THE FASCIST STATE: A NEW PHASE
[FROM A CORRESPONDENT.]
WHEN Fascism suddenly changed its programme of revolutionary Socialism to one of reactionary conservatism after the temporary occupation of the factories, an attempt it fully supported, many people dubbed Signor Mussolini an opportunist, gifted with a super-sensitive politicalflair. But although his programme turned a complete somersault his mentality and con- ception of government remained unchanged. Mussolini defines the State. "There is nothing above it," he says ; "a State is not a State—that is a sovereign State— unless it be the judge in class disputes. . . . Italy is strong enough to end the disorderly class defence which afflicts the world." Here lies the vital spark of his theory of government : he means that classes themselves are not to choose the way whereby to defend their own interests—an infallible State will defend those interests for them. .
Through the new syndical legislation, Mussolini has been able to put his theory into practice Article 13, which, in his opinion, is the crucial part of the law, deals with the institution of the labour tribunals for compulsory arbitration in all disputes arising in connexion with collective labour contracts, whether old or new ones. Anything which had savoured of compromise in the original draft of the Bill was deleted by Mussolini. Especially in the matter of the labour tribunals the judgment was in no way to be a compromise "as in the system of arbitration in other countries" ; and he laid down as the golden rule for the judges to follow that, while they were to be just to both Capital and Labour, they were, above all else, to safeguard the superior interests of production." In discussing this aspect of the legislation in Parliament, Mussolini gave a very interesting account of the Russian system. He explained that the Soviets had rejected compulsory arbitration as the State shirked taking responsibility in labour disputes "because capital, which had been shaken during the military period of Communism, would not feel tempted by further uncertain prospects—thus the new economic policy, set up with great intelligence and with much sense of reality by Lenin, would have finished in a noisy crash. . . . You will ask why we have- shot further ahead than the Soviets " ?
In answering his own question, Mussolini pointed out that there was no necessity in Italy for Russian caution. Industry was thriving and his great object of protecting production would be achieved through the labour tribunals which will eliminate all strikes and lock-outs. "Once having suffered from an unfavour- able verdict, people will be brought to their senses," Mussolini remarked ; "Article 13 can no more be evaded than the devil who, if he is thrown out of the door, re-enters by the window."
The new legislation showed a mechanism capable of being shifted either in favour of Capital or of _Labour with a touch from the controlling hand, which caused some to tremble and others to hope. Even in December, 1925, it seemed as though Mussolini wished to conciliate Labour and might arrive at a species of State-Socialism. This was the triumphant era of "integral syndicalism." Corporations of the chief activities of the country, each corporation comprising syndicates of employers, employed and members of the free professions, were to form a great national organization, controlled by the State, but outside the State, and under the direction of Corn. .Rossoni. Suddenly Mussolini altered his course ; he threw "integral syndicalism" overboard, and the much vaunted Fascist organization of Corn. Rossoni became associations de facto. By the law, employers, employed and members Of the free professions are now to constitute three distinct and autonomous groups, and the fifteen national Confederations, to which they belong, are placed under a Ministry of Corporations with Mussolini as Minister. Only these national Confederations will have the legal right to represent the interests of Capital and Labour before the labour tribunals.
' Certainly the creation of a Ministry of Corporations is no mere bureaucratic adjunct, but forms a vital part of the Fascist State, since it incorporates within the State all the activities of the nation, and out of it will emanate, doubtless, the organization for the new assembly of categories which, it is believed, will replace the present system of parliamentary representation.
Such have been the vagaries of Fascism that it is impossible to predict whether this more pronounced orientation towards the right wing of Fascism will -necessitate a radical alteration of the original syndical law. Some think it is inevitable. Certainly the ultra- nationalist elements have triumphed, and so decidedly has the pendulum swung towards capitalism and State deification that Many Fascists, even Nationalists, confess a bitter disappointment in the syndical legislation and in the statutes regulating its application.
Mussolini's new turn has been welcomed by the indus- trials, who would infinitely rather be controlled by a Ministry than by Corn. Rossoni, whose crude homilies on their misdeeds and his syndicalist activities among their workers were always resented. By means of the Ministry they will also be able to oversee and control, in their turn, categories of workers in all the chief towns of .Italy.
To say that industrialists, and employers in general, are jubilant would be to overstate their relief at having escaped a number of whirlpools during the last few years. They have neVer shown the slightest enthusiasm for the syndical legislation, and only accepted it with apparent cheerfulness because it was in the safe custody of Mussolini. As one of them remarked : "with Socialism at the helm the law would have to be altered at once."
Flying from the nightmare of Bolshevism, capitalists blindly followed the trail, under the Fascist flag and bludgeon, in search of the much invoked "strong State," but not one of them ever imagined that they would presently find themselves in the iron grip of Nationalist Soviets. Indeed, are they not themselves the petrified Atlases of that "strong State" promised by Mussolini when he made his pact with them directly after the evacuation of the factories ? And some of his friends even say that Ii Duce dreams of going down to history as "the Lenin of Italy."
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