ntbates ant iprocediinns in iparliament.

ADDRESSES TO THE QUEEN.

In the Rouse of Lords, on Wednesday, the Duke of WELLINGTON announced the birth of another Prince, and moved an address of congratulation to the Queen ; which was seconded by Viscount MELBOURNE, and carried unanimously ; the address to be presented by the Lords with white staves.

A similar address was moved in the Commons by Sir ROBERT PEEL, seconded by Lord A. HILL, and unanimously agreed to ; to be presented by those Members of the House who are Privy Councillors.

IMPROVEMENT OF THE POOR-LAW.

In the House of Lords, on Monday, Lord WHARNCLIFFE moved the order of the day for going into Committee on the Poor-law Act Amendment Bill ; explaining the alterations in the existing law proposed by the bill in its present shape. In the first place, it proposed to effect some alteration in the law respecting bastardy. Previously to the passing of the Poor-law Amendment Act, nothing could be more evil than the state of the law on this subject. Instead of relieving the poor woman who made a claim for the support of a bastard, it was the shameful practice of the unions to compel the marriage of the parties, and generally with the view of throwing the burthen on other parishes. Be believed that the part of the act getting rid of this system was carried with universal consent. It was recommended by the Poor-law Commissioners that the whole burden pf supporting the bastard child should fall upon the mother, as it was calculated to promote chastity among that class of women. He was one of those who had thought that if the evil of bastardy was to be corrected at all, it most have been by improvement in the conduct and behaviour of the women. But in that, he and those who brought in the bastardy-clauses in the present act were deceived • for, though in some parts of the country bastardy had decreased, it had on the whole increased. It therefore became necessary to make some alterations in the law. Under the Poor-law Act as it now stood, a woman who had been delivered of a bastard child might apply to a Justice of the Peace, or rather to the parish-officers, who would take her before the Magistrate, who was enabled to issue an order to summon the alleged father of the child before him. On the man appearing before the Magistrate he might pay wrtain sum if he chose ; but if he refused there was not sufficient means of enfsfetn/p:47:111, Atstic circumstances, if be refused, the Magistrate had tho-proper, re .4 in portion of his wages to be paid over ; but this was ea)ily evaded. Reffire-that, the order could only be made by obtaining it frOM the Coast ofQuarter.sassions. He drew the clauses, and the noble Duke by his side moved them. ft.pdidea was, that it would be a great motive to make the women ;take care of themselves; and he thought the corroborative evidence necessary, because he had known many cases in which the oaths of the women alone had bean productive of most evil consequences. But they now thought that it was right to make it no longer the business of the Overseer to obtain redress for the woman, but to give to her a summary means of obtaining from the man whom she stated to be the father of the child the support for it, and so relieving her from the burden. The woman might go before a Magistrate, and there swear that she was with child ; and two Justices, on being satisfied on the oath of the woman, and proper corroborative evidence, might make an order on the man not exceeding 5s. for the first six weeks after her confinement, and a smaller sum after. She must go herself—the money was to be paid to her,

not to the Overseer of the poor ; she was not to receive relief from the

Overseer, unless as a destitute person would in any other case. The bill gave an appeal to the Court of Quarter-sessions. The next point Was as to apprenticeships : there bad been much hardship under the old law;

apprentices were frequently bound to very improper persons; and the present

bill endeavoured to regulate the law on the subject ; at the same time doing away with all compulsory apprenticeships. The old law enacted that ablebodied persons should receive relief out of the workhouse ; but that was nol the principle of the new Poor-law : in the amended bill, it was proposed to allow out-door relief to widows under some circumstances. A proper understanding between the Boards of Guardians would prevent any abuse of this relaxation. The principle of the bill was, that old and able-bodied persons could receive relief out of the workhouse. If, in manufacturing and populous places, liable to great and sudden fluctuations in trade, they always refused outdoor relief except under the labour-test, the people might starve. It was a mistake to say that people who were driven from one trade had only to turn to another ; and the fact of the Commissioners being unable to enforce their order against out-door relief in such cases showed it to be so. Some alteration was also required to correct the evil arising from the necessity of sending persons back to their own districts. In manufacturing counties the labourers were constantly changing, as from Lancashire into Yorkshire. Be thought great advantage would arise from the Relieving-officers of the different Unions communicating with each other in reference to the parties seeking relief. A very important part of the bill was the formation of District Schools. An experiment had been made which showed in an extraordinary degree and satisfactory manner the advantages of such establishments. Not many years had passed since a

District School, consisting of children from a great number of parishes in London, was established at Norwood ; a very different kind of institution from those where children were farmed at so much per bead, and where they were

both ill-taught and ill-tended. He bad never been so much pleased as be had been with his visit to the establishment at Norwood. Their Lordships might

there have seen children whose very features seemed to indicate the miserable and vicious condition from which they had been removed, happy and desirous of receiving instruction ; and they were instructed not only in reading, writing,

and so forth, but in industrial pursuits of several kinds. If their Lordships had not visited the Norwood school, he recommended them to do so; and then they would discover what good effects could be produced by small means. An

object of this bill was, that in populous districts not exceeding fifteen miles from one part to another, there should be established a school under a Board constituted for the purpose. Lord Wharncliffe mentioned also several more improvements,—regulations for the burial of paupers ; the establishment of

District Asylums, for the reception of the destitute pending questions respecting their settlement ; the appointment of Auditors of Accounts, not for se parate Unions, but for a certain number of parishes extending over a greater space; provisions to correct the original mistake in making the Unions too large, by authorizing the separation of parishes without the consent of Boards of Guardians ; and other amendments.

Lord Wharncliffe vindicated the new Poor-law from the vituperation with which it has been assailed. He could not help thinking that the vituperators had forgotten the evils of the old law. He must say, from experience, that the poor were infinitely better under the new than under the old law.

The Duke of RICHMOND bore testimony to the generally beneficial working of the new Poor-law ; gave a qualified approval to the proposed alterations ; and suggested some others. Earl FORTESCUE concurred in all that had been said as to the beneficial working of the new Poor-law ; and partially sanctioned the in

tended changes.

He considered all the alterations proposed in the present law, with a few exceptions, to be improvements. If he could not express much confidence with respect to the bastardy-clause, vet he must admit that the law as it now stood bad not produced that good effect winon be in common with many others had expected from it. To the 26th clause, which gave the power of granting permanent relief to widows out of the union to which they belonged, he felt a greater objection than had yet been urged to it : it appeared to him to be the establishment of a new principle in the law to compel Guardians to give relief to persons at a distance from their union, and over whom they had no surveillance whatever. He concurred in the praise which bad been bestowed upon the Poor-law Commissioners. The Earl of HARDWICKE, remarking that the House was well qualified to judge in the matter, as it comprised eighty-three Chairmen of Boards of Guardians, who brought to the subject great knowledge and deep feeling for the poor, contended, that by the help of the existing law, the poor have attained a better condition than they had ever been in "since the commencement of this country as a country, or since their

existence as a people."

Be held in his hand a report of the state and condition of the labouring classes, made some years ago before this law was passed. Every noble Lord must remember the state and condition of his own part of the country at that time,—the discontent which existed between the farmer and the labourer, the allowances made to the poor, and the wages paid out of the rates: all these things tended to produce a state and condition of the people of the most alarming character. He could only say, that when he first became possessed of property, just as this law was being introduced, he was asked by the farmers and gentlemen of his neighbourhood, "What are we to do ? We are in an alarming condition." This law came into operation, and things were totally changed. Be had no objection to the amendments generally ; they unquestionably were amendments of the law. He concurred in all the bastardy clauses except one—the fifth, which made money payable to the mother of the bastard. That was a very serious question ; and on discussing it formerly, they had considered this very point as fatal in itself—that the practice of paying the mother encouraged the offence and begot more bastards, and they in turn begot more, till the mother was enabled to support herself on the price of her own prostitution. He was borne out in this view by a very valuable paper written by Sir Edmund Head on this subject. He said, "Whatever the enactment be which is most effective in checking bastardy, to that we must look as checking infanticide." "On the other hand, the law which holds out to a woman the prospect of maintenance for her bastard, or holds out the hope of a tardy marriage from compulsion, not from affection, that law may be said to promote bastardy, and among its consequences infanticide." The old law held out to a woman having a bastard this encouragement—" Your oath shall compel any man to relieve you of your burden ; and while it gives you one of the privileges of a wife, it may do more—it may get you a husband." He did hope that this principle would not be reestablished. It would be much better, in his opinion, to make the money payable to the parish from the father, and that the parish, upon the application of the mother, ahead support her. He also made some [objections to the proposed District Schools; remarking, inter din, that if they made any system of relief or education so excellent and expensive, they would have a falling-off in charity. People would not pay at both ends; they would have a falling-off in their charitable institutions. The Poor-law bill should not have that effect at all; it should rather be a disagreeable bill than an agreeable one ; and they ought only to take care that relief was given to parties in distress, and not interfere with charitable institutions, for the moment they did so those institutions would break down.

Lord Lyrrmrow did not oppose the bill; but said he should propose some amendments in Committee.

The Earl of STRA.DBROKE, as Chairman of a Board of Guardians, gave evidence as to the beneficial effect of the present Poor-law. He denied that bastardy had increased in his neighbourhood. By the present bill they were going back to the old law ; a valid reason for opposing it.

The Earl of RADNOR claimed credit for those who had introduced the so much praised new Poor-law. ("Hear, hear ! " from the Ministerial benches.) He protested against the bastardy-clauses in the bill, and thought it more prudent to leave that matter untouched. The Bishop of EXETER moved the adjournment of the debate ; desiring more time for the consideration of the measure. The Marquis Of NORMA_NBY censured the late introduction of so important a bill into the House of Lords. Lord WHARNCLIFFE alluded, in apology, to the press of business before the Commons : on which Lord CAMPBELL remarked, that the bill might have originated with the Peers. Lord WHARNCLIFFE objected, that the Peers were not competent to originate several money-clauses in it. Lord CAMPBELL rejoined, that those clauses might at first have been omitted. The question of adjournment was put; and the Earl of SHAFTESBURY (on the Woolsack) declared that the " Contents " had it. Lord WHARNCLIFFE, however, said that he should divide the House. After some more dispute, the House went into Committee pro forma, and then resumed.

On Tuesday, on the motion for resuming the Committee, the Bishop of EXETER opposed it with an amendment ; making a long, fierce, and sweeping attack on the general measure of the Poor-law. As that might be considered the last day of the session for discussing the measure, he should move to postpone the Committee for three months. He contradicted the praises that had been bestowed on Tuesday evening on the working of the measure; which was among the causes of the late insurrection in Wales and of the present incendiary fires in the Eastern counties. It was their duty not to consider the mere amendment of an act of Parliament, but a measure for amending the system ; and in the present bill one of the most important duties of the Legislature had been forgotten, since there was no provision for the notorious and dreadful spiritual destitution in the workhouses. Be called upon the House to take the first step towards reclaiming the Magna Charts of the Poor, the 434 of Elizabeth ; to which the law of 1834 was in direct antagonism : right to subsistence, and no right, were the opposite principles which distinguished not only the two statutes but also the common law from the law of 1834. The law of 1834 said that the poor had a right to subsistence, if they went to prison—the prison being called a "workhouse." In 1836, Mr. Phimptre, then Member for Kent, described the prison-like appearance of the workhouses: in answer to that letter, Mr. Tufnell, the Assistant Poor-law Commissioner, said that the prison-like appearance, and the notion of torment associated with it by the poor, inspired a salutary dread of the workhouse ; and went on to speak of guarding against the desire for the comfort of living in the workhouse by a system of restraint. The Bishop concluded by moving that the House do go into Committee on that day six months.

The Duke of WELLINGTON opposed the motion ; deprecating delay, and calling to mind the perfect notoriety of the whole question and of all the provisions of the bill ; and challenging the Bishop to propose practical amendments.

Instead of declaiming on such matters as the inferiority of parochial schoolmasters, or the deficient education of the children—instead of indulging in mere declamation on these topics, let the right reverend Prelate propose to introduce into the bill any further clause that he might think necessary to insure the appointment of schoolmasters with proper qualifications, and that they did their duty. But that was not the object of the right reverend Prelate: his object was not to amend the present law, by means of this or any other bill; he did not wish to postpone the bill that they might have a better opportunity of considering it tomorrow or the next day ; but he wished the House not to go into Committee at all, as the right reverend Prelate wished to destroy the present Poor-law Act, which this hill was intended to amend. The course which he had taken was unworthy the talents and station of the right reverend Prelate.

The Marquis of NORMANBY echoed the Duke's praise of the Poorlaw, and his astonishment at the Bishop of Exeter's conduct.

He suspected that what they had that night heard was not merely intended for the ears of noble Lords. No doubt, the right reverend Prelate might have felt some warmth—which, however, he so well concealed ; and the confession of feeling a little warmth and being excited, would not make the speech of the right reverend Prelate tell less with those for whom it was intended. (A laugh.) When the right reverend Prelate read the letter of Mr. Tufnell, he condescended to avail himself of a quibble, nothing like which did Lord Normanby recollect during the whole of his Parliamentary experience. The right reverend Prelate said that he had the highest authority for saying that the Union-workhouses were like gaols—namely, a Poor-law Commissioner's: what, however, was the language of Mr. Tufnell?—that these prison-like appearances inside might inspire some fear, but that ladies had visited them who were invariably so loud in praise of the comfort these institutions afforded, that it was a question whether it was not to be feared that too high an opinion of their comfort would be diffused about.

Lord WROTTESLEY having protested against the first nine clauses of the bill, the House divided ; and the amendment was rejected, by 17 to 1.

The House having gone into Committee, Lord WHARNCLIFFE made some further remarks, distinguishing between the act of Elizabeth, intended to suppress the bands of vagrants prowling over the country, and the existing law to regulate relief. As to the mighty scheme of restoring the 43d of Elizabeth, he could tell the right reverend Prelate, that if he would move it, he would venture to say that the right reverend Prelate, and those who acted with him out of doors, would become the laughingstocks of the people of this country.

The Bishop of EXETER denied the charge of combining against the bill with persons oat of doors.

Be could say that he had made the present motion in entire conformity with his own views, without consulting any one. He should be sorry, though, to think that there were not millions out of doors who regarded the present Poorlaw in the same light as himself, although none of the seventeen Peers present would vote with him. The act of Elizabeth was passed at a period of our history when the legislators were men that need not dread comparison with any in our days ; when he referred to such names as Cecil, Throgniorton, Egerton, Coke, and Bacon, and looked round on the seventeen Peers that opposed this motion, he was not ashamed to quote the authors of the act of Elizabeth.

With some further opposition to details from the Bishop of EXETER, the clauses of the bill were disposed of.

The hill was read a third time on Thursday. On the question that it do pass, Lord TEYNHAM proposed two clauses,—one, intended to mitigate the evils of allowing pauper girls who have been seduced to mix in the workhouses with those who are confirmed in vice, by authorizing out-door relief to young women for the first time pregnant ; and another, allowing relief to be given to the family of a pauper during his temporary absence in search of work. Lord WHARNCLIFFE objected to the first clause as unnecessary, because under the existing law Guardians will allow every proper indulgence in the way contemplated ; and to the second, as affording a premium to the desertion of families by the husbands. Both clauses were negatived ; and the bill passed.

LAW OF SETTLEMENT.

In the House of Commons, on Thursday, Sir JAMES GRAHAM moved for leave to bring in a bill to amend the law of settlement.

The importance of the subject is shown by its statistics: within the last year 12,000 orders of removal had been made for English paupers, affecting 30,000 persons, and 7,000 for Scotch and Irish, affecting 15,000 persons ; and in the whole, 19,000 orders of removal had been issued, under which 45,000 persons had been removed. What an amount of human suffering was in volved in those figures With respect to existing settlements, he proposed that, where they had been ascertained by orders of removal and fixed, they should not be disturbed. The existing acts on the subject, however, would be repealed. Settlements are now gained by marriage, birth, apprenticeship, renting a tenement, paying rates, serving an office, and lastly, (though this is disputed,) by hiring at service. Under the bill, settlement would only be gained by birth ; the register of birth or of baptism being received in evidence. In default of such proof, the settlement of the father, or in default of that, of the mother, would become evidence. No married woman would be removed from her husband's settlement during his life, no woman living with her.husband at the time of his death would be removed from his settlement ; iii, legjciinate child under sixteen from its father's, nor illegitimate child from ;es .,other's settlement ; no man unconvicted of felony or misdemeanour, who had ordinarily worked or resided in the parish for five years ; no sick person who had not received relief for forty days consecutively. Describing the rules for removal, Sir James proposed that Irish and Scotch paupers, if removed, should be conveyed to the places as near as possible to their places of birth or residence, Perscns improperly obtaining removal-orders would be liable to the expenses.

Mr. liAwEs, Mr. BROTHERTON, Mr. WYSE, and Mr. WAKLEY, received the bill with general approval ; promising consideration of it during the recess. It was read a first time ; to be read a second time that day three months.

EDUCATION IN IRELAND.

In the House of Commons, on Tuesday, Captain BERNAL attacked the administration of Church patronage in Ireland.

He contrasted Sir Robert Peel's instructions to Earl De Grey with that Lord-Lieutenant's conduct. Of three Irish Bishoprics, two had been conferred on men notorious for their hostility to the National system of education ; of seven other persons promoted, the whole number, and of thirty-nine Chaplains to Lord De Grey, all but two, were opposed to the National system. One of the new Bishops, the Reverend Dr. Daly, bad gone so tar as before the assembled clergy to denounce a clergyman present who had visited the National School in his parish, for " doing the Devil's work "; and in one of his journies, last summer, he had denounced Sir Robert Peel for "having entered into a God-denying covenant with the Roman Catholics." Captain Bernal moved for copies of correspondence between Government and Lord De Grey relative to the distribution of Church patronage in Ireland ; wishing to draw from the Premier a pledge that it should not be bestowed on the opponents of the National system of education.

Sir ROBERT PEEL replied, and explained what he had authorized and recommended.

He had written to Lord De Grey soon after that nobleman's appointment, counselling him to appoint to the highest offices in the Church men of the highest professional attainments and of unblemished character. He believed that Lord De Grey had been faithful to the trust thus reposed in him ; while he himself had never pressed the Lord-Lieutenant to bestow patronage for the purpose of Parliamentary interest. He regretted that persons promoted by Lord De Grey were opposed to the National system ; but he insisted that the ground of their promotion was professional merit. The feeling against the system is gradually subsiding; as is shown by the gradual increase of schools and children educated under the Board : in 1839, there were 1,581 schools and 192,000 scholars ; in 1843, 2,912 schools and 355,000 children. In refusing to make a separate grant for education in the principles of the Establishea Church, Ministers had given as distinct a proof as they could of their adherence to the National system. Had they acceded, there would have been a third claim to a separate grant for the Presbyterians. That he deprecated ; and he had not abandoned the hope that they would yet see the children of Protestants, Presbyterians, and Roman Catholics, resorting to an united education in these schools; it being reserved to the ministers of the seseral flocks to give a religious education on one day of the week. Ile had conversed with Lord Heytesbury before his departure and he was fully aware of the intentions of the Irish Government cordially to support the National system of education ; but he would tell the honourable gentleman at once, that Lord Heyteebury had not any instructions that he should insist on support for the National system of education as a condition to promotion in the Church. As to the documents, there were none such in existence.

In a short discussion, the Premier was applauded by Mr. WYSE ; disparaged by Lord EBRINGTON and Mr. SHELL; supported by Lord ELIOT and Mr. PARRY. The motion was withdrawn.

CHARITABLE BEQUESTS IN IRELAND.

Sir JAMES GRAHAM having moved, on Monday, that the Charitable Bequests and Donations (Ireland) Bill be read a second time, Mr. Du.LON BROWNE, citing against the measure a petition by six Roman Catholic Prelates and the authority of Mr. O'Connell, moved that the bill be read a third time on that day three months. No one seconded the amendment; and the bill was read a third time.

On the question that it do pass, Mr. M.ORGAN Joint O'CONNELL made a few observations.

He had hesitated to join in the opposition to this bill, because he felt that, if imperfect it would be amended hereafter. He was bound to express his conviction, that when the present heats had subsided, the bill would be found a substantial benefit to the people of Ireland; raising the condition of their clergymen, without shackling the influence exercised by them over their flocks. He did not think the apprehensions expressed on the subject were at all borne out by the shape in which the bill now stood.

The bill then passed.

ROMAN CATHOLIC PENAL ACTS.

On Monday, Sir ROBERT PEEL moved the second reading of the Roman Catholic Penal Acts Repeal Bill. He took occasion (alluding to a petition from Birmingham, which complained that the bill went to repeal all the protective clauses on the faith of which the Roman Catholic Relief Bill had been suffered to pass) to explain, that it did away with no security whatever which had been taken for the Established Church by the act passed in 1829: the acts to be repealed were in fact mere dead letters, encumbering and discrediting the statute-book ; which be proceeded to show in detail. Mr. HA.WES wished to know, should other obsolete statutes of a similar kind be found on the statute-book, applicable to the same or to other denominations of Christians—and he had reason to believe that there were such—whether Government would, during the ensuing recess, prepare a measure for their repeal ? Sir ROBERT PEEL was in some doubt whether it would not have been better to adopt the suggestion of a noble friend of his, and postpone the measure for the purpose of making it more extensive. He believed there were other enactments of a similar nature : but still, this bill had been sent down from the House of Lords, and it was an indication of the spirit in which they were prepared to proceed. He would not make any pledge on the subject ; but if there were any statute which now compelled a conscientious Dissenter from the Church of England, upon a heavy penalty, to attend divine service in that church, he might say that he could see no object whatever in retaining it on the statutebook.

After a few words of approval from Mr. MILNES, and from Mr. SPOONER, who presented the Birmingham petition, the bill was read a second time.

SUNDAY-TRAVELLING ON RAILWAYS.

In the House of Lords, on Monday, Lord WHARNCLIFFE moved the resumption of the debate on the Bishop of London's amendment, (which reversed Mr. Thornely's amendment, to compel railway-companies to provide third-class trains on all days for which other trains run, including Sundays ;) and he explained the course that Government intended to pursue. The feeling of the House undoubtedly was, that an undue advantage should not be given to the wealthy—nothing which should compel the convenience of Dives whilst Lazarus was refused permission to travel. But the clause required reconsideration,—first, because railway-companies had had no notice that they would be compelled to run third-class trains on Sundays ; and secondly, because, if such trains were run, Government-Inspectors and other persons must be compelled to break into their day of rest in order to superintend and regulate the traffic. Under these circumstances, the Government had come to this decision, that nothing should appear in the act to compel railway proprietors to run trains on Sundays ; but that if they did run such trains, they should be compelled to afford as much accommodation to the poor as they afforded to the wealthy. They had, therefore, prepared a clause to be introduced by way of rider to the sixth clause as amended by the Bishop of London; and under which clause it would be enacted, that whenever any railway should run any train whatever upon the Sabbath-day, to such train, or to one at least of any trains so run on the day, third-class carriages should be attached. This amendment would, he hoped, entirely meet the difficulty which had been raised to the clause.

A short debate ensued. Lord MONTEAGLE strove to secure to the poor passengers equal accommodation on Sundays as compared with week-days, at equal cost. Lord WHARNCLIFFE said that as to cost, the House of Commons might introduce clauses on the subject ; and as to the character of the accommodation, he entirely relied on railway-companies not to use a worse class of carriages on week-days than on Sundays. To meet an objection by the Earl of MINTO, the Bishop of Lostnose altered his amendment restricting the exemption of running third.class trains on Good Friday and Christmas-day to England; (those holydays not being observed in Scotland.)

Eventually, the Bishop of London's amendment, thus modified, was adopted ; and a new clause, moved by Lord WHARNCLIFFE, was added to the bill ; which then passed.

In the House of Commons, on Tuesday, Mr. GLADSTONE moved that the House should accede to the Lords' amendments. Mr. THORNELY saw no objection, provided the charge for third-class passengers on Sundays did not exceed that on week-days; and he moved a rider restricting the fare to one penny per mile. He afterwards moved another provision, that third-class carriages should be protected from wet. These amendments were agreed to ; and the motion was affirmed.

AMENDMENT OF THE INSOLVENT LAW.

In Committee on the Insolvent Debtors Bill, on Monday, Sir JAMES GRAHAM introduced new clauses for the summary punishment of fraud, for the protection of bailiffs in the seizure of goods, and for giving in-creased command over the property of debtors ; which were all agreed to.

On Wednesday, on the third reading of the bill, Mr. SPOONER moved that the operation of the act as to abolishing imprisonment for small debts be postponed until the 25th of March next ; on the ground that it would abruptly destroy the credit of the poorer classes, that it was an ex post facto enactment, and that the shorter interval would be harshly used by creditors. Sir JAMES GRAHAM argued that the longer interval would give the greater scope for cruel treatment of debtors ; and eventually the amendment was withdrawn. The bill passed.

MEDICAL Itsroast.

In the House of Commons, on Wednesday, Sir JAMES Gasnast moved for leave 'to bring in a bill for the better regulation of medical practice throughout the United Kingdom.

After an introductory panegyric on the medical profession, Sir James described the anomalies of the existing law. In England, generally, physicians practise under degrees conferred by the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge, and a licence from the London College of Physicians ; but within a circuit of seven miles, solely under that licence. The degrees granted by the Universities of London and Durham are merely titular. Under the Apothecaries Act of 1815, no one can practise as an apothecary in England—dispense drugs, or charge for advice—unless licensed by the Apothecaries Company ; admission to which is obtained by patrimony, purchase, apprenticeship—in almost every way except by examination as to fitness and qualification ; and no person is eligible to be examined by the Company for licence unless he has served a fiveyears apprenticeship with an apothecary ; in whose house be usually lives, thus being precluded from almost every opportunity of study. There are in all about sixteen licensing-colleges, including the Universities of Cambridge, Oxford, Edinburgh, Glasgow, Aberdeen, Dublin, and King's College Aberdeen; the Colleges of Physicians in London, Edinburgh, and Dublin ; the Colleges of Surgeons in England, Edinburgh, and Dublin. Without some controlling power, there is great confusion between these several bodies tuid

in rivalry, they strive to underbid each other in lowness of fees, to attritet scholars; the standard of knowledge being low in proportion as the fees are low : in the Northern parts of the kingdom, degrees have virtually been sold, without requiring anything like an examination. Be came to the remedies. Quackery he should not attempt to suppress by enactments: under mortal maladies men will ever resort to quacks; and Doubtless the pleasure is as great

Of being cheated as to cheat." The only legitimate mode of putting an end to that illicit traffic is by offering direct encouragement to qualified practitioners. The principle of his bill is, to permit any man possessing skill and knowledge to practise medicine ; but to give the public some guarantee of that fitness : no person is to be considered eligible for any public situation or office unless recognized as perfectly qualified by some public authority,—meaning by " public situation,' situations and offices the appointment to which does not vest in the patient or some member of his family. The bill, then, would repeal all acts and charters placing restrictions on the practice of medicine ; it would repeal the act of Henry, and the Apothecaries Act, and would abolish the peculiar privileges of the physicians and surgeons of England as contradistinguished from those of Scotland and Ireland. Bearing in mind the anomalies of the sixteen or seventeen licensing-bodies, the bill would establish a body to be denominated " the Council of Health," centering in the Metropolis, and placed in direct connexion with the Executive Government, with periodical sittings in London. The following five would be ex officio members of the Council—the Regius Professors of Medicine at Oxford, of Physic at Cambridge, of Medicine at Dublin, of Surgery at Glasgow, of Clinical Surgery at Edinburgh : these six Members would be ' chosen "—one by the Royal College of Physicians and one by the Royal College of Surgeons in England, one physician and one surgeon by Dublin University, one physician and one surgeon by the Scottish Universities ; six members would be appointed by the Crown, on advice of the Privy :Council, including one physician and one surgeon from the English rural districts. The six members nominated by the Crown with the Secretary of State for the time being, conjoined with the Regius Professors whom he had previously enumerated, would constitute the Board. The first Council would be nominated by the Crown. One physician and surgeon would retire annually, but they would be reeligible for election on the consent of the Crown. Any Member of the Board might resign his appointment ; and the Crown would have the power of dismissing any member of the Board who had been guilty of misbehaviour. One principal Secretary would be appointed to the Council; and the Council would have the power of appointing two local Secretaries, one for Ireland and another for Scotland. The appointments must have the approval of the Secretary of State. The ex officio members would have no remuneration, but the travelling-expenses from time to time would be paid ; the other members would receive moderate salaries, with the consent of the Treasury. A minute of all proceedings to be kept. The Council would keep a register of all licensed physicians and surgeons' to be published annually. The Council of Health would permit applicants to be registered, on letters-testimonial being granted by any of the seventeen licensing-bodies in the country; who would retain the power of examination, though not that of granting degrees. C Mr. WAICLEY—" Without examination ? "] Yes, without examination. 'I he letters-testimonial would be founded upon an examination both in medicine and in surgery, by one or other of the seventeen licensing-bodies. There would be three degrees of licensing ; one to the vendors of medicine, another to surgeons, and the third to physicians. 'With regard to licensing the vendors of medicine, the licensing-bodies would have the power to grant that degree to no person under twenty-one years of age. With respect to surgeons, the licence to practise in surgery could be issued to no person under the age of twenty-five years ; and with respect to physicians, the age at which a licence could be obtained would be twenty. six years. But a person wishing to be registered as a physician, who had not qualified in the manner required by having graduated in some University, would not be eligible for registration until he had attained the age of forty years, and had been examined by the Royal College of Physicians in England ; or in case the application should be made to some of the seventeen licensing-bodies, then the Royal College of Physicians should previously grant a special certificate that they had made inquiry as to the circumstances under which the degree had been conferred. Any person so licensed might combine in his own person the two branches of the profession, and might at twenty-six be registered both as a surgeon and a physician. He attached great importance to this point, relating as it did to what was termed "general practice," which combines the usually separate departments of medicine and surgery; the skill and ability of the party, however, being tested by actual examination. The system of education would be placed under the regulation and control of the Council of Health. This body would have the management of the whole of the seventeen bodies, not only with regard to the curriculum of education, but with respect to the fees and the course of examination. No University would have the power of conferring a degree upon any person who had not matriculated in that University, and who has not, upon examination been found to possess a competent knowledge of Latin and Greek. All the by-laws of the Colleges are to be approved of by the Council of Health. A register of all students would also be enforced. None but those who had been duly registered at the Board of the Council of Health would be qualified for certain "public situations" specified in the bill: no person after the passing of that act was to be appointed to any medical or surgical office in any public hospital, infirmary, or to any office in any medical institution in the United Kingdom, Army, Navy, or East India Company's service, unless he were duly qualified and registered at the Board of the Council of Health. Ile made a special reservation in favour of the natives of India, if duly qualified. The Council of Health from time to time were to make regulations with regard to what were to be considered as public institutions, and as to the qualifications of the persons who were to fill these public situations. No medical man would be competent to claim any exemption from serving on juries, he could not legally recover a debt for professional attendance, nor would

i

his certificate be received n any court of liw—without it could be proved that he had registered himself. Persons already in practice would be allowed twelve months, or in the Colonies two years, to register. A penalty of 20/. would be inflicted for practising in a public office without having registered. One clause provided that none but persons lawfully in practice before registration, or who could have been registered before the passing of the act, could recover at law for attendance, advice, or medical prescriptions : he meant that as a warningclause. The false pretence of being on the register would be a misdemeanour. The bill left it entirely to the public whom they should call in, a licensed or unlicensed practitioner.

Mr. MACAULAY seconded the motion, without pledging himself to the details of the measure. He hoped that it would be brought forward early next session.

Mr. WARBURTON concurred in the general principles.

Mr. GALLY KNIGHT feared that the medical body would disapprove of the despotic character of the Council of Health.

Mr. WAICLEY strongly objected to the portions of the bill which retained powers to the present licensing bodies, against whom the whole profession have for the last fifteen years exclaimed. Sir James Graham had been earwigged. But, with the opposition of the 30,000 medical men in the country, it would be impossible to pass the bil Mr. HAWES recommended and promised every effort to improve the measure.

Leave was given to bring in the bill ; which was read a first time, and ordered to be read a second time that day three months.

POST-OFFICE ESPIONAGE.

In reply to the Earl of RADNOR, on Monday, the Duke of WELLINGTON said, he did not know that any of the Ministers besides himself had seen the Lords Report of the Committee on the Post-office; and therefore it was utterly impossible for him to state what they would do.

The Earl of RADNOR said, in that ease he felt it to be his duty to lay on the table a bill to amend the Act of the 1st of Victoria, c. 36, for consolidating the Post-office Acts.

It appeared that letters to and from foreigners had been opened at the instigation of the Foreign Secretary ; not with a view to matters concerning her Majesty's personal safety, or the safety of her kingdom, but with reference to the affairs of other states. Letters addressed to Foreign Ministers bad also for a long time been sent from the Post-office to the Foreign Office ; but that practice proving to be illegal, it had been discontinued. Now it was evident, that the power given by the act of Parliament related wholly to cases where danger to the state was apprehended, and had no reference whatever to the affairs of foreign powers. It appeared necessary, therefore, that a measure should be passed to prevent the abuse of this power ; and for that purpose he introduced this bill.

The Duke of WELLINGTON objected to discussion on the bill while the report probably remained unread by so many ; and referred to the records of Parliament to show that the power existed for a number of years.

Lord CAMPBELL considered legislation necessary, whether they conceded, removed, or modified the authority in question. But his belief was, that more harm than good had been done by the exercise of that enormous power.

The bill was read a first time.

STATE OF THE NAVY.

On Monday, the Earl of MINTO drew the attention of the Lords to the state of the Navy. He was quite aware of the objection as to the inconvenience of dealing with the subject under present circumstances, and how desirable it was to say nothing that could increase the feverish excitement on the other side of the water; and nothing should fall from him calculated to give umbrage to the French. Desirous as he was, however, of cultivating a good understanding with France, it must be done with firmness, and with nothing like a submission or a sacrifice of British interests. He hardly expected any one to justify the reduced state of the Navy by the prospect of peace. Even more reasonable confidence in the duration of peace had sometimes been disappointed. At the end of 1791, we were in such a state of security as to cause a reduction of the armament prepared in the early part of that year. In 1792, Mr. Pitt said that, as far as it was possible for human foresight to calculate, he thought they might calculate with confidence on the continuance of long and uninterrupted peace : in less than a year the country was engaged in one of the longest and bloodiest wars that it had ever been engaged in. Without more particular allusions to present sources of anxiety, he would remind their Lordships of the strong national feelings against us in America and France. Though he hoped—and believed—that peace would not be interrupted, the aspect of affairs throughout the world was such as required some degree of preparation : yet he could never collect from the language of Government that there was the slightest intention to improve our resources, or to put this country into such a state as would enable us to contend with honour in any contest we might be thrown into. He would show what was the present amount of our naval force. The whole of the Navy of England at this moment consisted of nine ships of the line. Of those nine ships, two were on a very distant station in the East Indies; one was on the West Indian station; one was, as he understood, under orders for another distant station in the Pacific—that was the flag-ship of Sir G. Seymour, the Collingwood; there were three ships-of-the-line at home—one at each of our home-ports; one ship, the flag-ship of the Rear-Admiral commanding at Cork ; and the ninth ship was the Mediterranean fleet, for that fleet consists of but one ship of the line. He asked their Lordships if that was a naval force in any way worthy this great country ? Owing to the state of affairs in Morocco, a 90-gun ship had been sent from Cork, and a flag-ship from Plymouth, with one or two frigates: but while that very force was started for the Mediterranean, the Queen arrived from that sea, and was paid off, or, what was equivalent to it, was substituted fbr another first-rate, the guard-ship at the Nore. When his noble friend (the Earl of Haddington) succeeded him at the Admiralty, there were eighteen ships of the line in commission ; and it should be borne in mind, that it was much more easy to keep up such a force than to raise it. Their Lordships would remember the great complaints made in 1838 and 1839, of insufficiency of the naval force. Lord Melville then said that there were not enough ships at home to defend the country : yet at that time there were six ships of the line in our own ports, and two at Lisbon, a home station; eight in all. Now, as that force was considered by his noble friend (Lord Melville) and the noble Duke opposite, (the Duke of Wellington,) who had never given utterance to a factious opinion in that house, as unfit for the service of the country, he desired their Lordships to compare it with the force now existing; and he asked them, whether it was unreasonable in him to complain, and to express regret and apprehension at so powerful a reduction of the naval forces of the country. It might be said that many ships were in an advanced state : but nothing is more difficult than to man the fleet in hurry. Two men could not be made out of one, even if they resorted to the press-gang. Lord Minto turned to discuss the recently-learned state of affairs at Tahiti ; contending, that although Mr. Pritchard'sfioictions were suspended during the French usurpation, he was still in fact the British Consul. In consequence of M. Guizot's courteous assurances, orders were sent out from this country to the Admiral in the Pacific to refrain from further interruption of the French proceedings. He could not understand how it happened, that when there was time for this country to send out orders to Tahiti, a whole year should elapse without instructions being received by the French officers at Tahiti sufficient to restrain them from these outrageous proceedings, which had now led to so much difficulty. After censuring the removal of the Vindictive from Tahiti, Lord Minto observed, he was perfectly satisfied of the great desire of the French Government, of the King of the French, and of his Ministers, to maintain the best and the most cordial understanding which was practicable with this country: but there was one thing wanting to complete his security—he was not satisfied of the durability of the existing French Government; he had not sufficient confidence in their strength and resolution to make a stand against a popular faction. Isle now adverted to the force of the French in the Mediteranean. They bad a fleet on foot of eight sail of the line, besides four sail of the line in a atate of forward equipment ; so that they might soon have twelve sail of the line at sea : whereas the shores of England were left unprotected ; and if anything were to occur to disturb peace, the French might sweep the Channel and the coast of the West Indies, and destroy our traffic. God forbid that such a state of things should be probable, but he spoke of it as being possible. He concluded by moving for "a return of her Majesty's ships of war, other than those reserved for harbour-duty, in commission on the 31st July 1844; and also a return of her Majesty's ships of war present at Tahiti from the 1st September 1842, to the latest period to which advices have been received, specifying the date of the arrival there and departure thence of each ship."

The Earl Of HADDINGTON replied. He also was fully aware of the " inconvenience " of such discussions ; and he denied that there had been any truckling " submission." He had a return of the number of ships in commission for the three years ending on the let of July 1839, 1840, and 1844; and the result was, that, though undoubtedly the number of ships in commission in 1840 was larger by three than the number of 1844, yet the number in commission on the 1st of July 1844 was larger by three than the number in July 1839. Ile was aware that the number of lineof-battle ships in those periods bore no comparison. On the 1st of July 1844, the number of line-of-battle ships in commission was ten; and the Malabar being paid off there were DOW only nine. But at the period to which the noble Earl had alluded as being the time when we bad a great fleet in the Mediterranean, a state of hostilities was existing; Acre was bombarded ; and there were fifteen or sixteen line-of-battle ships in the Mediterranean. But that state of things had passed away, and a state of profound peace had succeeded. Therefore, to keep up now anything approaching to the amount of line-of-battle ships which were maintained at the time to which the noble Earl alluded, would have been an extravagance which no Government would have been justified in indulging in. The noble Earl said that in 1838 there were eighteen line-ofbattle ships in commission : but of those three were guard-ships, reducing the number to fifteen ; and they were all manned as fifth-rate frigates. Those in the Mediterranean were greatly under-manned, according to the highest authority: the House of Commons bad been informed by Sir Charles Napier, that bad we then gone to war with France, he did not hesitate to say that France would have beaten us because of the undermanning of our fleet. That, then, was the state of the eighteen line-of battle ships. Whatever might be said of the number now, they were at least well manned. In looking at the Navy Estimates for 1838, he found the number of men voted for the service of the year 1837-38 was 22,700, besides a supplementary vote of 465 men; making a total of about 23,000. Now, with such a number of men, he could not conceive how his noble friend could have manned the remaining ships in the other parts of the world. The number of seamen and marines for the present year was 36,000. This was a large peace-establishment. The cessation of the Chinese war had enabled the Government to withdraw a number of vessels from China ; but still the wants of the foreign stations and the necessities of relief prevented the number of men being further reduced. The noble Lord spoke of nine sail of the line, as if it was the amount of Navy always intended to exist in this country in time of peace. It was, however, the number justified by the present state of our affairs; but he protested against the noble Lurd holding out the idea that it was the opinion of this Government that the Navy should never be more than nine sail of the line in time of peace : they were prepared with overwhelming means for meeting any crisis that might arise. There were thirty what were called " advanced ships" in ordinary, with all their stores, rigging, and fixtures ready ; and if there were men for those thirty ships, they could be ready in an incredibly short space of time. He knew well that ships of the line were not to be manned in a day ; but in the event of any necessity arising, it was not to be supposed but that there would be sufficient intimation beforehand to enable the country to man as many ships as should be wanted. In respect to the steam power of the country, our preparations had been very great indeed the Government had not neglected to avail themselves of that new element of defence and of destruction. They were going on not only building new steamers, but also producing the means by which, when necessity arose, we could build more. Great progress had been made in the steam-factory at Portsmouth, and money had been voted to do the same thing at Plymouth. These, together with the dockyard at Woolwich, added most materially to the means of the country as far as this branch of the defensive service was concerned. Coupling Lord Minto's motion with his "inconvenient " speech, he should meet it by a direct negative.

Alluding to "the delicate question of Tahiti," Lord Haddington observed that the distances to be traversed by the British fleet in the Pacific are enormous ; and, describing the movements of several ships, he contended that, generally speaking, Tahiti had never been without an adequate naval protection for British interests.

The Duke of WELLINGTON said, that as observations which be had made some years ago had been alluded to, he must trouble the House for a few moments in order to show the difference in the state of things now and at the period when those observations were made.

" My Lords, at that period this country was engaged in a state of warfare in North America, which required—imperatively required—the assistance of a considerable fleet ; also in China, also in India, and even in the Persian Gulf. Though, my Lords, I was not exactly in the service of the Government at that period, I was very much in the habit of communication with a noble friend of mine, now, unfortunately, no longer at the head of the Army ; and when ho asked my opinion on any subject, I never failed to communicate it to him freely. I certainly did frequently advise my noble friend, and consulted him in respect of the operation of our fleets and armies at that period in all parts of the world; and, my Lords, that of which I complained then was, that, being in war—engaged in extensive war, as I have stated, in three quarters of the globe, those wars were carried on with a peace establishment ; the consequence of which was that the usual peace services were starred." It was not just, therefore, to compare the state of things with which he found fault in 1837, 1838, and 1839, with what exists at the present moment. "At the present moment ample means exist everywhere of performing the services which ought to be performed by her Majesty's Navy—that is, giving protection to her Majesty's subjects wherever their commerce or other concerns may carry them. 1 believe the noble Earl does not contend that that protection has not in any case been given. When I say given everywhere, I do not mean to advert to that recent transaction in the Pacific, carried on under circumstances protested against by this country and disavowed by the Government of France. My Lords, those w ho have been guilty of those eccentricities will be responsible for them to somebody ; and I conclude that that responsibility will be carried into execution, and that they will be required to account for their conduct in those eccentricities. But I am sure you could not expect that peace could be maintained in the Pacific, or anywhere else, under circumstances such as those which have occurred lately, if your officers could be induced to commence a contest under such circumstances. I will venture to say, and I have no doubt it will be found so when the matter comes to be examined into, that our fleet in the Pacific was, at the period at which these events occurred, sufficient to give full protection to her Majesty's subjects. Whether it was sufficient at Tahiti or any other part of those seas, is a question for the officer in command on the spot. I don't intend, my Lords, to go further into that question. Whether the gentleman who has been referred to was our Consul or not at the time these events occurred, or whether he merited or did not what has happened to him, these are questions I am not going to enter into on this occasion. My noble friend has stated what is true— that a great outrage was committed. I entertain no doubt that satisfaction will be given for that outrage ; and I am sure that it is better that there should have been no naval contest there, than that there should have been any attempt made by the naval officer on the spot by a contest to prevent what has happened." The Marquis of ClamticAnDE observed, that however weak the

Navy might be, it could not equal in weakness Lord Haddington's defence.

The noble Earl gave them no shadow of a reason why nine ships of the line should be enough; all he did was to state that nine full-manned ships were better than a large number under-manned. But in the course of his speech he had alluded to the facility with which a great number of ships could be got ready for service : surely that applied as much to a former time as to the present.

The Earl of HARDWICHE supported Ministers ; but insinuated an exhortation to keep up an efficient number of men.

The Earl of MINTO replied.

He sneered at the authority of Sir Charles Napier. There was no man whose opinion he would more gladly take in any service to be executed by himself; but there was no man whose opinion he should be so slow to take as to any service to be executed by another, or that had been executed by another. The Mediterranean fleet of 1839 was well prepared for any service to which it might be called ; nay, it was more strongly manned than the strongest that ever went out of England during the war. He showed this by a comparative statement of the complements of our ships in the great naval actions of the last war and the force in the Mediterranean. The average of men on board all the seventy-fours was 607 men, while in Lord Nelson's fleet the average was 598. He admitted that the Navy had been parsimoniously dealt with for a series of years. The last blow was given to it by Lord De Grey ; and his (the Earl of Minto's) first act on taking office was to call for an increased vote of men and stores; and from that day every succeeding estimate presented an increase of efficiency.

The motion was negatived without a division.

FOREIGN POLICY OF MINISTERS.

In the House of Commons, on Wednesday, the first order of the day having been read, Viscount PALMERSTON made his annual valedictory speech on the Foreign policy of Government. It was brief and meagre, and its matter can be compressed into little space.

The system of Foreign policy adopted by Government appeared to him to be one of unlimited concession abroad and of resistance at home. The first concession was that to America, of the disputed territory on the North-eastern boundary ; which, instead of leading to harmony, resulted in soother claim by the United States to the Oregon territory. The spirit was the same in the concessions to France : the Spanish Government were counselled to submit to degradation and insult in the Salvandi and Lesseps affairs ; the French in 1830 were allowed to keep possession of Algiers ; and the arrangement of France to take the protectorate of Tahiti, which we had declined, was acquiesced in. In fact, the line of policy undertaken by Government was founded on two leading principles—one was, to obtain temporary quiet, without regarding the sacrifices which might be made to secure it ; and the other was, to shape their course, not with reference to the interests of their own country, but merely considering what might be its bearing on their position with respect to other states. It bad happened to the late Government to be sometimes in a minority in the House of Commons; but among the Great Powers of Europe its general policy was supported by a large majority. What might be the influence of the present Government he would not say ; but he was anxious to draw the attention of the country to the results already visible. He denied that what are called the " War parties" in several countries have any effect on their respective Governments. He would contend, that even under the present Government, England was too powerful not to make any nation pause before it entered into war with her except on just grounds and in its own defence; but having laid down its ultimatum, it would not be satisfactory to the country if it receded on any other than fair and open reasons. Recurring to the subject of Tahiti, he maintained that although Mr. Pritchard's Consular functions were necessarily suspended, he retained his commission and character as Queen Victoria's Consul ; and he finished by exhorting Government to make no concession which would tend to the dishonour of the country.

Sir ROBERT PEEL replied ; observing that Lord Palmerston had not had the courtesy to give notice of his attack on the whole Foreign policy of Government.

The noble Lord's speech seemed to him to have been prepared for the purpose of supplying some omission in his former speeches, and of pronouncing a panegyric on himself,—though, truth to say, it did not seem that any blank of that kind had remained to be filled up in his two preceding speeches; for they, like the one just now spoken, were not at all wanting in his own praise. (Laughter.) The assertion that our present policy was one of concession abroad and resistance at home might appear finely antithetical and high-soundlog; but he gave it a flat denial. He proceeded to vindicate Lord Ashburton's mission ; appealing to the thanks voted to that nobleman on the motion of Mr. Hume. The War party in France condemn M. Guizot for his concessions to England. As to Algiers, Lord Palmerston himself had acquiesced in the French occupation ; and in Spain, Espartero's fall was precisely owing to the popular belief that he was the too fast friend of the British Government and was re-calving support from it. Into the question of Tahiti he did not think it proper to enter ; but he maintained that there never was a time when the name and honour of the British Government stood higher than at present. Mr. FORSTER referred to a memorial from some British subjects, complaining that the French, by taking possession of the Gaboons, on the coast of Africa, had interrupted the free trade with the Natives which this country had enjoyed from time immemoriaL Sir ROBERT PEEL said that the statements of the memorial were inaccurate ; but the facts should be inquired into.

Here the discussion dropped.

There was a conversation on Tahiti in the House of Lords on Thursday; when the Marquis of CLANRICARDE presented a petition from a public meeting at Leeds, complaining of the conduct of the French in Tahiti, and praying the House to adopt measures for insuring the safety of the Protestant mission in that island. The Earl of ABERDEEN said, that since the French Government had, last year, given assurances that the British missionaries should enjoy perfect freedom and security, he believed they had had no cause of complaint. Alluding to the War party in France, he added, that he knew that party to entertain the .desire of pushing matters to extremity ; but the justice and moderation of the demands of England led him to entertain the hope that the present subjects of discussion between the two countries would not lead to any disastrous consequences.

BUSINESS OF THE SESSION.

On Tuesday, the Marquis of NORMANBY called the attention of the Lords to the mismanagement of business in the present session. Last night he had seen several measures pass through important stages, in which they usually received the most deliberation, with a degree of rapidity and inattention that could scarcely be conceived by those who had not witnessed it. Many—ten, he believed—had passed through Committee in as many minutes! The practice of explaining a measure on its second reading seemed obsolete. Supposing the object to be to avoid all consideration, the Earl of Shaftesbury displayed a laudable activity in disposing of bills in Committee,

and credit for preventing all humbug on the matter. (Lasejlder.) This might be necessary at the close of the session, but only because neglect in the early part of the year creates such a press of business at the last. Still, in former sessions he found some reasons for this pressure towards the close—some great measure or discussion involving large and important interests had engaged theattention of Parliament. But what was there to show for it this session ? what national bulwark had been strengthened, what salutary reform passed ? Two Bills had drawn his attention to the subject—the Poor-law Amendment Bill, and the Metropolitan Buildings BilL The importance of the Poor-law Bill had been admitted by all who took part in the discussion on going into Committee: with such a measure, was it not desirable that their deliberations should be backed by public opinion ? and was that possible, when they were called upon to pass the measure almost at a few hours notice? In June last, be urged the Duke of Buccleuch to forward the Metropolitan Buildings Bill, requesting timely notice of its discussion. Although none was more punctual in attendance than himself, he was not ashamed to confess that he was absent one week on an annual visit to a noble friend : the bill, however, introduced in the last week of July, was passed in the first week of August. The Duke of Buccleuch said that it was based on the report of the Sanatory Commission; whereas it violated important recommendations of that report. What had the House been doing during the previous five months and a half? Two measures had been introduced for England—the Dissenters' Chapels Bill, for which he gave the Lord Chancellor great credit ; and the Ecclesiastical Courts Bill, which did not deserve so much credit, and which failed of that success that Lord Lyndhurst said, amidst all its faults, was the one merit assured to it. These were the only two attempts even at legislation which their Lordships had made at the instigation of Government ; and, with the exception of an Irish measure, they were the only two bills that had in any way varied the inanimate vacuity of the last five months and a half 1 It was said of the Speech from the Throne, that it promised little future legislation, but that those who had framed it knew well what they would be able to do: but only one measure mentioned in the Queen's Speech had passed—the Bank Charter Bill ; said by better judges than be was to be a most hazardous experiment. The most direct promise in the Royal Speech referred to Ireland : but only one measure affecting any material change in that country had passed their Lordships' House—the Charitable Bequests Bill; for which he was grateful to the Government : but it had originated in a charitable and worthy Protestant clergyman, who had laid before their Lordships the claims of his poor Catholic fellow-parishioners to 71. 10s. a year. [The LORD CHANCELLOR declared that this statement was quite an error.] The Royal Speech recommended early consideration of a registration of voters in Ireland : a Registration Bill for Ireland was brought in by Government, and—withdrawn. Besides that, there was the appointment of the Landlord and Tenant Commission, to collect information already possessed,—in the Census Report, for instance —as to the state of the Irish People. And if there were difficulties in passing bills, would they account for the number of times that the House of Commons had been counted out ? It might have been accident; but if it were, the accident had occurred upon some occasions when notices of motions were on the books of the House of Commons that it might have been inconvenient to Government to have discussed. Lord Normanby concluded by moving "for a return of the number of days in each month which this House has sat, the days on which the several public bills came from the Commons, and the days on which they passed their several stages in this House, during the present session."

The Duke of WELLINGTON vindicated the conduct of all and each of his colleagues in that House.

Each of them attended to the immediate duties that belonged to him, and was there to attend to the particular measures that belonged to him ; and there was not any measure introduced into the other House of Parliament that either he or some other member of her Majesty's Government did not make himself master of the subject, and was prepared to answer any question that might be put to them there on the subject. It was certainly true that it was not the invariable practice to open every subject in detail in that House; but it was the invariable practice to do so whenever the subject related to any matter that was considered of importance. And he kept copies of every petition that needed attention from any department of which there was no member in that House. He really did not !mow, therefore, what the noble Lord wished to complain of. If much time was consumed in both Houses, in diecussing subjects thought to be important, it must not be supposed that Government was the cause of the loss of time. As to that House, Ministers had introduced as many hills as they thought they could carry, according to what had been the practice for more than a hundred and fifty years. The noble Lord said that the Charitable Bequests (Ireland) Bill was not originally a Government measure; he begged the noble Lord's pardon—it was a measure deemed necessary by her Majesty's Government. It was true that the Ecclesiastical Courts Bill had met with difficulties; but for those difficulties no man in that House could be responsible, and he doubted whether any man in the other House could be responsible. Be had no objection to offer to the returns or the information sought for by Lord Normanby.

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE admitted that the matter was one in which all previous Governments had been more or less to blame ; but the mischief increased every year, so that the House was becoming a mere court of registration for bills sent up by the other House ; and half their measures of legislation were intended to amend the laws passed by themselves in a hurry. On the previous evening, the Bishop of Loudon had before the BOON an amendment (in the Railways Bill) which would have had the effect of inflicting an injury and an insult on the lower classes of their countrymen, by putting them on a different footing from the rest of the community. There was a go. neral disposition on both sides of the House to promote the interests of the lower classes: various suggestions and misunderstandings took place : a clause was proposed and carried, in a way which he was sure noble Lords were unable to comprehend ; but the request to postpone the clause for a single day, in order that it might be considered, was refused, solely on the ground of the state of the session, and of course on account of the time at which the bill had been brought up to their Lordships. Lord WHARNCLIFFE resisted the charge that the promises of the Queen's Speech had not been carried out.

It referred to the Bank of England ; and that measure had been accomplished. It then referred to the Irish Registration ; but that measure did nut pressThose were the only subjects in the Queen's Speech : but were they the only measures—ay, and the only great measures? Was not the conversion of the Three-and-a-half per Cents a great measure ? They had amended the Factory Act ; and they had also brought to pass in the House of Commoua the amendment of the Poor-law BilL It could not be said, then, that this was not a fruitful session. It had been a most fruitful session—(Laughter)—yes, he repeated the word, it had been a fruitful session.

The Marquis of CLANRICARDE followed up Lord Normanby's attack; and, while praising the Charitable Bequests Bill, made a statement in correction— It was a great mistake to say that that bill altered the law in Ireland so as to enable individuals to endow Catholic glebes. The bill, when it passed, would give no greater facilities for such endowments than had exiated,Jhe her

lieved, since before the Union, except that the party would have the advantage of the machinery of this particular Board. The Earl of WICKLOW defended Government ; commenting on Lord Normanby's own admitted absence for a week ; and retorting upon the Opposition the charge of not "making a House" in the Commons. Ultimately, the motion was affirmed.

MISCELLANEOUS.

CONSOLIDATION OF THE LAW OF PRIVATE BILLS. On Monday, Mr. GLADSTONE obtained leave to bring in three bills to consolidate the provisions usually introduced into acts to incorporate companies for carrying on enterprises of a public nature; a measure suggested by the Railway Committee. The three bills would constitute a model bill, and would only need a few special clauses for each case; materially reducing the labour and cost of private legislation. The first bill related to all incorporated trading-companies; the second to companies requiring compulsory powers to purchase and hold lands, with a provision that cases of compensation for land under 1,000/. in value might be referred to arbitration instead of to a jury; the third to railway-companies. PENSIONS FOR SEAMEN. In Committee on the Merchant-Seaman's Fund Acts, on Monday, Mr. GLADSTONE obtained leave to bring in a bill to amend the law relating to the relief and support, in certain cases, of merchant-seamen, their widows and children: the object being to make the best use of the very limited merchant-seaman's fund. In future, seamen fifty years old or more, not totally disabled, will receive 4/. a year; if sixty-three years old or more, or totally disabled, 8/. a year. As to widows, except in cases of extreme age, pensions will be abolished, and gratuities of 4/. substituted. With regard to children, as it was altogether preposterous to attempt to give relief to them, they were not mentioned in the bill.

PAYMENT OF CLERKS OF ASSIZE AND OTHERS. On Thursday, Sir JAMES GRAHAM introduced a bill, to stand over till next session, for regulating the duties and payment of Clerks of Assize, Clerks of the Peace, Magistrates' Clerks, and other officers of the same kind. Among other provisions, fixed salaries will be substituted for fees in payment of Clerks of the Peace and Magistrates' Clerks, calculated on the average receipt of fees for seven years ; and Magistrates will be obliged to hold their petty sessions in public, and at fixed places.

Comma ENCLOSURES. On Monday, Lord WORSLEY gave notice, that early next session he would move for leave to bring in a bill for facilitating the enclosure of commons.

PUBLIC EXECUTIONS. On Thursday, Mr. BROTHERTON asked whether Government intended next session to introduce a bill for abolishing or diminishing capital punishments? Reading an account of the fatal accident during the execution at Nottingham, he again asked whether it was intended to put estop to those disgraceful exhibitions ? Sir Jamas Gartaam answered, that Government had no intention to introduce any measure on the subject. The accident in question had clothing to do with the moral effect of executions : it might have occurred at a horse-race, or even, through panic, in a chapel.

SLAVE-TRADE SUPPRESSION. In reply to the Earl of MINTO, on Tuesday, the Earl of RADDINGTON stated that the court-martial on Lieutenant Gray had been ordered in consequence of communications made in certain correspondence to the Foreign Office. The Earl of ABERDEEN added, that although the court-martial had taken place in consequence of the representations of a Foreign Government, yet no Foreign Government had ever suggested any each proceedings.

CAPTAIN WARNER'S INVENTION. Captain PECHELL said, on Thursday, that he had received the model of a vessel from Shoreham, the port from which the ship destroyed by Captain Warner had sailed; and from that it appeared the ship had ropes fitted on board her, fastened from stem to stern; and after the process it appeared that from 150 to 200 fathoms of line had been thrown overboard from the steam-vessel applied to the barque blown up ; showing that a direct communication had been established between the steam-vessel and the ship. He wished to know if Government could explain or confirm the suspicions that the whole affair was humbug ? Sir ROBERT PEEL said, he could neither confirm nor deny the report ; but the published correspondence would justify his caution in not giving 400,0001., or even 100,0004, for the blowing-up of a single vessel, without having had it examined pretty closely beforehand.

Mr. BAILLIE COCHRANE presented a petition from Lord Dundonald, stating that he had a few years ago discovered a method for assailing and destroying hostile fleets ; and praying that, if any premium were allowed for the best method of effecting that result, he might be allowed to compete for it.

THE ROYAL ASSENT was given, by commission, on Tuesday, to the Alien Act Amendment Bill, and a number of other public and private bills.