In the House of Commons, last night, virtually the close

of the session, the Whigs made a vigorous party sally, to secure a good position

for the recess. One of Lord John Russell's lieutenants led the way. When Sir ROBERT PEEL moved the adjournment of the House to the 5th of September, Mr. SHEIL started up—

He assumed that the adjournment must be intended to prevent Mr. O'Connell'a undergoing a needless six-months' imprisonment, should the Judges re port to Abe Lords, on their next meeting, that the verdict delivered by the

Jury—exclusively Protestant—was illegal : but if it proved so, the past imprisonment must have been in its degree unjust ; and he asked whether it would not be the more wise and generous policy, instead of waiting to see if the lawyers would pick the lock of Richmond Penitentiary, were Ministers at once to unbar the prison-doors and give Mr. O'Connell back to the Irish people. The state of Ireland, though tranquil on the surface, was unsafe, and needed a

deep and meditative forecast ; and he exhorted the Minister to conciliate in time. He called on Sir Robert Peel to think of the time when the merits of

his Administration would be tried, not by the numbers in the Old Lobby as -compared with the numbers in the New, but by considerations of generosity and magnanimity.

Mr. WYSE followed up this appeal.

There was no response ; and Lord Joni,/ RUSSELL himself now rose. He turned the discussion to a sketchy review of the session and the condition of the country. Lord John began by disavowing the unfair example set at the close of former sessions, in the circulation of a pamphlet purporting to be a speech of Lord Lyndhurst, and reviewing the legislation of the season to enumerate the Go vernment measures which had failed : unfair, because no Government can so control the Legislature as to insure success for all its measures ; and unfair

especially towards the last Government, to whom some two hundred Peers,

whose titles were created during the long rule of the Tories, were opposed. But he thought it useful to glance at the state of the country ; which he did at some length. Nothing had been done to ameliorate the condition of Deland: the Repeal meetings indeed were no longer held; but the affections of the people had not been won. After eight months of impunity, Mr. O'Connell was brought to trial, and condemned by a Jury from which every man of his own religion was excluded, though it comprised several violent Protestants. Government lately showed symptoms of paying more regard to the feelings of the Irish people : he hoped that next session they would fulfil the promise of the Union—that Ireland should be placed on an equality with England. They could give no better pledge of such enlarged views than the liberation of Mr. O'Connell—who has won, by great services, the confidence and gratitude of his countrymen—who is now sixty-nine years of age, and approaches the close of his political career. There is among both the majority and minority in Ireland a disposition to carp at measures intended for the public good, from a natural distrust of the honesty of those who are regarded as having been parties to the oppression of that country. So full an opportunity for securing the affection of the people does not often occur. The state of our Foreign relations was such as to make this subject both a delicate and an important one. With Sir Robert Peel's pledges respecting Morocco and Tahiti he was quite satisfied : but never since 1815, except after the French and Belgian Revolutions of 1830 and the Syrian campaign of 1840, had our Foreign relations been in a state to require so much anxiety. The more necessary to possess every element of strength : he alluded less to the Navy than to internal union. Another topic must soon force itself upon their attention —the condition of the people of England. The people are ill provided with the necessaries and comforts of life : and it is not to be denied that the condition of the labouring class has not advanced in proportion to the progress of the higher and middle classes. If Government, next session, did not introduce some comprehensive measure, at least to remove restrictions on the labouring class, he would ask the House to consent to some measure, or to go into CommitteeIt is not to be done by repealing the Poor-law and bestowing a national alms, but by enabling the people to obtain, what some of them claim, "a fair day's wages for a fair day's work." The whole subject of Import-duties ought to be revised; and the Corn-law ought to be considered, with due re,gard to agricultural interests. Since 1815, the County-rates and Malt-tax have been increased : with a surplus revenue, agriculturists might be relieved in that direction. Emigration, too, would be very serviceable to the workingclasses. It would be better if matters of legislation were brought forward earlier in the session, and if Members, instead of sitting so long in Parliament, could attend to local interests. Lord John wound up by saying—" I have not made these observations in party-spirit, or in any spirit of hostility to honourable gentlemen opposite. My views differ from theirs on many subjects, and I do not think measures wise which they regard as such ; but there are many subjects on which we might agree, and by which the interests of the country might be promote& I have stated my views of what these subjects are, and how they might be treated."

Sir ROBERT PEEL acknowledged the absence of party-spirit in Lord John Russell's speech, and admitted that it contained much truth; but he repelled the implied censure, and boldly claimed unusual credit for the work of the session.

Sir Robert admitted the disadvantage of long sessions—condemned by Mr. Burke as detaining Members from their local duties; and none could be more interested in abridging the attendance than Ministers with laborious official avocations. Be thought that the practice might be got over by a cooperation of political parties. Ile heard with regret Lord John's vague intimations about improving the condition of the people; raising impracticable expectations—almost the expectation that a Committee of the whole House could give the people "a fair day's wages for a fair day's work." The increase of population in all countries creates difficulties which it is not easy for legislation to remove. Lord John seemed to think that there ought to be protection for agriculture. [Lord JOHN RUSSELL—" I always stated that."] Be was glad to hear that assurance: but he did not wish to purchase the good-will of the agriculturists by giving any pledge about the Malt-tax, or such remissions : be must reserve a discretion on that pointAs Lord John would not review the measures of the session, he would. There never was a session of more important and efficient legislation. The Poor-law had been amended ; a large sum, ultimately to be 1,240,0001., had been saved to the country annually by the reduction of the Three-and-a-half per Cents ; the currency had been placed on a safe footing by the Bank Charter Bill; Joint-stock Banks had been regulated ; the Insolvent-law had been amended, with a final blow at imprisonment for debt ; the Dissenters' Chapels Bill will put an end to endless litigation ; Presbyterian marriages in Ireland had been put on a proper foundation ; the bill respecting charitable donations and bequests would produce the best results; the principle of prescription had been applied to the Duchy of Cornwall, with great advantage to the property and to the tenantry ; building in the Metropolis had been regulated : altogether, a much more satisfactory account than others had been able to give of former sessions. He would not be provoked to discuss the subject of the proceedings in Africa. As to Ireland, the adjournment was partly, but not entirely, owing to the writ of error. He denied that Government had sought to entrap the culprits into further offence by not suppressing the Repeal meetings sooner ; though he would not enter into the reasons, in the absence of those concerned. He denied also that Mr. O'Connell had not had a fair trial ; and he should be ashamed of himself to disclaim personally vindictive feeling: with respect to the exercise of the Royal prerogative which had been referred to, he would maintain a perfect silence. It was not just to say that nothing: had been done for Ireland. Government had entered upon an inquiry of the deepest importance, in which precipitate legislation was most to be avoided—the relation of landlord and tenant ; the principle of equality with the English franchise had been asserted and carried out in the Municipal Corporations Bill; the Charitable Bequests Bill showed that Government had no hostile intentions towards Ireland; and Maynooth would receive attention during the recess. He regretted the party animosities and jealousies in Ireland; but he had full confidence that, if occasion should arrive, the people would join with the people of this country to support the Crown, the interests and the integrity of the empire. Lord John Russell did not contrast the present with the former condition of the country ; but, said Sir Robert, "I cannot help drawing a comparison between the condition of the country at this day with the state of the country in 1841. Taking into consideration the condition of the revenue of the trade, of the industry of the country, it forms a strong and favourable contrast with what it has been at any former period. It is not my wish to draw any invidious comparisons; but I maintain that, with respect to the revenue, trade, enjoyment, and general comfort of the country, there has been a great improvement during the last few years ; and, without being too sanguine, there exist evidences of advancing prosperity and contentment.' (Much cheering.)

Others said a few words. Mr. BELLEW demanded Mr. O'Connell's release. Mr. HUME demanded that, and equal taxation to relieve the poor of the country. Mr. BAILLIE COCHRANE wanted further amendment of the Poor-law, and a bill to regulate wages. Mr. Vri.r.rsits would not provide for pauperism, but prevent it ; protesting against the opinion, common to Sir Robert and Lord John, that there are special burdens on land ; and advocating abolition of the "Bread-tax." Colonel SIBTHORP praised the business done this session ; and congratulated the country on the flourishing of the harvest and the decline of the Anti-Corn-law League. Lord EBRINGTON bantered the Colonel with his forgiving disposition in applauding the Ministerial measures which he had so generally opposed. Some technicalities disposed of, the House adjourned to the 5th of September.

In the Upper House, the business was altogether technical. The Lords agreed, but not without sharp words and a division, to certain amendments in the Courts of Law (Ireland) Bill made by the Commons; a controversy which might have made some delay in the adjournment. Their Lordships also adopted an address, urging the Executive to expedite the building of the New Houses of Parliament.

Early in the day, the Royal Assent was given by commission to the Poor-law Amendment Bill, Roman Catholic Penal Acts Repeal Bill, Metropolitan Buildings Bill, Insolvent Debtors Bill, Railways Bill, Turnpike Trusts (South Wales) Bill, Marriages (Ireland) Bill, Charitable Donations and Bequests (Ireland) Bill, Savings Banks Bill, and some others, public and private.

The Lords adjourned to the 2d September.