Mantes anb Viroteebings in Varliament.

THE ADDRESS: THE QUEEN'S REPLY.

The House of Commons met on Saturday, to convey the Address to

the Queen ; but Sir ROBERT PEEL having announced the death of the Grand Duke of Saxe Coburg and Gotha, the order for presenting the Address by the whole House was discharged, and it was ordered to be presented only by such Members as were of the Privy Council.

On Monday, Lord ERNEST BRUCE brought down the following reply— "1 thank you for your dutiful and loyal Address. The declaration that you are anxious to cooperate with me in my earnest desire to promote the welfare of my people, is most gratifying to my feelings. You may be assured that it will be the invariable object and constant care of my life to promote the happi- ness and deserve the confidence of all classes of my faithful subjects."

A similar reply was made, through the Loup CHANCELLOR, to:the House of Lords.

REPORTED ROYAL DEBTS.

In the House of Commons, on Monday, Mr. BLEWITT asked if the rumour was true, that the Civil List had been greatly exceeded, and that an enormous amount of debt had been incurred ?

Sir ROBERT PEEL (who seemed to have much difficulty in preserving his gravity) replied thus- " Really, Sir, I feel quite surprised that the honourable Member can be so credulous as to believe for a single instant so absurd and ridiculous a report. (Cheering and laughter.) Any person who has well observed the course pursued by her Majesty during her reign must, by referring to that course, be competent to give such a report a most positive contradiction. I again give a most emphatic denial to the rumour. It has not the slightest semblance of truth for its foundation. (Cheers.) I can say that there is not one shilling of arrear." (Loud cheers from all parts of the House.)

RAILWAY REFORM.

In the House of Commons, on Monday, Mr. W. E. GLADSTONE moved for a Select Committee to consider the Standing Orders relating to Railways, with a view to new provisions, in future railway bills, for the improvement of the railway system. Several railways, comprising some 2,000 miles of line, have been in existence from four to seven years, and a great deal of experience on the subject has been obtained. Some of the large companies manifest the intention of applying for fresh powers in order to an amalgamation of separate lines, which would give the united companies greater power ; and there are notices of sixty-six railway-bills, embracing an extent of 800 or 900 miles of road, to be newly constructed. The juncture, therefore, is favourable to a revision of the system. Too much stress should not be laid on the advantages of a nominal compe- tition, as in the cue of parallel lines, where amalgamation might only increase what is called monopoly ; nor could the rights of existing companies properly be interfered with. On the other hand, the fear of bond fide lines of competition would induce existing companies to keep on good terms with the public. - Be would propose to place railway-bills, like other private bills of a commercial character, under the jurisdiction of the Board of Trade ; and some improve- ments might be enforced : for example, railway-companies might be obliged to protect passengers in third-class carriages from the weather.

Mr. LABOUCHERE desired to give the Committee more extensive powers, and to enable it to inquire into those companies who might not voluntarily come before them. The advantages of competition should not be overlooked : they are exemplified in the case of Bath, for which place parcels are sent all the cheaper since they can be transmitted by the Great Western or the South-western Railway. Mr. ROEBUCK in- sisted that Government ought to take up the question as a whole ; that they ought to prevent monopoly, and the amalgamation of companies that promoted monopoly ; and to protect the interests of poorer pas- sengers. Mr. CHARLES RUSSELL averred that the interests of poorer passengers are already consulted ; for some companies convey them at a loss. He did not object to the Committee, bat he deprecated inter- ference with the rights of property. Mr. WALLACE mentioned an in- stance in which working-men suffer : the Glasgow and Greenock Rail- way Company have bought up the right of conveying passengers on the canal, and the poor man is now compelled to walk. Sir ROBERT PEEL referred to the great works already constructed under the existing system, without any outlay of public money. He contended that great caution should be used in meddling with existing rights ; though such cases as that mentioned by Mr. Wallace could not have been intended by the Legislature, and should be checked : companies should be con- trolled by competition arising from improvements in science ; and he advised them to look after the atmospheric railway plan, which ap- peared to be more economical and feasible than scientific men at first supposed it to be : but he deprecated the interference of Parliament in the details of railway management. Colonel SramottP said a word for the interests of postmasters and innkeepers injured by railways. Mr. PLIIMPTRE hoped that the Committee would consider travelling on the Lord's Day. Mr. FrrzsTEPHEN FRENCH asserted, against Sir Robert Peel, that 20,000,0001. of public money had been wasted in railways.

The motion was agreed to.

On Tuesday, Mr. GLADSTONE proposed the names of a Committee : but, exception being taken to several of the members on the ground that they were interested in railways, the motion was withdrawn, and the nomination of the Committee deferred.

FACTORY BILL.

On Tuesday, Sir JAMES Gitatual introduced his Factory Bill ; the chief provisions of which resembled those of last year's bill, but did not include the controverted Educational clauses.

With respect to the age, he proposed that the term "child" should be defined to mean children between nine and thirteen, instead of eight and thirteen ; that such children should not be employed for a longer time than six hours and a half each day; and that they should not be employed in the forenoon and the afternoon of the same day. In the existing law, "young persons" were de- fined to be persons between the ages of thirteen and eighteen : he did not pro- pose any alteration in that part of the act, but he should propose that such "young persons" should not be employed in any silk, cotton, wool, or flax manufactory, for any portion of the twenty-four hours longer than from half- past five o'clock to seven o'clock in the summer, and from half-past six o'clock to eight o'clock in the winter; thus making thirteen hours and a half each day, of which one hour and a half should be allowed for meals and rest. In re- spect to females, they should not under any circumstances be required to work more than twelve hours out of the twenty-four. The recovery of "lost time" leads to great and frequent violation of the law, especially when steam-power and water-power are both used : by his bill, the recovery of lost time would not be allowed except where the power used was water-power only ; and to that also he would propose a limitation—that no person so employed should be re- quired to work longer than thirteen hours. Inspectors would be empowered to notify to millowners whenever they observed that any portion of the machinery was dangerous, and that in their opinion it required to be cased or covered up ; and Rafter such notification any accident should occur injurious to any of the workmen employed, then the Inspector would be empowered to institute a snit for recovering compensation for such injury, and the damages awarded should be given, to the party injured. As to education, all that the proposed bill would do would be to give to the child from eight to thirteen years old, time to receive instruction ; and for that purpose he was not to be employed for more than six hours and a half on any one day : the remaining portion of the day might be devoted to education. He feared that existing enactments as to factory education were almost illu- sory; the qualifications of the teacher and the quality of the apparatus and books being of the lowest description : but he was aware that those evils were fast giving way under the force of public opinion; and the experience of last year manifested the inexpediency of interfering in the quality of the education.

Mr. Hustz objected to this legislation for particular classes : there

ought to be one law in the land for the dissemination of education ; and the provision respecting compensation for accidents might be ex- tended to other trades in which the poor and their dependants suffer— to railway accidents for instance. Mr. STUART WORTLEY and Mr. HINDLEY gave their thanks to Sir James Graham for the proposed changes. Mr. Hindley mentioned, that on the Continent "white slavery" is incomparably worse than in England : in France, the work- ing people go on at the rate of fifteen hours a day, with only half an hour's interval.

Leave was given to bring in the bill.

GAMING Laws.

In the House of Lords, on Monday, the Duke of RICHMOND moved the second reading of a bill which he introduced last week, to alter the laws which relate to gaming. He had scarcely risen, however, when Lord BROUGHAM proposed that the general portion of the bill should be reserved for more deliberate consideration, and that the Duke should introduce one specially to quash certain qui tam actions which have been instituted, by a stretch of the present laws, to recover penalties from persons who have made bets at horse-races. The Bishop of Lox- DON, also objected, that the bill seemed to go to the extent of removing . the legal restraints on betting and gambling.

The Duke of RICHMOND deprecated opinions hazarded on his bill before he had stated its objects— His purpose was, to destroy fraudulent betting, and considerably to restrict legitimate betting; for he believed that if the system of betting were not checked the turf would soon be destroyed. The bill was intended to protect other manly sports : at present no one could play at cricket, where the loser paid for the ground without subjecting himself to a qui tam action. He would, however, follow Lord Brougham's advice, and, postponing his general bill, would next day introduce one for quashing the gut tam actions. He hoped that their Lordships would at once adopt a measure which would defeat the vindictive attempts of a set of scoundrels, who bad been turned off the turf during the last year for not paying the bets which they had lost.

The order of the day for the second reading was withdrawn ; and later in the evening, the Duke of RICHMOND obtained the appointment of the following Committee to consider the laws which relate to gaming— The Lord Chancellor, the Lord President, the Duke of Richmond, the Marquis of Winchester, the Marquis of Normanby, the Earl of Clarendon, Lord Foley, Lord Brougham, Lord Stafford, Lord Monteagle, Lord Campbell.

On Thursday, Lord BROUGHAM moved the second reading of the bill to arrest the qui tam actions ; and in doing so, he stated that thirty writs had been issued, involving penalties to the amount of nearly 500,0001.: one Peer had been sued for 68,0001., another for 102,0001., and a County Member for 120,000/. The Bishop of LONDON expressed some dislike to the bill, as extending to rich persons a relief from liabilities which Would not have been accorded to poor persons. The Bishop of EXETER condemned the measure. It appeared to him, (to quote an argument once used by Lord Lyndhurst as counsel at the bar of the House,) that the law of the land had given a vested interest in these penalties to the common informer, and therefore that the Legislature ought not to interfere on such an occasion. When he saw the enormous evils which were connected with horse-racing, he should be very sorry to see the Legislature throw its mantle over such practices. The bill was read a second time, passed in Committee, and ordered to be read a third time next day.

STOPPING THE SUPPLIES.

In the House of Commons, on Tuesday, the order of the day having been read for going into Committee of Supply, Mr. SHARMAN CRAW- FORD brought forward his plan to compel the redress of grievances. He briefly enumerated the principal grievances which the House refused to inquire into or redress,—class-legislation ; commercial monopolies, such as the Corn-duty, the Sugar-duty, the English and Irish Bank Charters ; the reli- gious monopoly of the Established Church; unequal taxation, pressing most heavily upon the poor; the Poor-law, which infringes on the poor man's rights, while the Corn•laws prevent him from obtaining food ; the Irish Arms Bill ; the standing Army for the borne service, which, including 9,000 Constabulary in Ireland, amounts to nearly 50,000 men—although if laws were just anti government impartial there would be no occasion for that great army, or for the new system of police. There were charges concerning the Judges, the treatment of prisoners in confinement, and the conduct of Government in re- straining public meetings—all of which the House had unfortunately refused to investigate. But the most important charge of all against the House was that of not being a true representation of the People : it was proved by the small number of electors compared with the gross amount of population, and by the cor- rupt practices at elections, amply disclosed by Mr. Roebuck's Compromise Committee. Should his motion be carried, he would move either that the House resolve itself into a Committee of the whole, on an early day, or that a Select Committee be appointed to inquire into the state of the Re- presentation. To obviate delay, should Government be ready to go into the proposed inquiry, he would be willing to vote the Supplies for three months or six months, or for such time as might be necessary for such inquiry. Whether a minority of the House could succeed in stopping the Supplies, was not the question—he wished a majority to go along with him : he was not the man that would attempt upon his own responsibility a course with regard to the Supplies which should not he supported by public opinion out of doors, or by a sufficient number of Members in the House. He did not contemplate re- peated adjournments ; but he wished that those Members who represented the Popular interest should bring forward motions on going into Supply, not to overrule the House by a minority, but to get the majority of the House to agree with them ; and, though they might be defeated at first, he did not de- spair of ultimately getting a majority of the Members of that House to maintain the principle for which he contended. He exonerated the present Government from the charge of being at all more guilty than other Governments in neglecting the national grievances. He concluded by moving- " That whereas complaints have been made to this House ou various occasions, by petition, to the effect that the People are suffering under unjust and partial legislation, and under the effects of monopolies of various kinds, political and ecclesiastical, created and kept in existence for the benefit of favoured classes; that, by the taxes imposed on food, for the support of one of these monopolies, the supply is restricted and the price raised, whilst at the same time the demaud for labour is diminished and wages reduced, and the profits of manufacturing and commercial industry deeply injured; that the burden of general taxation has been increased to au intolerable extent, by an extrava- gant expenditure in every department of the state, and that this taxation is so imposed as to press most oppressively and heavily on the industrial portion of the commuuitv; that laws have been passed injurious to the rights of the People, and arbitrary proceed- ings of Government have taken place dangerous to public liberty ; that, in order to sustain this system, an unconstitutional amount of standing Arm) is kept up for the home service, and the ancient constitutional constable superseded by hired police—all which would be wholly unnecessary if the grievances of the people were redressed, and just and impartial government established it is further complained, that these and other grievances are produced by the bad constitution of the Commons House; that, by the limitations of the suffrage, the long duration of Parliaments, and corruption and undue influences in the election of Representatives, this House as at present constituted does not truly lepreseut and is not responsible to the People, and therefore does not legislate for their interests; that, notwithstanding frequent respectful petitions pre• seated to this House, the complaints of the People have neither been inquired into nor redressed; that from these causes an alarming state of discontent prevails generally over the United Kingdom : it is therefore the immediate duty of this House to make inquiry into these complaints; and as this House can have no right to I ote Supplies except as being the Representatives of the People, it is imperatively necessary that the charges brought against its present constitution and competency, in the petitions .loch have been received and recorded among its proceedings, should be inquired into, and, if found to be justly mane, redressed before this House, shall proceed to the voting of Supplies.'' The motion was seconded by Mr. Wittnat WILLIAMS- He quoted Lord John Russell's words on introducing the Reform Bill- " That the People should send to this House their real Representatives, to deliberate on their wants, to consult on their interests, to consider their grievances, and attend to their desires ; to possess the vast power of holding the purse -strings of the monarchy ; and Inlay the foundation for most salutary changes in the wellbeing of the people." There was nothing half so strong in all Mr. Crawford's resolution : but had any of those important objects been attained by the Reform Bill? The House of Commons had formerly resisted the arbitrary conduct of the Crown; as in 1642, when the Supplies were put under the care of Commissioners, and the struggle was commenced which brought Charles the First to the scaffold. When William the Third ascended the throne, the people entered into a compact with him, the result of which was the Triennial Parliaments Bill : but William endeavoured by all means to evade his promise. Of six millions of the adult population of this country, five millions have no voice in the election of Members of Parliament ; yet the main weight of taxation falls on two-thirds at least of the gross number. In proposing the Income-tax, Sir Robert Peel declared that the limits of taxation on consumption had been reached ; proving the important fact, that the un- represented five millions are taxed to the utmost of their strength. The Re- formed House of Commons treats the people worse than the old Borough- mongering Parliament ; and in fact, the disclosures of Mr. Roebuck's Com- mittee proved that the House was as corruptly elected as when Lord Castle- reagh declared the sale of seats to be as notorious as the sun at noon-day. Mr. Williams produced a mass of figures to show, that what with the alteration in the currency and the deteriorated condition of the people, the pressure of taxation is greater than ever it was.

S r ROBERT PEEL opposed the motion. Giving full credit to the moderation with which Mr. Crawford had made his proposition, to accede to it would be for the House of Commons to declare itself criminal in the face of the country. The first part of the resolution, taken in connexion with the speech, amounted to not less than an impeachment of the whole existing state of society ' • and to carry it into effect would involve the greatest revolution that ever had occurred in any country. The Supplies were to be stopped until some twenty preliminary inquiries were had into the long Hat of grievances, incapable of a satisfactory solution, and raising expectations that never could he gratified. Mr. Williams had argued for giving the franchise to every adult male in the country : but why exclude females, who exercise a franchise in many institutions of the country ? or minors, who are subject to taxation and to militia-duty ? Had he come in during a great part of Mr. Williams's speech, he should have deemed that be was contending for the repeal of the Reform Act ; for a great part of the speech was directed to show that the infusion of more of the Democratic element into the House had disappointed all public expectation, and inflicted grievances upon the country of which before they had not had any experience. ("Hear, hear !" from both sides of the House.) Surely it would be a logical inference from Mr. Wil- llama's premises, instead of saying, " Let us go further on in the perilous path of progressive reform," rather to say," Let us go back to those good old times, when the standing Army and taxation were less, and when virtuous Par- liaments, with a far less free constitution than the present, controlled the will of the Crown." Sir Robert reiterated the impossibility of completing inquiries into complicated and vexed questions, like Church Establishments and Cur- rency; all other imperial questions being postponed ad Gr&cas kalendas- Parliament, too, avowing its incapacity and criminality. He denied the apathy of Parliament, or the imposition of taxes without regard to the welfare of the lower classes.

The motion was supported by Mr. HUME ; opposed by Colonel Sraxmour ; and negatived, by 130 to 22.

THE AMEERS OF SCINDE.

In the House of Commons, on Thursday, Lord ASHLEY brought for- ward, with a long statement, the case of the dispossessed Ameers of Scinde ; and moved,

"That an humble address be presented to her Majesty, praying that her Majesty will be graciously pleved to take into her consideration the situation and treatment of the Ameers of Scinde ; and that she will direct their im- mediate restoration to liberty, and the enjoyment of their estates, or with such provision for their future maintenance as may be considered a just equivalent." He had given a notice on the subject last session ; but had determined to abandon it, lest he might compromise the interests of the Ameers. An extract of a letter by Sir Henry Pottinger, however, published in the Morning Chronicle, had made the case appear so irresistible, that he at once altered his determina- tion. The Ameers of Mode were a confederation of crowned beads, ruling jointly over a people differing from themselves in language and religion, and inhabiting a country which those princes bad acquired, as the British did their Indian territory, by conquest. The East India Company sought friendly re- lations; and, after passing through every variety of disfavour and suspicion from 1758, obtained, in 1809, a treaty which declared, "There shall be eternal friendship between the British Government and that of Scinde." It is again stipulated, "That enmity shall never appear between the two states." In the treaty of November 1820, the relations were expressed in still stronger language : "The two contracting Powers mutually bind themselves from gene- ration to generation never to look with the eye of covetousness on the posses- sions of each other." The Anvers asserted that they had faithfully observed the conditions of the treaty ; and their conduct was described as being gene- rally peaceable ; though they had been guilty of conduct to one of their own body that must be admitted to be indefensible. In 1840, when the insurrec- tion in Gwalior broke out, they permitted the transit of British troops; while hostility on their part would seriously have injured our interest. Up to 1842, although strongly tempted by the disaffected, the same peaceable demeanour was continued, with the exception of some petty intrigues inevitable in Eastern courts. In November 1840, Lord Auckland declared their conduct to be "most friendly "; in January 1842, Lord Ellenborough expressed satisfaction at their friendly disposition. In May 1842, however, Lord Ellenborough wrote to Major Ontram—" The Governor-General is led to think you may have some reason to doubt the fidelity of some one or more of the Ameers of Scinde "; and he im- posed final conditions on them. But little time was allowed for deliberation ; and the advance of an army resulted in the battle of Meeanee and the captivity of the Ameers. Thus were the treaty stipulations fulfilled ! It was said, indeed, that the Ameers were treacherous : but where was the proof ? They had good cause for distrust. Lord Ashley retraced the process of encroachment by the British Government : in 1838, the Governor-General sought to force the Ameers into a composition with their antagonist Shah Sujab, and "sus- pended" a treaty stipulation forbidding the passage of troops and military stores by the Indus; in the same year, be obliged Meer Roostum Khan to cede the fort and ferry of Bukkur, the highway between India and Khorassan, "the heart of his country," to which Lord Auckland admitted we had no right ; in 1342, Lord Ellenborough announced the continued occupation of Ku- rachee," declared Meer Roostum Khan unfaithful, and called upon him to cede a portion of territory to the Khan of Bhawulpore; troops were then advanced into the country, without waiting for any hostile attitude on the part of the Ameers ; some fled, some prepared for resistance—Sir Charles Napier threatened to confiscate the estates of those who resisted ; he would not wait the negotiations which Major Outram carried on with the Ameers, but disregarded the injunctions of the Princes not to advance his troops, as they could not restrain their Beloochees,—an advance discountenanced by Major Outram ; and thus he provoked the attack on the Residency that led to the battle of Meeanee. The Ameers were accused of writing treacherous letters : but when they demanded a sight of those letters they were not produced ; on the contrary, it was said that they had been given to Meer All bIorad—the very person suspected of having forged them. The dethroned Amecrs were hardly treated in captivity. No sufficient provision was made for their ladies, whom they left at Hyderabad. Two Ameers who had lived in retirement at that city, and bad taken no part in the war, were captured, and separated from their families; and to them, in reply to their remon- strances, Sir Charles Napier wrote, that if they troubled him any more with their "falsehoods" he would cast them into prison ; adding—" You are prisoners; and though I will not kill you, as you ordered your people to do to the English—[This was never proved, and if that be the state of the case let proof accompany it]—I will put you in irons on board a ship. &ere Mahomed is a very weak man, and will soon cause himself to be de- stroyed; and so will you, unless you submit more quietly to the fate which your own rash folly has brought upon you. I will answer no more of your letters, which are only repetitions of gross falsehoods, which I will not submit to." This letter, no doubt, might have been caused by the infirmities incident to such a climate. Such conduct was in strong contrast to that of Lord Corn- wallis and Lord Wellesley towards the defeated but protected family of Tippoo Seib. Lord Ashley concluded with a fervid exhortation to consolidate our strength in India by justice and generosity. Let us not lose, what we have obtained, by injustice. Let us wipe out the awful imputation cast on us by the Ameer Moobaruck Khan, " You tyrants—you Christians !" [Heu pietas ! hen prisca fides!] "now we perceive there is no hope or justice for us until God Almighty shall sit in the last great judgment."

Mr. ROEBUCK rose to move an amendment, of which he had given notice; remarking, that he had intimated to Lord Ashley his intention of making a motion on the subject; but the noble Lord, with a zeal equal to that of the pious lady who in her devotion stole Tillotson's Sermons, got before him, in spite of the courtesy that usually regarded questions on which a notice had been given as something belonging for a time to the gentleman that gave the notice. The amendment ran thus- 1. That the oonduct pursued by Lord Auckland as Governor-General of India, in his negotiations with the Ameers of Scinde, was unjust to those rulers, and impolitic with respect to British dominion in India. "2. That the policy adopted by Lord Ellenborough towards those same rulers was the unfortunate but necessary result of the unwise and unjust pro- ceedings of his predecessor,—a deplorable consequence, to be justified only by the dangers which then threatened the very existence of our Indian empire. "3. That while the restoration of the Ameers to their former dominions would be dangerous to British interests, as well as calamitous to the inhabitants of Scinde, and therefore impossible, humanity requires that these unfortunate Princes should receive every consideration and comfort which is compatible with the peace and security of their former possessions, now forming a most important frontier of our Eastern dominions." Mr. Roebuck took a very minute and extensive historical review of affairs in Scinde, from the formation of that nearly independent state out of the wreck of the Doomnee empire; observing that the late rulers had themselves obtained it by conquest, sanctified by no long prescription, for they drove out the Gwalior race but seventy years ago ; and the legitimate sovereign of Scinde still lives in the Punjanb: he bad written to Sir Charles Napier, offering to pay the General half the revenues if bis kingdom were given back to him. One point which Mr. Roebuck sought to establish was, that Sir Henry (then Colonel) Pottinger- the authenticity of whose letter in the Morning Chronicle he altogether dis- believed—had all along recommended the seizure of Scinde. That was the be- ginning of the man's policy who was assumed to feel such virtuous indignation now. If ever there was a set of men puffed up with vanity, he might venture to point his finger at the Political Agents of India. (Laughter and murmurs, fol- lowed by cries of .‘Hear, hear !") He charged Lord Auckland and Sir John Hobhouse with being the cause of all the misery that had occurred in that country and in Afghanistan. The expedition to Afghanistan was the beginning of these disastrous occurrences. Moreover, a wrong route had been taken by the troops-1,500 miles long instead of 500, and involving a gratuitous attack on Scinde, whose territory was demanded for their passage. The people of Af- ghanistan rose on our puppet King—for Lord Auckland, though he had made a conquest, could not keep it : the Ameers and Beloochees of Scinde were em- boldened by our reverses, and from one end to the other they entered into a conspiracy against the British dominion. The correspondence of Lieutenant Leckie clearly showed, partly on the authority of a person whose name is not given, that they accused each other of treacherous activity, and exhibited the signs of conscious guilt. Lord Ellenborough, seeing that we were refluent from Afghanistan, had to ask himself the question, should he relinquish the Indus, and all the advantages so much vaunted by Lord Auck- land, or should he retain &lade ? We ought never to have gone over the Sutlej; and it was because we had gone beyond it that he charged Sir John Hobbouse and Lord Auckland with ignorance and disregard of British inte- rests: but, having gone beyond that, our safest frontier, he charged them with doing injury to British interests, and of having entailed a fatal necessity on the noble Lord's successor; so that it did not become them to turn round and say, " You are unjust for doing that which we ourselves actually did; you are im- politic for doing that which we actually did; and you are in every way worthy of blame for having consummated the foul deed we commenced." It was, he repeated, a fatal necessity, a direful evil; one only to be in any way whatever borne out by showing the vast, dangerous necessity, under which the Governor- General was placed when he arrived in India. The whole thing was unjust from beginning to end. He had two years ago prophesied that we should have Scinde; in two years more we shall have the Punjaub. Unjust, certainly, it will be ; but all our Indian dominion has been unjust. Sir Charles Napier hail been blamed for advancing while Major Outram was negotiating. When the Ameers were gaining time by negotiation, and when Major Outram said that they had disbanded their forces, Sir Charles Napier learned through his spies that the Ameers had mustered an army of 25,000 men ; and the only safety for the British army was to advance and crush that enemy before it grew to be 50,000 strong. On this subject Mr. Roebuck read a long letter, which he hart obtained through a private channel, from Sir Charles to Major Outram. Sir Charles Napier bad been charged with harsh conduct to the fallen Ameers: he had preferred the hard fare of a tent to their luxurious palaces, not to intrude on their privacy. "This was conduct which would be regarded as characteristic by those who knew the combination of daring, bravery, and of kindness almost feminine, which distinguished that gal- lant officer—in whom was united the courage of a lion and the gentleness— the heart—of a child. (" Hear I " and cheers.) I have reason to say this, and I say it emphatically and with feeling. (Cheers.) Let it be known further, that the ladies of these Princes had refused to accompany them into their captivity, because of the horrid cruelty with which they had been treated by those tyrants, who, lustful as well as cruel, bad torn those unhappy women from the arms of their parents. And, when at liberty, had they chosen to accompany their oppressors ? They exclaimed against it ; and Sir Charles now has in his possession the instrument of cruel torture used by these bar- barous tormentors—a whip made with brass wires—upon their defenceless victims ! (Sensation, accompanied by an observation of Lord Ashley's.) Yes I it is a fact ! I cannot show it to the noble Lord ; but the fact is so ! " The real people of Scinde had benefited by the overthrow of their Beloochee rulers, a despotic and tyrannical race, whom Sir Charles Napier had disarmed. An unusually copious fall of rain had been regarded by the super- stitious people as a token that Heaven signified approval of the conduct of the British towards the Ameers. Much injustice had been perpetrated—much blood shed; but humanity forbids our restoring the people on whom we have thrust ourselves to barbarian sway.

[Mr. Roebuck's resolutions found no seconder, and therefore fell to the ground.]

Mr. EMERSON TENNENT opposed the motion. He contended that Lord Ellenborough's acts must be considered apart from Lord Auck- land's policy. He agreed with Mr. Roebuck in discrediting the letter imputed to Sir Henry Pottinger ; and read extracts from Sir Henry's remarks on the Ameers, showing opinions quite inconsistent with the regard for his "old friends" avowed in the apocryphal letter. He contended that the proofs of treachery on the part of the Ameers were conclusive ; and described their conduct as most offensively arrogant. They it was who infringed treaties ; and it was a remarkable fact, that they made no objection to the provisions of the treaty nego- tiated by Major Outram, though they were preparing a levy of their troops en masse.

Sir JOHN HOBHOUSE opposed both the motion and the amendment.

He bantered Mr. Roebuck for queerly complaining that Lord Ashley had en- croached on his manor, as if he had a freehold in Indian prairies, in Scinde and elsewhere, which he walked with so much grace and dignity; ridiculed the vast comprehensiveness of his propositions, and their assertion of what was " impossible "; and twitted him with finding no seconder. He averred that Mr. Roebuck's speech was a complete misrepresentation from beginning to end, and contradicted several of its historical details ; arguing that Scinde had. cheaply purchased protection from native assailants by its cessions to the British. He defended Colonel Pottinger's motives in giving advice, though he might have been in "hot countries" and written hasty letters. It was doubt- ful, however, whether an overcharged sense of their own importance was alto- gether confined to Indian servants. Lord Auckland had as great a claim as Lord Ellenborough to be allowed credit for his motives : the great difference between their policy appeared to be, that Lord Auckland preferred subsidy, Lord Ellenborough territory. He opposed the motion, as casting a slur on the Governor-General, without sufficient information as to the proper treatment for the Ameers.

Commodore NAPIER vindicated the conduct of his relative ; and bluntly attacked the class of Political Agents, one of whom had so ob- structed General Napiees military operations. Viscount JOoRrivar and Sir EDWARD COLEBROOK supported Lord Ashley.

Sir ROBERT PEEL defended the Indian Government— Liberal constructions ought to be put on the conduct of public officers acting, under a fearful responsibility, at a distance from instructions, often with the destiny of an empire on their hands. In that respect he had extended to Lord Auckland the same credit that lie claimed for Lord Ellenborough. There is an uncontrollable principle at work where civilization and refinement come in contact with savagery and barbarism, especially in the East, a hich prevents the application of rules of conduct laid down in this country. Sup- pose, for argument's sake, that Russia or Persia were intriguing in Afghanis- tan, and that Scinde refused a passage to our troops; it would be clearly im- possible for any Governor-General to say, "I look at my Vattel and my Puffendorf, and I refrain from marching my troops across a neutral ter- ritory." Other civilized countries brought in contact with savage and bar- barian nations act on similar principles. Without now questioning Lord Auckland's policy, it was impossible to recur to the position in which the In- dian Government was placed in 1830. When Lord Ellenborough went out, he found Scinde no longer an independent country; for Lord Auckland had de- clared that it was formally placed under British protection, and that our mili- tary and political supremacy had been established. He found the Indian Go- vernment at issue with Afghanistan, and a retrograde movement necessary— the first we had made in India. Our authority with native states was affected ; some—Nepaul, Bundelcund, Gwalior, each having an army of 30,000 men—ma- nifested a disposition to shake off our yoke ; the whole country was looking at the issue—our supremacy was thought to be drawing to an end. The Ameers evasively placed restrictions on the navigation of the Indus, and showed de- signs of returning to the old system. There was moral evidence of their trea- chery—not such perhaps as would satisfy an English court of justice, but such as must be acted on in India, unless our power is to he endangered. Under these circumstances, no other course was open to the Indian Government but that which had been taken.

Of Sir Charles Napier's conduct he should have to speak on Monday. "I shall only say on this occasion, that if he had taken the advice that was offered him—if he had trusted the Ameers, as the noble Lord recommends—if he had separated himself from his army, that army which was led to victory alone by the unparalleled circumstances in which it was placed, in having at its head a man who not only set them the example of personal courage and physical energy, but of profound military and political skill, as well as of desperate fide- lity to his country—(Loud cheers)—if, Sir, he had acted otherwise than as he has done, not one of them would have escaped." (Cheers) The immediate restoration of the Ameers to liberty would be incompatible with the peace of India. The ultimate form of government for Scinde was still a matter of con- sideration. But in the mean time, 24,000/. a year is expended in the service of the captive Ameers; no parsimony will prevent reasonable indulgences; and it is in contemplation to remove them to a more distant part of India, where less restraint will be necessary.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL regarded the treatment of the Ameers as a sub- ject quite distinct from the policy of the war. Not being aware of the actual state of Scinde, he could not advise their liberation ; and he should therefore vote against the motion. Saying that he should re- serve his opinion on Lord Ellenborough's policy, he passed a few retro- spective strictures on the Governor-General. Mr. HUME and Mr. VERNON Sarum spoke in favour of the original proposition.

Lord ASHLEY having replied, the motion was put, and rejected by

202 to 68. MISCELLANEOUS.

SANATORY CONDITION OF THE POORER CLASSES. In the HOMO of Lords, on Monday, the Marquis of NORMANBT complained that nothing had been done to improve the sanatory condition of the poorer classes. In 1839, Lord John Russell issued a Commission to inquire into the subject; and in 1841 Government introduced a bill, which was interrupted by circumstances connected with the change of Ministry. In 1842, the Poor-law Commissioners made a report on the same subject, which doubly showed the necessity of speedy measures : 56,000 deaths are annually produced by causes which such measures might remove. Instead of doing any thing, however, Government had ap- pointed a needless Commission to make further inquiry. The Duke of Boo- CLEUCH replied, that the leading clauses of Lord Normanby's drainage-hill had been introduced into a bill for the improvement of Leeds; but that part re- mained a dead letter, as it was found to be impracticable. The Commissioners appointed in May had visited fifty-one towns, and had strengthened the evi- dence in favour of doing something; but they had also brought to light the greatest difficulties in legislation, arising from local acts, the rights of water. companies, and other things. However, the Commissioners would shortly make a report : valuable information had been received from America ; and he hoped a sound legislative measure might he introduced.

roost-Law. Sir JAMES GRAHAM has stated that a bill which he intends to introduce to amend the English Poor-law will comprise an alteration of the law of settlement.

EDUCATION. In reply to Mr. WYSE, On Wednesday, Sir JAMES GRAHAM said, that some new regulations had been adopted by the Committee of Privy Council on Education, which should be laid before the House. No decision had yet been taken by Government as to the amount of the grant to be placed at the disposal of the Committee.

POST-OFFICE REFORM. In reply to Mr. IlAwEs, on Monday, the CHAN- CELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that it was not his intention to renew the Committee on the Post-office ; and he also denied the report that he was pre- pared to sacrifice the whole revenue of the Post-office to certain questionable

improvements.

MERCHANT SEAMEN'S FUND. On the motion of Mr. W. E. GLADSTONE, on Monday, a Select Committee was appointed on the state of the Merchant Seamen's Fund, an institution in the nature of an insurance company. If re- quired to wind up its affairs, probably it could not pay its expenses : there is, however, no doubt as to the due payment of pensions; and the object was to place it in a healthy state.

NONINTRUSION RIOTS. On Tuesday, Mr. Fox MAULE complained, that six persons arrested for a riot at Roskeen had been confined from two o'clock in the morning till nine at night in a narrow room, used as a bank-safe, which 12e had been informed was but nine feet long and only six feet high. The place was as bad as the Black-hole at Calcutta; and one of the prisoners had suffered so much from the arrest, that within an hour after it began he had vomited blood. On examination before the Magistrates, one of the prisoners was dis- charged; the others were still untried. The LORD ADVOCATE replied, that the people had been confined in such a room, but not for quite so long a time, and the place was several times ventilated by the opening of the door. The occurrence happened in October, and no complaint had been made till Janu- ary; and he did not find that there had been any intention to oppress the pri- soners, though certainly the mode of their confinement was much to be re- gretted.

BARK CHARTER. In reply to Lord MONTEAGLE, on Tuesday, the Duke

of WELLINGTON said that Government did not intend to propose fresh inquiry into the Bank Charter ; considering information already obtained sufficient ; that documents on the subject would be laid before Parliament alien ready ; and that measures would be taken for the renewal of the Bank of Ireland Charter on the same principles as would govern the Bank of England.

COINAGE. Mr. GISBORNE has given notice that he shall move for a Select Committee to inquire into the deterioration of gold coin, and the possibility of preventing loss to " a defenceless portion of the people."

IMPORT-DUTIES. Mr. HOME has given notice, for the 13th instant, that he shall more for a Select Committee to inquire into the extent of smuggling in articles bearing high import-duties ; into the effect of those duties on the reve- nue, the trader, and consumer ; and into the cost of the Coast Guard.

Mr. Conotis is to move for a Select Committee on the effects of protective duties on the interests of farmers and farm-labourers, on the 20th instant.

COMMERCIAL TREATIES. Mr. RICARDO is to more resolutions with respect to commercial treaties, on the 20th instant.

BRAZIL. Mr. LABOUCHERE has notified, for the 22d instant, a motion on our commercial relations with Brazil.

OREGON TERRITORY. In reply to Lord JOHN RUSSELL, On Monday, Sir ROBERT PEEL said, he anticipated that some progress had been made in the negotiations with the United States Government towards a settlement of the Oregon Territory question. A British Minister had gone out with full instructions on the subject.

TIIE RIGHT or SEARCH. In reply to Lord BROUGHAM, on Monday, the Earl of ABERDEEN said that the French Government had expressed a desire to introduce into the treaties of 1831 and 1833 certain modifications which might render their execution less unpleasant to the feelings of the nation ; but nothing should be done that would cripple the exertions of the British Govern- ment to procure the abolition of the slave-trade. He was convinced, that such was not the object of the French, but that their conduct had been candid and impartial. Our motives in maintaining the right of search had been much misrepresented, as if it were a privilege valuable in itself, or desirable as afford- ing the means of obstructing French commerce or insulting the French marine. The absurdity of this opinion was sufficiently shown by the circumstance that our vessels were submitted to the same inspection by French cruisers as we claimed fur our own. Far from thinking the right of search itself an advan- tage, he looked upon it as a great evil, only to be tolerated from a consideration of its necessity in suppressing the abominable traffic in slaves.

In the House of Commons, on Wednesday, Lord PALMERSTON, in conse- quence of the very unsatisfactory statement of Lord Aberdeen, gave notice, that on Thursday the 22d instant, if no other important business intervened, he should move, "That an humble address be presented to her Majesty, represent- ing that this House, sharing the deep abhorrence with which the people of this country regard the Slave-trade, most earnestly beseech her Majesty not to con- sent to any alteration or modification of any of the treaties now in force be- tween her Majesty and foreign states for the suppression of the Slave-trade, which, by weakening the means which these treaties now afford for the pre- vention of that piratical offence, might tend to render more easy the perpetra- tion of so detestable a crime."

OFFICERS IN CHINA. AND THEIR REWARDS. In the House of Lords, on Monday, the LORD CHANCELLOR read a letter from "Vice-Admiral Sir William Parker, acknowledging the thanks of the House. The Earl of MINTO com- plained that an equal share of honours had not been accorded to the Navy and the Army in China ; for while General Sir Hugh Gough had a Baronetcy and a Grand Cross of the Bath, Sir William Parker had only a Grand Cross of the Bath. The Earl of HADrateuzoN explained that the Grand Cross had been conferred upon Sir Hugh Gough for services in the first war, terminating with the capture of Canton ; the Baronetcy for services in the second war: Sir William Parker did not arrive till the breaking out of the second war; and he had expressed himself quite satisfied.

CHINESE TREATY. On Thursday, the Earl of CLARENDON requested Some explanation respecting the Chinese treaty : the chief points of inquiry being, whether the commercial advantages accorded to Great Britain had been ex- tended to other countries; and whether any power existed for enforcing the Chinese regulations appended to the treaty and for punishing British offenders? The Earl of ABERDEEN replied, that, according to the wish of the British Government, intimated as early as 1841, the commercial advantages had been extended to other countries; but that provision had been effected by a supple- mental treaty : for although Sir Henry Pottinger had done his work very well, in respect of diplomatic forms he was not quite methodical. Parliament had last session empowered Government to frame laws for the punishment of cri- minal offences in China : such a power had been delegated to the Governor and Council of Hong-kong.

THE DIVETT GRIEVANCES. On Thursday, Mr. DIVETT accused Mr. Bonham, Storekeeper of the Ordnance, before the House of Commons. Mr. Bonham is active in electioneering matters : Mr. Divett and Sir Gregory Lewin agreed to " pair," to save the trouble of voting against each other at the last London election ; but after that was arranged, somebody told Mr. Bonham that Mr. Divett was not on the register ; Mr. Bonham wrote to Sir Gregory Lewin ; Sir Gregory, apprizing Mr. Divett, went to the poll, and Mr. Divett came up from Exeter to vote against him. Mr. Bonham never acknowledged the mistake. Mr. Divett had another complaint: the Attorney-General told him that it was "scarcely decent" to make his motion. Ile moved an address to the Crown, praying for Mr. Bunharn's dis- missal from office. (Much laughter and ironical cheering.) No seconder ap- peared. Sir ROBERT PEEL, moving the adjournment of the House, vindicated the character of his friend, Mr. Bonham; and stated, on the authority of Mr. Russell Ellice, that the mistake originated with Mr. Baring's Committee. Mr. Bonham had expressed his regret to Sir Gregory Lewin. The ATTORNEY- GENERAL said he had made the remark complained of in a perfectly good- humoured and friendly spirit ; but he now apologized for having misunderstood the terms which subsisted between himself and Mr. Divett. Mr. LEADER testified to Mr. Bonham's integrity ; and so little of a virulent politician was he, that he had voted for Mr. Leader at the last Westminster election. It was rather too bad that a man should be exposed to serious o servations because he had made a mistake about a pair. The House adjourned.