Westminster Corridors
If an overseas shipmate of the Skipper had dropped into the Commons last week to hear him welcome the publication of the Kilbrandon Commission on the Constitution he might well have found the experience both depressing and bewildering. The old salt, who sails Morning Cloud through the billows so intrepidly, seemed almost timorous as he presented the report, and the entire Commons crew seemed totally dispirited.
It was as if the Skipper were reading the burial service at sea but could not remember the name of the corpse, for even by Parliamentary standards of bumbling this was quite a performance: " report covers a great deal of ground where judgements . . . essentially political . . . have not found themselves able to make a unanimous report . . . there should be the widest possible public discussion before any decisions are taken."
Mr Wilson was only too happy to assist. He wanted a debate "but not immediately." He also thought that "public debate . . . should have time to develop, for views to be formed, before we in the House take the political decisions." This pleased the Skipper mightily.
Split Liberals
From Mr Thorpe not a word. Now this is most curious for he is ever ready to produce his tile hat and partake of state occasions with a countenance of greater utility at funerals than feasts.
True Mr Grimond rose, spoke about indecision, and suggested that the two main parties were hopelessly split on the issue. Alas, as far as poor old Jo is concerned, the soul lies a-mouldering in the grave but the body goes marching on. For the party most split is the Liberal Party, which explains why Mr Thorpe was ready to cede his rightful place beside the mighty. English Liberals roughly favour the views of the minority report which would have regions in England, an assembly in Scotland and one in Wales, all answerable to a Westminster parliament with more time to devote to foreign affairs. Scottish Liberals, and Mr Grimond is with them, will have none of this for it would reduce Scotland to the equivalent of a region of England so they are determined to give England a little parliament of its own and have a federal assembly in London, York or Wigan Pier.
Stirring up mutiny
But Mr Thorpe's embarrassment was as nothing compared to that of Messrs Wilson and Heath, and particularly the Labour leader. The Commission was originally Mr Wilson's creation but it was forced on him by Mr Heath. When nationalism started to threaten the Labour government with victories at Carmathen in Wales in 1966, and a massive defeat at Hamilton in 1967, the Skipper saw an excellent opportunity to stir up a bit of mutiny among the Scottish clans by establishing a mock royal commission under Sir Alec Douglas-Home which even included a judge, Lord Avonside, to give it some eighteenth-century bottom. Lord Avonside had to resign from the Home Committee, under pressure from the Labour people in Scotland who thought it less than proper that he should have accepted in the first place, however the purpose was achieved and Mr Wilson was forced to set up a Royal Commission. Characteristically he opened up as many options as possible.
Truth to tell the Commission was created to take the political heat off Mr Wilson but now that it has reported it contains the potential to fragment the Labour Party in Scotland. For example that most unsentimental of Scots, Mr James Sillars, was anxious to make the PM say that the argument was not about whether there should be some kind of devolution but how much. Yet only a few years ago Mr Sillars was such a hammer of the Scot Nats that devout Caledonians were convinced that, at the end of his days, he Vvould roast quietly in the hottest part of hell along with Edward the First. Now master Sillars has formed what he calls a Common Market Safeguards Committee with other stalwarts on the left.
The purpose of this body is, in the event of Mr Heath's winning the next election and the UK becoming firmly entrenched in the Common Market, to fight for direct Scottish representation in Brussels. Mr Sillars and company have felt the nationalist draught and have opened up the options in case the Kilbrandon report should stir up further separationist feelings on their native heath, for they are already aware of the excellent economic argument which nationalists can use in the simplistic phrase "It's Scottish oil,"
Oil fired
And oil is one of Mr Heath's concerns as well. There was a dine, not so long ago, when he would cheerfully have been shot of the Scottish Tories for it would give him a permanent majority in England and rid him of the economic burden of Scotland. Apparently he also saw some merit in the argument for some devolution but the dangers of setting up an elected committee in Edinburgh would be that it could be the first step to genuine separation and the loss of control over North Sea oil.
He is, however, only committed to bringing forward some proposals in this Parliament, and since the Tory party refused to give evidence to the Kilbrandon Commission her can concoct whatever he likes from the report of the Home Committee which he has had since before the last election. The betting is that he will produce plans for a glorified Scottish Grand Committee in Edinburgh using the councillors elected to the large regions, and appointing representatives of the Church of Scotland, the Scottish Legal system, and any other worthy body he. can think of, not excluding the Queen's Body of Archers and the Gaelic Mod. There will be no slippery slope to a separate Scottish Parliament with its grubby little Caledonian fingers covered in North Sea oil.
But Westminster politicians at the top do not believe that their comfortable system will ever change. Neither did the Roman senator who lay happily in his hot bath while Atilla the Hun industriously cut his wife's throat in the garden.
Tom Puzzle
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