9 JANUARY 1830, Page 1

NEWS OF THE WEEK.

Pnzswjacaar. izsiatslifessage to the Congress of the United States_ has arrived. It has been expected with some eagerness ; and it must be in the highest degree gratifying to those who are anxious that this country and America should learn at length their true interests. The President's statements are clear and comprehensive ; and they are pervaded by a spirit of liberality which more than atones for the fallacy of some of the principles to which he appeals, as having sanctioned certain commercial restrictions of which the United States now seem _ anxious to be rid. The Message commences with a surveyof the; foreign -relations of thecountry. America is on the most friendly footing with all the great European Powers. -She has claims against France and Denmark, whichthe Monarchs of these countries have met in a spirit of fairness ; though the demand for compensation from the French Government remains "a subject of unpleasant discussion, and of possible collision" between that country and the United States. It is the wish of the President to remove the restrictive regulations that have narrowed the commercial intercourse of America and Spain; and it is hoped that the Spanish Government will speedily be induced to furnish compensation for " spoliations upon American commerce committed under its authority." With Russia, the United States are on the most friendly terms ; and from the late revolution in Turkey, they anticipate consequences of the greatest importance to their commerce.

L"----""With Great Britain, alike distinguished in peace and war, we may look forward to years of peaceful, honourable, and elevated competition. Everything in the condition and history of the two nations is calculated to inspire sentiments of mutual respect, and to carry conviction to the minds of both, that it is their policy to preserve the most cordial relations. Such are my own views ; and it is not to be doubted that such are also the prevailing sentiments of our constituents. Although neither time nor opportunity has been afforded for a full development of the policy which the present Cabinet of Great Britain designs to pursue towards this country, I indulge the hope that it will be of a just and pacific character ; and if this anticipation be realized, we may look with confidence to a speedy and acceptable adjustment of our affairs.

' Under the Convention for regulating the reference to arbitration of the disputed points of boundary under the 5th article of the treaty of Ghent, the proceedings have hitherto been conducted in that spirit of candour and liberality which ought ever to characterize the acts of sovereign states, seeking to adjust, by the most unexceptionable means, important and delicate subjects of contention. The first statements of the parties have been exchanged, and the final replication, on our part, is in a course of preparation."

Having exhausted the subject of their foreign relations, the President directs the attention of Congress to the Taliff ; to the Revenue ; and to certain constitutional changes which he recommends in the tenure of offices. On the subject of the Tariff, he says " No very considerable changes have occurred during the recess of Congress in the condition of either our agriculture, commerce, or manufactures. The operation of the tariff has not proved so injurious to the two former, nor as beneficial to the latter, as was anticipated. Importations of foreign goods have not been sensibly diminished ; while domestic competition, under an illusive excitement, has increased the production much beyond the demand for home consumption. The conseqnences have been, low prices, temporary

. embarrassment, and partial loss. That such of our manufacturing establish

' ments as are based upon capital, and are prudently managed, will survive the shock, and be ultimately profitable, there is no good reason to doubt.

"To regulate its conduct, so as to promote equally the prosperity of these three cardinal interests, is one of the most difficult tasks of Government ; and it may be regretted that the complicated restrictions which now embarrass the intercourse of nations could not, by common consent, be abolished, and commerce allowed to flow in those channels to which individual enterprise—always qs surest guide—might direct it. But we must ever expect

. selfish legislation in other nations ; and are theAfore compelled to adapt our own to their regulations, in the manner best calculated to avoid serious in

jury, and to harmonize the conflicting interests of our agriculture, our cohimerce, and our manufactures. Under these impressions, I invite your attention to the existing tariff, believing that some of its provisions require modification.

"The general rule to be applied in graduating the duties upon articles of foreign growth or manufacture, is that which will place our own in fair competition with those of other countries; and the inducements to advance even a step beyond this point are controlling in regard to those articles which are of primary necessity in time of war. When we reflect upon the difficulty and delicacy of this operation, it is important that it should never be attempted but with the utmost caution. Frequent legislation in regard to any branch of industry, affecting its value, and by which its capital may be transferred to new channels, must always be productive of hazardous speculation and loss.

"In deliberating, therefore, on these interesting subjects, local feelings and prejudices should be merged in the patriotic determination to promote the great interests of the whole. All attempts to connect them with the party conflicts of the day are necessarily injurious, and should be discountenanced. Our action upon them should be under the control of higher and purer motives. Legislation, subjected to such influences, can never be just, and will not long retain the sanction of a people whose active patriotism is not bounded by sectional limits, nor insensible to that spirit of concession and forbearance, which gave life to our political compact, and still sustains it. Discarding all calculations of political ascendency, the North, the South,,the East, and the West, should unite in diminishing any burden of which either may justly complain."

The reason assigned for the enactment of the Tariff-the alleged selfishness of other Governments—is not a very sound one ; but we are too well pleased with the prospect of its removal, to argue now upon the impolicy of having adopted it. The finances of the United States, are in a most prosperous condition. The public debt is fast disappearing, and in two years it will be extinguished. Already the President directs the attention of Congress to the best modes of expending the surplus of revenue which will remain in the treasury after the public creditors shall be satisfied. It has struck us as a curious proof at once gf the prosperity of the United States and of the mildness_of-the.Government, that their trea sury has made a great many bad ekbt.97 , " On an examination of the recordsiatave-fseettery, I have been forcibly struck with the large amount of public money which appears to be outstanding. O f the sum thus due from individuals to the Government, a consider• able portion is undoubtedly desperate ; and, in many instances, has probably been rendered so by remissness in agents charged with its collection. By proper exertions, a great part, however, may yet be recovered ; and, whatever may be the portions respectively belonging to these two classes, it behoves the Government to ascertain the real state of the fact. This can be done only by the prompt adoption of judicious measures for the collection or such as may be made available."

We suggest that President JACKSON should send a deputation to England for insight on this particular ; as the French Government lately paid us the compliment to despatch commisioners to Ireland, there to study the art of pickling beef. To the citizens of the United States, no part of the Message will , have been more interesting than that which recommends guarantees for duly collecting the public will in elections, and checks against the , tendency of power to encroach on what belongs to the people.

"I consider it one of the most urgent of my duties to bring to your attention the propriety of amending that part of our Constitution which relates. to the election of President and Vice-Presidents. Our system of Government was, by its framers, deemed an experiment; and they, therefore, consistently provided a mode of remedying its defects. To the people belongs the right of electing their Chief Magistrate; it was never designed that their choice should, in any case, be defeated, either by the intervention of electoral colleges, or by the agency confided, under certain contingencies, to the House of Representatives. * * From the mode of voting by States, the choice is to be made by twenty-four votes ; and it may often occur, that one of these may be controlled by an individual representative. Honours and offices are at the disposal of the successful candidate. Repeated ballotings may make it apparent that a single individual holds the cast in his hand. May he not be tempted to name his reward ? But even without corruption—supposing the probity of the represenAtive to be proof against the powerful motives by which he may be assailed—the will of the people is still constantly liable to be misrepresented. One may err from ignorance of the wishes of his constituents; another, from a conviction that it is his duty to be governed by his own judgment of the fitness of the candidates; finally, although -all were inflexibly honest—all accurately informed of the wishes of their constituents,. yet under the present mode of election, a minority may often elect the President; when this happens, it may reasonably be expected that efforts will be made on the part of the majority to rectify this injurious operation of their institutions. But although no evil of this character should result. from such a perversion of the first principle of our system—that the majoritv is to govern—it must be very certain that a President elected by a minori.ay cannot enjoy the confidence necessary to the successful discharge of duties. In this, as in all other matters of public concern, policy requires that as few impediments as possible should exist to the free operation of the public will. Let us, then, endeavour so to amend our system, that tha office of Chief Magistrate may not be conferred upon any citizen but in pursuance of a fair expression of the will of the majority. I would, therefore i recommend such an amendment of the Constitution as may remove all interme. diate agency in the election of Vice-President. The mode may he so regulated as to preserve to each State its present relative-weight in the election ; and a failure in the first attempt may be provided for, by confining the second to a choice between the two highest candidates. In connection with such an amendment, it would seem advisable to limit the service of the Chief Magistrate to a single term, of either four or six years. If, however, it should

not be adopted, it is worthy of consideration whether a provision disqualifying for office the representatives in Congress on whom such an election may have devolved, would not be proper. "While members of Congress can be constitutionally appointed to offices of trust and profit, it will be the practice, even under the most conscientious adherence to duty, to select them for such stations as they are believed to be better qualified to fill than other citizens ; but the purity of our Government would, doubtless, be promoted by their exclusion from all appointments in the gift of the President, in whose election they may have been officially concerned. The nature of the judicial office, and the necessity of securing in the Cabinet, and in diplomatic stations of the highest rank, the best talents and political experience should, perhaps, except these from the exclusion.

"There are, perhaps, few men who can, for any great length of time, enjoy office and power without being more or less under the influence of feelings unfavourable to a faithful discharge of their public duties. Their inte. grit; may be proof against improper considerations immediately addressed to themselves, but they are apt to acquire a habit of looking with indifference upon the public interests, and of tolerating conduct from which an unpractised man would revolt. Office is considered as a species of property, and Government rather as a means of promoting individual interests, than as an instrument created solely for the service of the people. Corruption in some, and in others a perversion of correct feelings and principles, divert Government from its legitimate ends, and make it an engine for the support of the few at the expense of the many. The duties of all public officers are, or, at least, admit of being made, so plain and simple, that men of intelligence may readily qualify themselves for their performance ; and I cannot but believe that more is lost by the long continuance of men in office than is generally to be gained by their experience. I submit, therefore, to your consideration, whether the efficiency of the Government would not be promoted, and official industry and integrity better secured, by a general extension of the law which limits appointments for four years."