TOPICS OF THE DAY.
THE PARIS CONFERENCE AND EUROPE.
IT is a little unfortunate for European nations that their destinies are as yet subject to a species of Eleusinian mystery. When the mind places in contrast the compound of inuendo, gossip, painful deciphering of " distinguished' countenances, back-stairs whis- perings, and purely speculative journalism, out of which we get our views or news of current European history, and the fearful interests involved, we feel how little way humanity has yet made in some necessary improvements. This contrast ,,e-oes far to account for the peculiar mania of the Bright-Cobden school of politicians. It is very natural that, in view of such a complex absurdity of mystery affecting human interests, men whose political opinions have a constant reference to that posting of ledgers, that clear balance-sheet, and plain, straightforward debtor and creditor account, familiar to their early days, should exclaim, "Let us have no foreign policy." But happily, or unhappily, this is not possible. A nation cannot form itself into a species of political J span. Old associations and duties, and treaties, and modern social intercourse, in a word, all history stands in the way of such a consummation. These are trifles to pure idealists like the Member for practical Birmingham, but to persons less gifted with the imaginative power that can see all the conditions of earthly things reversed in the mirage of the future, they are in- superable difficulties. And we must needs be content for the pre- sent to scrutinize this evil of secrecy with as much keenness as we can command, while hoping for a better day, when the desti- nies of states may be decided in the light which is more suitable to the consideration of such fearful issues.
It is generally understood that the differences of opinion in the Paris Congress had reached a height that threatened to bring about a dissolution of that august assembly, which theoretically commands the respect, as it certainly does the lives and fortunes of men. The unhappy Turkish plenipotentiary had suffered from a severe attack of angina pectoris, perhaps aggravated by his duty of championing at that council-table an empire which very good allies seem ravenously anxious to tear in pieces. But the Turk is better, and the diplomatic storm appears to have blown over. We are told that the English plenipotentiary, has sub- mitted propositions upon that vexed question of the Principalities likely to reconcile the conflicting views of Austria, Turkey, and England on the one hand, and France, Russia, and Sardinia on the other. But all authentic details as to the quarrels and the possible reconciliations are unknown. In the mean time, however, signs and indications are not wanting in the press of Europe afferding a clue to the disposition and wisdom of Cabinets, whereo(Mr. Disraeli spoke the other day with such statesmanlike and creditable unction. A St. Petersburg paper publishes a remarkable article warning England not to ally herself with such ruins as the Austrian empire ; and a democratic French news- paper is satisfied that it will commend itself to the approval of authority, by proclaiming as a piece of purely scientific political philosophy, that France must not be offended : that history shows that wherever she has a grievance it is certain to be redressed. And by way of enforcing these suggestions, a pamphlet appears similar in form and title to that famous one " Napoleon the Third and England," in which the British nation was so satisfactorily shown a few months back, to be a monster of ingratitude to its long suffering lamblike patron that sits on the throne of France. In this new effusion, entitled " Napoleon the Third and the Roumans," England is menaced with the vengeance of oppressed nationalities by the hand of France ; and it is pointed out fully how that, at last, in Cherbourg, the sword-blade, all keen, polished, and per- fected, lies ready to be is into the very vitals of this per- fidious England. This s certainly cheerful literature and jour- nalism. And it is not to be wondered at that the Queen of Eng- land is said to be invited, by way of exquisite international cour- tesy, to witness the inauguration (we believe they call it in- auguration) of the naval arsenal and port, which is to typify the definitive subjugation of selfish English policy to the Imperialism which is ever ready to save the world. Evidently the French alliance is understood to be, as is suggested indeed in many quar- ters, something like the faithful cooperation of the President with the National Assembly. It is a close and sacred thing, partaking of the nature of matrimony, indissoluble amid vital differences, and imparting to the supposed stronger " vessel" a right of casti- gation, the exercise of which is not obscurely promised. We hope that the admiration which English statesmen never fail to express when opportunity offers, and indeed when opportunity does not offer, for the crowned equivocator who rules France, will not be mistaken for an acquiescence or approval of the British nation of so elaborate a piece of acting as the affiance of the two states has now evidently become. It will not be forgotten, in connexion with other circumstances we have mentioned, that some few weeks ago an article appeared in one of the Paris papers in which it was said with much point and significance that, if Russia and France were come to an agreement upon the Italian question, Austria would forthwith cease to exist. These symptoms of the new form of absolutist policy require to be carefully noted by the friends of England and of freedom, for they show that policy to be as versatile and cunning and intriguing at the present moment as it has been tin- disguisedly ferocious in past years. It is a new plan, and due to Imperial statesmanship, to coquet with revolutionary and nationalist aspirations, and hold out, through irresponsible jour- nalists, indefinite hopes of a reconstruction of empires like Turkey and Austria. That the ultimate freedom and progress of Europe are bound up with that reconstruction we know. But for that very reason anything in the shape of promise or threat, on the part of the representatives of the absolutist and reactionary principles, to effect it, can never be anything but a voluntary or involuntary hypocrisy. But it is supposed that this c._ Hoy of hollow promises may have the effect of drawing states like Sardinia, and the Liberal party of Europe gene- rally, away from the sort of moral allegiance they pay to England ; and of making us appear to bear all the odium of maintaining that European status quo, which it must be far in- deed from the intentions of governments like Russia and France, unless driven to it for self-preservation, to disturb. Journalists will do good service to the cause of future freedom by exposing this sort of manoeuvre. The Liberal party of Europe have been so depressed by persecutions and their own failures, that they are very little qualified for scrutinizing with much exactitude the merits of crowned patrons, whose purposes of the moment may be answered by an apparent advocacy of liberal interests. It ought to be abundantly clear now to all reflective politicians that no war waged by the French empire, whether in the field or the council chamber, will really redound to the interests of freedom. Europe has had an ample experience of what comes of that mission to free the world by " holy bayonets," which has haunted French am- bition for the last seventy years. French thought is too fanatical, too egotistical, too liable to extremes of passion, for such a mission to be possible. And we do not think that there can be too much wariness in dealing with every appearance of such designs whether on the part of Russia or France, whether exhibited in the direction of Italy, or the Christian provinces of the Turkish Empire.
It will be seen, from all that has been said, that we regard the part which English statesmanship has to play in the present state of European affairs as difficult in the extreme. There is no pro- blem more complex and delicate than that of reconciling the conser- vative duty which is imposed upon the responsible managers of our foreign relations, with a faithful interpretation of the abiding sen- timents, desires, and tendencies of this free British nation. And the difficulty is perpetually creating dilemmas of a serious kind. It is a very unfortunate thing to have to cooperate with a State like Austria. But it might be more unfortunate to help France and Russia in their reckless efforts to hew down the flood-gates which keep south-eastern Europe from deluge and ruin. Nothing is more easy than for politicians of the square and compass school to propound schemes for the reconstruction of Turkey, upon the principle of bowing the Turks out of Europe, and cutting up the sick man's body into a happy family of federated states. But dis- passionate political thinkers are unable to see the legitimate opportunities, or the fit materials respectively for the destructive or the constructive side of the scheme. And such thinkers shrink with a prudent righteousness from treading upon ground so dan- gerous with those sentimental half-schemes for disintegrating Tur- key, which have been propounded by France for the Danubian Principalities, and for Montenegro. In the fulness of time these problems affecting all Europe will ripen themselves for solution. But there is no mistake so grievous as that of attempting to try the issues before they are fairly joined. Admitting the difficulties which beset the action of English statesmen in all this class of questions, we are constrained to say, that a great part of those difficulties appear to us to be caused by the system of mystery and secrecy which is so carefully kept up by diplomatists. It is quite obvious, that if the public were kept constantly informed of the steps taken in foreign policy, Ministers would be relieved from the greater part of the burden of doubt which rests upon their labours, the ignorance whether they will be ratified by the approval of the public sentiment, which is the final court of appeal. While on the. other hand, the contact with so very peculiar a class of thinkers as the diplomatists of Europe, between whom and the workings of the English mind there is a great and impassable gulf fixed, tends to make foreign secre- taries and English ambassadors ignorant of the workings of the mind of their eventual judge. Nothing has been more curious than Lord Clarendon's repeated vindications this session of the policy of his Government on the Conspiracy Bill; nothing more
curious than that speech of his of Feb last, in which he ab- solutely declared that we had no ground of complaint against Naples in respect of the Cagliari ; although every fact, and every principle of law bearing on the facts concerning Park and Watt was then known to him. This is evidently a serious evil. To be represented, as to our international affairs, by agents whose business is so transacted as to deaden completely their sympa- thy with their principals, is something most mischievous in its consequences. And surely this is no inappropriate moment time desiring the close attention of the public to the fact, at a tame when our lives and fortunes are being pledged, with a more than Venetian secrecy, to unknown or little known courses, by that conclave which is disposing of Europe in a small chamber of the Tuileries.
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