. —whatever they touch they injure. "Good intentions " produced the Greek Committee, which proved worse than an abortion—a monster remembered with disgust by the public, and with hot shame by every one connected with it. The good intenbons, again, of a number of young men about town, formed the Colonization Society, of which the excellent purpose has been for a time frustrated by the incapacity of its members. A like class of persons were the principal founders of this Parliamentary Candidates Society; which made great promises, and has done—nothing. The jealousy with which it could not but have been regarded at first, was to be subdued only in one way— by constant and persevering exertion, through good and evil report, towards the end proposed, viz. the co-operation of numbers for the return of an honest and able House of Commons. The purpose was unquestionably good, the moment the very nick of time ; but the means were wanting. The means required were a committee of such men as ATTWOOD of Birmingham. If the Birmingham Political Union—which was violently deprecated at first, but which, in Scotland and the North of England, has done much for time cause of Reform—had been conducted by dandies a the London clubs, to whom the entrée of Almack's or an invitation to Holdemesse House is the most precious of attainments, that provincial association would have proved an abortion like this London society. Of the society we have only to add, that, though we have never been its organ, we should gladly have afforded it our best assistance, if its labours had rendered it deserving of public confidence and support. Secondly—We are charged with "dictating to bodies of electors, who, if qualified to vote, are qualified to select candidates." This odd accusation must have originated with the English Carlists, who, like their brethren of France, will not comprehend that "journalism" is nothing but the expression of public opinion. A newspaper that should attempt to dictate, must soon perish. Every now and then, indeed, a journal is started for the enforcement of some opinion not accepted out of the narrow circle which establishes the paper. But the speculation invariably fails, both in a political and in a pecuniary sense. Dictation is hateful to all the world ; and a newspaper cannot dictate, because, if it dictates, it dies. True, many a newspaper appears to dictate,—as, for instance, the Times, in its late " thundering " articles against the poor Boroughmongers ; but to call this dictation, would be like saying that it is the hatchet and not the woodsman who fells. the tree. Newspapers are but an instrument to express the opinions of their readers on either side of whatever may be the question ; and, taken altogether, where the press is free, they constitute the public voice.

As with other papers, so with us. Our business is to watch the course of opinion, and to supply its wants,—not subserviently or hypocritically, without regard to our individual opinions, which of course form part of the mass ; but diligently, and, as far as may be, skilfully, so as to obtain the greatest number of readers amongst those whose opinions we share. In this particular case, we observed that a party, whose opinions we do not share, con tended against Reform on the ground that the country could not furnish a more honest and able Legislature than that which has been obtained under the nomination system ; whilst, on the other hand, those whose opinions we do share, called for an answer to that argument. We are proceeding to furnish the answer by our lists of able and honest men. Already several of the persons whom we have named are candidates for counties and open boroughs, with every prospect of being returned, in the place of incapable or (politically speaking) dishonest members of Parliament.

All Reformers, we suppose, look to Reform only as a means, and have an ultimate object in view. What can that object be, but a change, not in the persons merely of the members of the House

of Commons, but in the character of those who are to make our

laws ? Reform by itself would be nothing—the end of Reform is all in all. The characters of some of the present members will

improve under a severer responsibility to their constituents, and with the best examples constantly before them. We, or rather let us say our readers, have no wish that a single member who is susceptible of improvement should lose his seat—but the majority are past redemption ; and to 'replace these by members of the highest moral and intellectual qualities, is the purpose of Reform. Nine-tenths, at least, of the public call on those who are able and willing to serve the Nation in Parliament, to come forward and render the Reform Bills "effectual," by presenting themselves to

bodies of electors, who are also urged by the public voice to select men qualified to act as National Trustees. To the press, as the organ of opinion, belongs the task of forwarding this great na tional work. The press all over the country is engaged m it, with more or less of form and system, and with more or less effect. That one part of the labour is performed systematically, does not alter the character of the work. We do but endeavour to speak the voice of most of our readers : a newspaper cannot dictate. . A third and minor complaint is, that we have named persons not able or not willing to serve in Parliament. Very likely. We do not set up as electioneering agents, but are perfectly indifferent about the return of every one whom we propose as a candidate, provided that an equally good man be returned instead of him. Our concern—the public .concern—is not with individuals, but with classes; and we use the names and dwell on the characters of individuals, only as the most convenient mode:of portraying character, and proving, that the country abounds with men of the right stamp. It may be that some of the persons named by us are dead: still, the trouble of describing them will not be lost. In describing an individual by name, we may describe twenty, who, though unknown to us, are known to our readers. In such a case, the name, as well as the existence of the individual bearing that name, is of little importance. Take, for example, the case of Mr. RA.SHLEIGH, whom we named, in our first list, as fit to represent Cornwall. He has since been requested to accept the suffrage of a large body of Sir RICHARD VYVYAN'S constituents ; but he declines the honour, or, rather, declares that his bodily strength is inadequate to the task of serving in Parliament. This, clearly, is a man of the right character—one who considers a seat in Parliament as a grave and responsible trust for the benefit of others. Failing in Mr. RASHLEIGH, the Cornwall freeholdyrs apply ts his friend, Mr. PETER, whom we also named some weeks ago ; and this gentleman, instead of telling them, in the common cant, that he "feels the deepest gratitude for their proposal to confer on him the transcendent honour of representing them in Parliament," says, that he has nine children, whom he is unwilling to quit ; that he cannot afford to travel with his family to and fro between Land's End and London, and to live away from home during the session ; but that, in case of a general election before the passing of the Reform Bills, he has no objection to being returned once, and merely to give a vote for the Bills on behalf of his country. The assembled freeholders, to their honour be it said, express their gratitude to Mr. PETER for his qualified and hardly gracious assent to theirproposal ; and of course they resolve to bear all the cost of electing one who, it is so plain, has no object of his own to serve in becomityr" a member of Parliament. Now, even had we suspected that both these gentlemen would reject the proffered trust, we should still have said to the freeholders of Cornwall—" Elect a RASHLEIGH or a PETER, instead of the Standard's statesman,' Sir RICHARD VYVYAN." So also as to another gentleman named by us, who is invited to become a candidate for Somersetshire, but who May be engaged elsewhere, or not willing to undertake the task, we repeat to the freeholders of the West of England—" Elect a NORTH MORE instead of a DICKENSON." It is the same in nearly every

case: the individual stands for a class ; and if his name is mentioned in connexion with a particular body of electors, it is be

cause to that body, who know the individual, his name alone is a political sermon, not from the writers, but, as it were, from the readers of the Spectator.

MR. POWLETT SCROPE,

A gentleman of good estate, and a magistrate in the West of England. Mr. SCROPE is, we believe, a decided Tory by prejudice, but not an opponent of Reform. He is presumed to be the author of several articles in the Quarterly Review on questions of political economy. Respecting these, it must be admitted that the head of their author abounds in crotchets ; but he is still an able writer ; and, above all, his soul is bent on improving the physical, moral, and intellectual condition of the working classes. This is Mr. SCROPE'S highest recommendation. If he make strange blunders sometimes in his various suggestions for banishing poverty from the land, we cannot deny him the merit of being earnest and extremely active in the best of causes ; a meed of praise earned by few of the more exact economists, who, for the most part, rest contented with instructing the reflecting portion of society as to the causes of vice and misery among the great body of the people. Unhappily, the reflecting portion of society is small, and, for the furtherance of every pressing object, next to powerless. Reform, no doubt, will create a wonderful revolution in this respect, but not immediately; and the question remains—what is to be done in the mean while to prevent a recurrence of discontent and violence amongst the labouring classes, whose anger the Government has converted into hope by proposing Reform. Long time must elapse before Reform raises wages and spreads knowledge. The disappointment of the miserable and ignorant may soon be violent in proportion to the strength of their present joyful excitement. Who shall foretel the issue if the Government should remain passive until the storm returns ?

MR. OTWAY CAVE

Is well known in the Rutland-ridden county of Leicester, where he is, we may say, detested by the High-Tory Church-and-State aristocracy ; a strong recommendation. His name is to be found in all the smallest minorities of the last Parliament. Without very shining or solid talents, his zeal, activity, and perseverance are unquestionable ; we never heard a word against his political integrity, and need not remind the electors of Leicester of his sacrifices for Reform, retrenchment, and the abolition of slavery.

In the neighbourhood of Wakefield, MR. DEALTRY,

A gentleman of good property, a respected magistrate, a sound Whig of the old school, and generally qualified to act as a political trustee for the benefit of others. Also,

MR. HARDY,

Of Sleath, a lawyer, a Reformer, a liberalized Pittite, Recorder of Leeds, a roan of good talents, and the highest moral character.

Mn. CUNLIFFE LISTER,

'Who resides near Bradford ; a Reforming magistrate, of fair talents and high moral character. The town of Bradford, which is to have one representative in the Reformed Parliament, will probably return either this gentleman, or MR. MATTHEW THOMPSON, The first manufacturer of the place; a Reformer, a liberalized Tory; well acquainted with the trade of Yorkshire, and highly esteemed for his talents and public spirit.

COLONEL GORE LANGTON,

Formerly member for Somersetshire, but driven from that county by Sir THOMAS LETHBRIDGE and the High Church party, on account of his attachment to civil and religious liberty. This old and tried friend of the people will probably be invited to represent either the county of Somerset or the city of Bath.

MR. THORNELEY,

Of Liverpool ; an American merchant of high respectability, excellent talents, extensive knowledge, and sound judgment.