Manta aub Prareettingti in parliament.

12. REGISTRATION OF VOTES. On Tuesday., Colonel Evans brought forward a string of resolutions on the subject of the registration of votes ander the Reform Bill. In making his motion, he remarked on the way in which the Registry clauses had operated— Great numbers of the town and borough constituency of the kingdom (though otherwise qualified by ancient right, or 101. household occupancy), there was now reason to apprehend, would be found unable to vote at the next general election, owing to the unexpected operation, misunderstanding, or neglect, in zegard to the 27th and 33d clauses of the Reform Act. The returns before the Mouse would show the injurious way in which those clauses had operated. In the parish of St. James's, there were 3,000 houses of the value of 10/. and up- swards. Only 891 of the occupiers of these houses had paid the poor's-rates, and 1,600 the assessed taxes. It was clear that e91 must be the maximum amount of voters in that parish ; but from inquiries which he had made, he was convinced that the actual number of voters would not exceed 200. In St. Andrew's, Holborn, 1,200, out of a constituency of 2,600, had not paid their tates and taxes; and in St. Margaret's, Westminster, only 800 had paid, out of a constituency of 1,800. In the parish of Marylebone, there were 10,000 10/. liou.seholders. Of these, only 2,900 had paid their poor's-rates on the 20th of July ; and the number of voters could not therefore be greater than that ; but lie had been given to understand that not more than 2,000 inhabitants had paid Ile assessed taxes. The effect of these two clauses was not confined to the Me- tropolitan districts, but extended to all the boroughs throughout the kingdom',- • and taking the whole borough constituency arising out ot the 10/. household occupancy, and of the scot and lot right, to amount to 300,000, he believed that no less than 200,000 would be disfranchised. It was a curious fact, that there was at present not one qualified voter in Russell Square ; and in Windmill . Street there were two only.

Lord ALTHORP corrected Colonel Evans respecting the scot and lot voters. The Act did not alter their right in any respect. They could only be deprived of it by refusing to pay their rates and taxes when de- manded.

Lord ALTHORP moved for leave to brim" in a bill to allow further time for persons otherwise qualified tinder the Reform Bill, to pay their rates and taxes ; of which be had given notice the previous evening. .z But Mr. HURRIES and Sir EDWARD SUGDEN having intimated their intention of opposing the bill, and there being no possibility, from the period of the session, of pressing it through the two Houses in the face of opposition, he withdrew the motion.

On Colonel Evans's resolution (to which Lord Althorp's motion for leave was offered as an amendment) the House afterwards divided; when it was negatived by 66 to 2.

In a conversation that took place on Thursday, on the presentation ofa petition from the National l'idon, by Colonel EVANS, Lord AL- THORP observed, that he could not proceed with his bill for extending the time for registry to 20th August, in the face of a threatened opposition, because it could not have been got through Parliament by the 20th ' • and if the time Nvere further extended to the 20th September, the new Par- liament could not be assembled this year. Of theslause, he observed, that all possible notice lied been given ; for it had not been at all altered from the first introduction of the Bill in December. Lord Al- thorp said, he could by no means agree in the propriety of assembling the present Parliament again, although he could not of course pledge himself to what future events might require.

Sir CHARLES WETHERELL remarked on what they had often been told, that a week's delay of the Bill would shake the whole Empire ; and yet, now they had got it, it was, it appeared, good for nothing.

The subject was more formally brought before the House by Colonel EVANS, in moving an address for the prorogation and reassembling- of Parliament, in order to consider the unexpected disfranchisement pro- duced by certain restrictive clauses in the Reform Act. The Colonel mentioned the operation of these clauses on some of the boroughs in Lancashire— He had received sonic information from Lancashire, which showed how the Bill would operate there. For example, in Manchester not above 750 persons had paid their rates ; in Ashton, 74; at bury, 42; at Oldham, 42; at Bolton, 84; at Blackburn, 78; at Rochdale, 66 • at Salford, 40; at Warrington, :38. That was rather an alarming result, and it would be enough to endanger the preseut Administration. Ile hoped that something would be done to remedy it— that a short session of Parliament would be called to remedy it. All he 'knew of the subject, he had learned only within a few days; and it was not to be sup- posed that the great mass of the people engaged in other pursuits could have learned it. That might account for their not fraying troubled themselves about it. Now that they were aware of it, they were much disappointed. The Bill The Turks poehiv,rly (.1411VVOrb ittr5C COW113 CIO= boroughs. u-ould not suffer from it, and he did not wonder that they opposed any altera- tion. The next Parliament, instead of being a Reformed Parliament, would be —he did not say it offensively—a Tory Parliament, if the Bill were not re- medied.

Mr. HumE seconded the motion.

Lord ALTnonr did not think it possible that the clauses in question had operated as they were represented as doing— lie knew nothing certain of the matter; and nothing could be cer- tainly known till after the 20th of August. Not believing in the extent of the disfranchisement, he could not believe the extent of the dissatisfaction. He had always admitted that the Registration clauses might at first present sonic dif- ficulty in the working. It should be remembered, that the period fixed by the Bill allowed three months to be in arrears; and he could not think, according to the custom of parishes, that it would be found that so many people were disfranchised.

The address was not pressed to a division.

2. BRIBERY BILL. This bill, which we had understood to be cu- shioned, and its place to be supplied by a resolution of which Lord John Russell had given notice, is still, we find, in progress. On Mon- day it was considered in Committee.

The clauses up to the llth having been agreed to, Mr. HUME, on that clause being read, suggested as an addition, that the conviction of any electors of bribery should not affect the rights of such as were not so Convicted. The addition was agreed to.

Colonel Simmons spoke of the bill as going to prevent the common acts of life. The Colonel said, he had on Friday asked a civil question about the bill, and, as usual, could get no answer. He had asked if it were meant to bring it forward; he had only left the House three mi- nutes, in ignorance if it were so meant or not, and on his return, he found it in progress.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL observed, that his answer to the question was, that he would bring it forward as soon as circumstances permitted. He did not think the answer, doubtful as it was described, formed any ar- gument against proceeding with the bill on Monday. The clauses from the 11th to the 20th were then agreed to. On the 20th, in answer to a remark of Mr. FAME'S, Lord Jonsi RUSSELL said, where the majority of electors in a borough were proved guilty of such bribery as justified disfranchisement, the minority must of course suffer.

Mr. DIXON asked, if 7,000 out of 10,000 electors, in such a town as Glasgow, were found guilty of bribery, the town would be disfranchised?

Lord Aims RUSSELL said, only small towns had hitherto been the subject of disfranchisement. Liverpool was a case in point. There notorious bribery was known to be practised, but who ever thought of the disfranchisement of the town ?

On the 26th clause, Mr. DUNCOMBE brought under the notice of the House the scandalous interference of Peers in elections— The Marquis of Salisbury had obliged his tenants to enter. into bonds to quit their holdings on fourteen days' notice, or forfeit -penalties of 50/. This was done both in the case of county and borough voters, though the time allowed to the former was, he believed, more than fourteen days. What was the object of

the Marquis ? Ile answered—to control the votes of his tenants at the next election for Hertford.

He proposed three clauses with a view to remedy such abuses—

The first would inflict apenalty of 54901. on any Peer who should be proved to have interfered at elections ; the second clause pointed cut the tribunal by which the penalty was to be inflicted—namely, a Committee of the House chosen by ballot; and tTle third clause fixed the mode of recovering the penalty. Mr. 13ERNAL expressed an opinion that such clauses did not come within the scope of the bill.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL agreed with the Clieirman. He afterwards went into a discussion between the legitimate and illegitimate influence of property ; the former of which lie hoped never to see abolished. To the clauses lie oltjected, as inconsistent Nvith the ordinary course of jus- tice, especially that which provided for the recovery of the penalty.

Air. CURRIE Wished to know from Lord John Russell what he termed legitimate influence—.-

.I', his own knowledge, the 7.farquis of Salisbury hal ind:rectly by bribes (“Ne!" and cries (f." Rear !") and directly by threats, most illegally and mittotedit:ttionally endeavoured to influence the electors of the borough of lIert- foril.

Lerd JOHN Stlid, be did net think it neca scary to deprecate such conduct in either Peer or Cenimoiler as highly illegal and uncon- stitutional.

No division took piece on Mr. Duncombe's amendment ; which was w ithdrewn.

Lord John P.ussell's bill was read a tided time on Thursday pro firma. On the same subject, Lord -Anti Messrs.:. moved a resolution to the followi elfect-

" That all persons who will questilin any future return of members to serve in Parliament, upon any allegation ef briber,. or corroption, and who shall in their indithot speeitically sdlege ativ payment of money or other reward to have been In•-'0 by ;my i1iiihLi, or on his ;:er.;ont, or with Lis privity, since the time of such return, in pursuance or in furtherance of such bribery or cortuption, may question the same at any time within twenty-eight days after the :late of such payment : or if this House be not sitting at tint expiration of the said tww:ty- e ight days, then within fourteen days after the day when the House shall next meet."

He put it on the Journals, he said, merely for the purpose of moving it again at the meeting of the next Parliament.

3. CLITHE.RO. On the third reading of the Civil List Payment Bill, last night, Mr. HUME put a question respecting the afliiir at Clithero. He had been informed that the chief Magistrate there remon- strated against the introduction of the military; he wished Mr. Irving to state the details of the riot.

Mr. Int-mo entered into a history of his eandidateship. He received an intimation from many of the most influential persons in Clithero, that if he offered, he would be well received. In the neighbourhood there were three manufacturers, " he believed highly respectable men, with whom, however, he had no acquaintance." From these three, a candi-

date was selected to stand for the town. tte Knew not now the decision was come to—whether by ballot or otherwise." A committee was formed in his (Mr. Irving's) favour, and a requisition sent to him, accompanied by an intimation that he might enter the town in safety. On entering the town, however, on the morning- of the 30th, accompanied by about eighty persons on foot and on horseback, he w-as grossly in- sulted; stones were thrown at him ; and he was spit upon. Three

several attempts were made to drag him from his carriage; were only prevented by the interposition of Mr. Fort's gameeeper, who seemed to have great power over the mob. There were also repeated cries of—" Pull him out ! Damn him ! Burke him !" At length the post-boys were ordered to drive on, and they did so with good-will-

Ile could not feel surprised that they obeyed the order to drive on; such was the shower of missiles by which they, in common with himself, had been attacked, and when they were surrounded as they were by a multitude of the greatest scoundrels in the world. (A lavh.) Mr. Irving proceeded to state what occurred on his return—

Colonel Clayton, one of the magistrates who had acted, had set out on his re- turn home, when, on meeting with the military, he again turned back and joined the party. The party then returned to the town ; and on entering it, he per- ceived that the numbers of the crowded multitude had been greatly reduced; in fact, it appeared to him that at least two-thirds of the people had gone away. Still, however, .a great concourse of people remained ; and it also increased as they proceeded again in their entry into the town, and in their progress the military were assailed with missiles—stones and brick-bats—which were thrown from the houses as the cavalcade proceeded. In addition to this, other offensive weapons, such as sticks, were used by persons in the crowd against the military force, which was most severely attacked in that way. It was then that the com- manding-officer applied to the resident Magistrates to read the Riot Act ; and in obedience to that application, the Riot Act was read by the Bailiff, and other Afagistrates, in various parts of the town. The cemmandin,g-officer of the military party then endeavoured, by the action of the horses of the corps under Ins command, to disperse the crowds which had assembled. In doing this, he was extremely sorry that injury should have been done to any individual, and nobody could regret such an event more than he did; but soldiers, when called npou to act, and having weapons of defence in their hands, could not be ex- pected—nay, it was natural that they should resist the attacks with which they Were themselves assailed. After this endeavour to restore tranquillity, he and his friends again proceeded from the town, under the -escort of two troops of military. Under that escort they had reached a neighbouring town; when, in consequence of information which followed, one troop of the military was sent back to restore the public tranquillity of the place.

After calling the attenticin of the Attorney-General to the system of intimidation which such proceedings indicated, Mr. Irving went on to criticise certain expressions which he said had been used by Dr. Bow- ring at Blackburn— He could not but take the present opportunity of noticing the conduct which had been pursued by a candidate for the neighbouring town of Blackburn, Dr. Bowring; who had been pleased, ba the course of his speeches and addresses to Hie electors of that borough, to attack and cast imputations upon him. The learned Doctor had strongly alluded to his being a West India proprietor, and ansinuated that, therefore he was inimical to the abolition of slavery' while, at Hi. same time, the learner] Doctor well knew that he had suggested a plan which liar e ! met the attention of his Majesty's Government, by which that subject might be set at rest. The learned Doctor had said much elsewhere as to what he was,

and he would take the liberty of telling the House what he was/1)t : he was not either an Atheist or Deist in his religious pi ineiples, neither was he Republican in his political principles, nor had he traflic.ied in revolutions.

Mr. LAMB expressed regret that in any town, under the new law, a spirit of dictation should be manifested suck as had been so long and loudly complained of in respect of those \rho were called Boroughnion- gers. Ile corrected misconception in regard to Air. Garatang. That gel:Heinen had joined with the other _Magistrates svho acted km the occasion—

The only dolit or .otesstion upon Mr. !' ..- !It's ii '1 was, \dm it was that the

hoe, ral.L lee, e'eepe,;te, and Id .......... r terned to tliihero accent-

i:•er.• to allay a um any tumult that lama d Is iheosi' . •. " :•,•e! ;',,:t they Alotild be asseom-

pre,,aib st. s•-;

p r:tiFq: of that tumult. ain ,1 r e lie MA n...■ t•71tCr tile ttrAll; Atit it appeari fee eel ta .e

iely epe.!, ng, -

newt.: ou hie r, Lea (me troop returned st

111111, l5.rt pet■t,

:;1r..........reel twi,te by Air.

eed • !..7; . hen ordered to • , 3!.r. I nor t.fs 1:s -s• rit Sir P. owAnn return of Th..

It' he had imt g010 her, let WO:!111 haVl. iht St:g111;,L. .t.• ;

trying- i:v evol y man thcre. Etlward thou:dit it a vety. . t cr, tII ('us the fi.'ot ft:et-eh:tuts of the first city in the work should

be treated as _Ali . ee feel leten.

Lord eller:wee • •i.; it cr!tra!--nos wcro percaitte(i

to take plzlee, tlwre an end t.: iht., of eleetien alto- g. th r— Ile did mit eee,e 11:1r11 to C.::::11ort); !);.• t. ,•.: •••• s.!' :••

the hwaturabh. 11S5 .S r ;• • ., t - S alan.hy ef di

mob tsf persons lw Moe,•, tt: b ,•:. .!,:• a.: ,sf Wits iittite 51110 tinit i•il . .!:•• ':!,'•1i H.. ft riA.III;11 ffr 1-n117 rage, !“.:t a if 1,0 s•,:t: t ILIN -,•71 Wtilti I he attu::ed liv ti..li lie . in cninvin,iini, in' Lad already that it' ontrates el thiF fb•scri!,' isir were t, ;AO 111.!:t: LACIAlCAS, there would be an end io tls f■ 1 don: rI election.

Mr. IIU NT thOliAllt it a firm t:■ speak of rep eesentation, wlierr . it: eppeared, 111C1T WET(' only :2;!;(t vote.rs, and I e,cLo Ian bad nn votes at all.

Sir .loin‘; I3vxc, gave a iI-ritiu of the town a tr'i tiwro, to slimw that cavalry ceidd not act eroeetly Iti it. The trtmlis, he said, ought to ill:yelp:ea t-dmwo to the i11 ui:1 not brought in C011tii:t Nvith them: The COTIVCrSiltioll e»ded by Mr. InvINd'S thanking Ale. Liuub and Lend Abhor') fur the sentiments they bed expressed.

4. LUSH Trrun PILL. This bill was reed a third time, arid passed, on Monday. Air. STANLEY moved as a rider, that the average of the last chi..., years ehould be the heels iv ;aid) to fix the composition; and Lord JOHN liussErL, also as a riacr, that the Act might be altered or amended dming the prci-clit session.

On Thursday, the Marquis of LAN":DOWNE moved the second reading of this bill. flis::Igilments were very nearly Cc' the same kind as those which have been repeatedly urged Oil the same side in the House of Commons.

The times were most et itieal iii Ireland ; awl the state of that country u-as such, that the common law was a dosal letter, and as completely disregarded as if no such law had ever existed. Ti- prof-ceilings at Kilkenny were too notori- ous to require any comment from bin) zit present ; and they were not the enly proceedings winch showed bow little the law was regarded, and how incom- pletely it was enthreed. In the county with which he was wore nearly con.- nectea, the state of the calendar at tl:e last gaol delivery, ro: he was informed by letters from that county, was this—it contained 252 offences; and although there were anno-q, these six murders, not OM, capital nmeirtiffil took place. At the previous gatedelivery, there were only sixty-fonr offences. It appeared from letters which he had received, not officially, hut from Ids private friends, that the well-disposed people in Ireland were in a state of the greatest alarm; that they were threatened with robbery and assassination in -open day, as well as during the night ; that gentlemen and their stewards were directed, under threats of assassination, as to whom they should employ and whom they should not employ ; and one gentleman was threatened with being murdered unless he took his labourers into his own house, and treated them in a manner prescribed to him.

Earl GREY replied, that there was no want of anxiety on the part of Government to support and enforce the law— If those persons who were most ready to attack Ministers had properly sup- ported their exertions to enforce the law, the state of Ireland might at this time have been very different from what it was. Still, although Ministers had not been supported in seine quarters as they ought to have been, their Special Cona, missions and other exertions for the maintenance of the peace of the country had been attended with very beneficial effects. The turbulence had been repressed in several counties, and even in the county of Tipperary a very material im- provement had taken place. He expressed a strong indisposition to resort to any extraordinary means of restoring public tranquillity; and more especially objected to such means as the Insurrection Act, which, in describing the existing law as a dead letter, the Marquis of Westmeath seemed disposed to re- vive. If the necessity for larger powers than the law now vested in. them were made clearly apparent, then of course Government would not hesitate to ask and to exercise them.

Lord BROUGHAM made some remarks on the Irish law of Habeals Corpus, in reference to what had fallen from the Marquis of West. meath-

The extension of the Habeas Corpus Act to Ireland had been, comparatively speaking, recent, that event having taken place near the close of the American war, in the 21st and 22d of George the Third ; and though the writ af Habeas Corpus was now in use in that country, yet the Act by which such uFe had been

created was not the rialne in its enactments and r'- as the Act of Charles the Second. The English Art of Habeas Corpus contained a clause against the imprisonment beyond the seas of any of his Majesty's subjects; if he did not i■ery much mistake, there was no such clause to be found in the Irish Act. There was another most important matter connected with the Irish Act to which be wished to 'draw particular attention—namely, that it invested the Lord Lieutenant with power to do what in this country was called suspending the Habeas Corpus Act, without, as in England, coining to the Legislature for that purpose.

Foreign invasion and domestic rebellion, his Lordship said, formed the only grounds of such a suspension in either conntry ; but the question of what constituted domestic rebellion, was a difficult one— He did not hesitate to say, that rebellion as much consisted in bringing to- gether in any part (if the empire great assemblages of people, and producing such excitement as to place the laws in a state of abeyance, and, in a word, to anni- hilate their operation, accompanying such conduct by acts of outrage conform- able to the design of compassing those objects—that, he %would say, was as much rebellion as any other act or course of conduct. Further, whatever was decreed rebellion by the Executive Government for the time being, was so in law to be considered. The Execntive Government was the judge of that in which rebel- lion consisted ; and surely the state of things to which he alluded, was in all reason and common sense rebellion, as truly as the iniurreetion of a whole pro- vince, or the bringing out of bodies of armed and disciplined men to oppose by force the constituted authorities of the land.

The Duke of WELLINGTON gave the Government every credit for a sin- o .e desire to restore tranquillity to Ireland, and for the Bill as a proof of it ; and th erefore hoped it would be allowed to pass with their Lordships' unanimous consent.

In the House of Commons last night, Mr. LEADER adverted to the doctrine laid down by the Lord Chancellor respecting the Irish Habeas Corpus Act. It was true that the Lord Lieutenant MIS empowered to suspend its operation ; but in 1796, when there was an actual invasion, and in 1798, when there was an open rebellion in Ireland, Ministers did not think it prudent to take advantage of that part of the act, but in both cases came to Parliament for its sanction. He remarked on Lord Brougham's new definition of rebellion, as going to prevent meetings to petition against bad laws, under the penalty of the Constitution being suspended in consequence.

Mr. HUME expressed a hope that the distinction noticed by Lord -Brougham did not exist in the law of the two countries; or if it did, that it would not be permitted to exist long.

Mr. CRAMPTON stated the distinction in the law in the same terms as Lord Brougham, and gave nearly the same definition of rebellion.

The conversation arose out of a petition from Cork, stating that a policeman had been discovered at a meeting throwing stones at the military, and had not been discharged in consequence.

. PARTY PROCESSIONS. The bill for regulating Party Processions in Ireland, passed through Committee on Wednesday, after a strenuous attempt of two or three Irish members to oppose it. The reports say there were twenty-four divisions, but they only give the results of two, in which the numbers stood 4 to 38 and. 2 to 38 respectively.. The Votes do not give divisions in Committee, so that we are wholly in the dark as to the nature and object of the twenty-two unregistered divisione.

The report was brought up on Thursday. Mr. SHAW said he should no longer oppose it; nor would he have opposed it as he (lid in Com- mittee bad he not considered the pressing of it forward as a breach of an implied pledge to the .Irish members that were absent.

The bill was read a third time last night..

6. CHANCERY SINECURES. On Tuesday, when the third reading of the bill for abolishing the" Chancery sinecures as moved, the Earl of ELDON objected to the bill being carried through so late in the session, and before the execution of the duties of the offices to be abolished Was provided for by other means. It was surprising that he, who had been a Chancellor for twenty-seven years, and at the bar for many years be- sides, should never have discovered the necessity of that reform which it was the object of this bill to effect. It was not that his attention, as well as that'of his predecessors, had not been directed to the subject of Chancery Reform ; but neither he nor they thought reform was to be attained by sudden change, but by orders made from time to time as circumstances should suggest.

Lord BROUGHAM declared himself equally averse with Lord Eldon to sudden and unconsidered change ; but the changes to be effected by the present bill had been recommended so long ago as 1798, by Lord Col- chester's Committee.

The blank for the termination of the offices in question was filled up with the "20th August 1833," to give ample time for Parliament to provide for the discharge of the duties.

The bill having passed, Lord BROUGHAM begged to be indulged in a

few remarks— • •

"I am sorry to find, front what has passed in another House, that someob- servatimie which. I made at an early stage of this measure have given pain—I

will not say i

in what quarter, , for I never once referred to any individual, by name or .description, in a way which was unparliamentary or offensive; and if I had,donc 06, your Lordships would have &feu.. :he first to correct me., under- stand, however, that my observations ha-.- eiven 'pain, and it is alwys deeply painful to Me to give pain. I do not say that I made these observations under the influence of irritation or anger. I will not plead that excuse; but I did feel a degree of contempt and scorn for a charge which I understood to have been insinuated against me at the very moment of my life when such a charge was least merited. I felt that this charge was insinuated at a moment when I was in the course of doing what I freely admit may have been looked upon as an act of some imprudence, perhaps folly,—an act which, strictly speaking, I had no right, idpoint of Worldly prudence, to do. I felt it a little irksome to have insi- rmations,thrown out ag;;L•st me, as duty conduct was sordid, and inconsistent with my principles, at the vs-y. time when to those principles I was making a great and substantial sacrifice. It would be folly—it would be mere childishness, to say that I do not feel that the sacrifice which I was then making was consider- able; but, so help me God, I had not the slightest reluctance in making it. I mention this circumstance as a reason why I felt great scorn and contempt at the insinuation which was directed against me ; and when I was expressing myself, I perhaps carried my scorn and contempt further than I ought, and ap- hed them m some respect, or at least made them seem to apply,- to the quarter from which the charge came,—whereas I should have applied my scorn and Con- tempt to the charge itself. My natureis very abhorrent from the charge which was made against me, and it is not extraordinary that I should have felt scorn

at . The House adjourned as soon as Lord Brougham sat down.

On Thursday, in a Committee on the bill, Lord ALTHORP proposed that the retiring salary of the ChencellOr should- be 5,0001. He justified the sum on the principle that the sinecures to be abolished had hitherto enabled the Chancellor to provide for his family ; and one of these, to the amount of 2,0001. a-year, had recently fallen to the Lord Chancel- lor's gift. It was impossible to get men of first-rate eminence to fill such a high office as that of Chancellor without adequate remuneration.

Mr. HUNT proposed 4,000/.

Lord ALTHORP observed, that Lord Brougham had abolished twelve sinecures hitherto forming part of the Chancellor's patronage : an addition of 1,000/. to the retiring pension of such an individual was not too much.

Mr. HUME said, the increased retiring allowance established a prece- dent of compensation, not merely to the holders of sinecures, but to those who might contingently have the disposal of them.

The clause was carried by 60 to 2.

The bill was reported ast night.

In moving the first reading of the Salary Bill, Lord BROUGHAM last night alluded to the statement that his labours were abridged by the operation of the new Bankruptcy law— That was not the case. The Court sat as long as ever it had done; and it was the same thing to him whether he disposed of bankruptcy business or busi- ness of any other description. It happened that during the last seven mouths, 258 bills had been filed more than were filed in 1829—the year in which the greatest number of bills had ever been known to be filed. The establishment of the Court of Review benefited the Vice-Chancellor, if it benefited any person ;_ but he was as much occupied as at any former period.

7. Civil. LIST SALARIES. On Wednesday, on the order for going into Committee, Mr. COURTENAY objected to this bill in late, because it subjected the payments of all departments of the state to the House of Commons. It was of republican tendency.

The bill went through Committee.

On the question of fixing the Lord Chancellor's salary at 14,000/. Mr. SADLER objected to the amount, as extravagant— He was sure that when it was considered in relation to the distressed condi- tion of the country, and still more in relation to the pledges of official retrench- ment so vauntingly put forth by Ministers on their accession to office that the country would join him in his surprise, that a measure which, in fact:bestowed a salary upon the Chancellor far higher than the average salary of his prede- cessors during a series of years, should be brought forward without explanation by those retrenchment-promising Ilinisters. It was true that the present Lord Chancellor had given up much of the patronage of his office; but still it was to be recollected, that the 14,000/. a year which the bill fixed upon as the amount of his salary, was not only positively higher than the average receipts of his pre- decessors in the proportion of 14 to 12, according to the statement of the Home Secretary in 1822, but was relatively higher in the proportion of 20 to 14; owing to the value of the currency, since 14,000/. a year wdas considered a fair remuneration for the duties of the office, having risen in the proportion, at the lowest estimate, of from 14 to 20. I...ref A 7,011,11. CUM, th tr,t 0..4. Ca. Miniator. WEIS to submit to a Committee the amount of their salaries ; and that Committee fixed the Lord Chancellor's salary at the sum which was now complained of— Mr. Sadler was entirely in error in insinuating, first, that Ministers had not redeemed their pledges of retrenchment, so far as their own emoluments were concerned. He was equally in error when he. stated that the proposed salary was higher than the average income of former.Chancellors. The fact was, the Chancellor's income for a number Of years had fluctuated between 17,0001. and 20,000/. a-year, and Lord Eldon had been known to receive 23,000/. a-year. 4

Mr. Hume admitted, that the Committee had decided, by 14 to 2, for the proposed amount of salary ; but since then,, the duties were lightened, by the alterations in the Bankruptcy Law ; so that 12,0001: might be now looked Upon as an ample remuneration.

In Com.mittee, Mr. SADLER moved a reduction from 14,000/. to 12,000/. The amendment was rejected, by 52 to 6.

• •

8. Sirs DUTIES. On Tuesday, petitions complaining of distress in the silk trade, Were presented by Mr. Alderman VENABLES and otheis. Mr. VENABLES expressed his surprise that the Silk Committee had come to the resolution of publishing the minutes of evidence unaccom- panied by any report of their opinion.

Lord D. STUART, Mr.- H. L. BULWER, and Mr. WYNNE Ems, concurred with Alderman Venables.

Mr. HUME thought the petitioners did not attribute their distress to its true cause. The real cause of the distress of the weavers lay in the protecting duty on thrown silk ; it. imposed a burden of seven or eight per cent. on English goods, from which the French 'manufacturer was free. With respect to the absence of a report of the Committee's opi- nion, that arose from the shortness of the time, and the want Of a suffi- cient attendance of members..

Mr. Alderman WarTnisiAN,. in presenting a petition, .complained grievously of the unnecessary time devoted to the examination.of ,cer- tain witnesses— For instance, one gentleman, the learned Dr. Bowring, had been under ex- amination six times; during which that learned person gave most positive opi- nions on matters on which be evidently knew nothing, and showed himself ut- terly ignorant on matters on which it might be fairly presumed that he ought to know something. He talked of the information he had received from the French people, and said that they were most candid, and concealed nothing from him ; while, in fact, there was no doubt that the Frenchmen were laughing in their sleeves at him all the time. The learned doctor, while he spoke so fluently on the state of French manufactures, showed that he was utterly ignorant of those of his own country., It reminded him of what was said of John Bull's visit to France, the result of which was, that . .

He only learn'd to caper and dance, .

. And a finished goose came over." • Mr. POULETT' Tnosisosr said, the Committee had the alternative of sending forth-the evidence with' a full report or with none. A full re- port it could not niake, because of the non-attendance of members ; it was consequently driVen to lay before the House the- evidence.without any report at all. He,vindicated•Dr. Boivringfroin Alderman Wraith- man's attack—

What did Dr. Bowring say? He said, " I am not responsible for the facts here . _ _

stated ; but I give you the sources from whence I derived them, and it is for you to judge whether those sources are worthy of confidence or not." Nothing could be more candid than such a statement. Mr. ROBINSON deemed the absence of a report peculiarly unfortu- nate. It was more looked to than the evidence ; and he feared, from the want of it, much valuable evidence would be lost. He remarked, that liberal as France was in matters political, it showed very little li- berality in commercial matters ; and America was as much opposed as France was to what was termed free trade. He thought Dr. Bowring a very ineligible person to make the inquiries he was directed to make in France ; the bias of his opinions was well known. Mr. Robinson administered a rebuke to Mr. P. Thomson— He would tell Mr. Thomson, that the authoritative manner in which he spoke upon these subjects was not pleasing to the manufacturing and commer- cial world. They sdid justice to his talents, and they did not impugn his motives; but they felt that it required more experience than he possibly could have had, to speak definitively upon a subject of so important a nature.

Lord PALMERSTON thought the discussion of evidence which was not yet in the hands of members was at least premature. He adverted to what Mr. Robinson had said of the commercial illiberality of France and America— He was willing to admit, that there were prejudiced classes there as well as here, who prevented those views from being hilly carried into effect. But were they to give up the benefit which he contended must arise from the just application of those liberal principles? If they did so, they would only force other countries to pursue a system of retaliation. Much had been said about smuggling. In his mind, the true encouragers of smuggling in this country were those who upheld duties inconsistent with the interests of commerce,—

,

who endeavouring blindly and absurdly to effect impossibilities, to prevent the introduction of foreign manufactures, gave in effect a large premium to those who were engaged in smuggling transactions.

The petitions were ordered to be printed.

• 9. ORDERS IN COUNCIL. On Wednesday, a long conversation took place on receiving the report of the resolution for making certain ad- vances to such colonies as have adopted the Orders in Council of No- vember 1830.

Mr. BultoE said, when a proper occasion presented itself, he would show that the expense attendant on giving effect to the Orders was very great : this was one ground why in several islands they had been Objected to.

Lord HowicK vindicated the right of the Crown to issue such orders, in reply to observations of Mr. COURTENAY and Mr. IRVING, which seemed to cast doubt upon it.

Mr. BURGE questioned Lord Howick's correctness upon this point— So far from the power of the Crown being undoubted, some of the first law authorities best acquainted with the subject were at variance with the noble Lord ; and it was a fact, that when the Judges in Trinidad were called upon to enforce the Order in Council, the whole of them left the court, with the excep- tion of the Chief Justice.

Mr. HUME, after some general observations on the doctrine that the rights of Englishmen were liable to be modified by Orders in Council in the Colonies, any more than at home, said— The Government had not as yet been able to produce one tittle of evidence to show that these Orders in Council had been carried into effect in any one of the Colonies ; and therefore they were now asking from the House money which they could not apply. The measure was premature in the highest degree; and he hoped the noble Lord would wait until he had information of thepractical re- sults arising from the receipt by the Colonies of these Orders in Council. When this inforination had been received, Mr. Hume should be ready to assist the noble Lord in carrying those orders into effect, or in any other way accomplishing an amelioration of the condition of the slave population. With respect to that sub- ject, he hesitated not to call upon Mr. F. Buxton to suggest to the Government some definite plan. When a plan uniting compensation and abolition was pro- pounded, then let the Government take 57,000/. a-year, or thrice that sum, for these purposes. The present was an ill-timed proposition' pressed forward under the popular cry, and tended rather to stop than to forward an object which every man in the country had honestly in view.

Mr. SADLER begged, while the sufferings of slaves abroad were in dis- cussion, to direct Lord Althorp's attention to the condition of the /miserable factory children at home, whose labours were far more severe.

The report was agreed to.

10. APPROPRIATION BILL. Mr. SPRING RICE having moved, on Wednesday, the Consolidation Fund Bill, with the usual appropria- tion Clause, Mr. HUME took occasion to make a few observations on the finances generally. While be begged to say that the reduction of expenditure had by no means kept pace with the necessities of the country, he at the same time gave credit to Government for having effected important savings, as well as for taking measures for securing the publication of a fair statement of the accounts— The Civil List had been placed on an intelligible footing ; and though lie did not approve of all that had occurred with respect to the Pension List, there was this advantage gained—that all these branches were now subject to the revision of the Legislature. The votes for the Army he could not but think to be totally divropm tioned to the necessities of the country ; and, considered in connexion

with the expenses of the Ordnance that must accompany such an establishment,

no doubt existed in his mind of the necessity of a reduction. Indeed, all the re- ductions of clerks and minor offices were of-little importance, as compared with

this grand expense; nor was there any hope of efficient reduction, so as to relieve

the people, without lessening the estimates for the Army and Navy. The Mili- tia had cost the country 4,500,0001. since the peace, and was useless. So also Was the Yeomanry; and if not useless, it would be disgraceful, that in a country rich beyond precedent, as this was, persons could not be found to preserve its peace without pay and emoluments. He therefore anticipated, that in the next session, and with a Reformed Parliament, reductions might be effected so as to bring down the expenditure from 45,000,000/. to 40,000,000/. 5,000,000/. might appear a large reduction; but when he looked to the variety and extent of our establishments, both at home and in the Colo- nies, he had no doubt that when they were properly revised, a relief to the amount 4'5,000,000/. of taxation might be thus given. The right honourable Secretary for the Treasury deserved very great credit for the clearness he had already introduced into the public accounts; and he hoped for still further im- provements, particularly with respect to the expense of collecting the revenue, Which was now kept out of sight, but which, in point of fact, made the sums paid by the people amount to 49,000,0001., instead of 45,000,000/. The reduc- tions in the Admiralty department were also deserving of commendation, par- ticularly the saving of 500,0001. effeettd in the purchase of timber. If the process of keeping the ships high and dry at Woolwich answered, he hoped the result would be an immense saving, instead of the expenditure of 29,000,000/. since the peace for the Navy—a sum which woulilit.1.0714-esent prices purchase our whole Navy. He wished always to assist and support the Navy as the best and most efficient arm of this country. The miscellaneous expenses amounted to 2,000,000/. ; and in those items connected with Ireland in particular, he trusted to see very great reductions. Mr. Hume concluded as he commenced, by stating, that there were many votes sirhich he had allowed to pass, not because he approved of them, but because he was unwilling to delay the great measure, by MMUS of which he hoped, at a future day, to render his opposition to them effectual.

Mr. RICE said, 250,000/. had been saved in the Miscellanies, and al- together the expenses of the country were this year less by two millions than they were last year. A greater reduction in salaries had taken place during the last twelve months, than in the three years preceding the entrance of the present Ministry on office.

Arr. COURTENAY expressed his entire dissent from Mr. Ilume's po- sitions, unless in the compliment paid to Mr. Rice.

Colonel Snanonr suggested the reduction of Lord Grey's salary to 3,000/. With the patronage of a First Lord of the Treasury, such a salary was ample. He himself would take the office for nothing. Sir JOHN HOBIIOUSE moved the introduction of a clause, providing, that in the ease of officers on half-pay, employed in the civil service of the country, the half-pay should not be forfeited. Sir John described the alteration as one which would lead to considerable saving, inasmuch as smaller salaries would more adequately renninerate a hall-pay officer, than one who had nothing but the salary to depend upon ; and in cases of reduction, as the officer would fall back on his half-pay, no retiring al- lowance would be required. He proposed that the regulation should commence from January 1833. Mr. HUME protested against the plan, as an unnecessary innovation on the recommendation of the Finance Committee of 1828; and not on the reconnnendation of the Committee merely, but on the Act 59th George III., by which officers on half-pay were precluded from. receiv- ing theie half-pay while holding offices of a certain value. The pro- posed of Sir John Ilobbouse would complicate the public accounts, and effect no saving to the public. Lord Aurnonr said, he concurred in opinion with the Finance Com- mittee of 1828; but he had since seen reason for changing his senti- ments. In the case of the Coast Guard, where the recommendations of the Committee had been evaded, the consequence had been a saving of t3i,000/. a year- " it must be obvious, that officers retaining their half-pay can afford to take smaller salaries for civil appointments than those who have no such income : and if you take away the half-pay from an officer, on giving him a civil appoint- ment, you must raise the talary of that appointment by a suns often much larger than the amount of the half-pay itself." Mr. WEYLAND wished to know if officers in holy orders were not to be allowed to retain their half-pay also.

Sir JOHN HommusE said they could not, as by taking hely orriers they were no longer liable to be called into service. He noticed with bitterness the remarks of Mr. Hume— The question between him and the honourable member for Middlesex was a question of economy. Sir John Hobhouse contended, that this clause did not involve an infringement of economy. The country, notwithstanding what the honourable member had said, would give Sir John as much credit for his motives as they gave to Mr. Hume for his. When this subject was clearly understood, the country would see that the change was not an infringement of public economy, and that it would not introduce confusion into the public accounts; but that it was calculated to restore to the King's service a right of which it had been unjustly deprived.

The clause was agreed to.

11. GREECE. On Monday, when Lord PALMERSTON moved that the House go into Committee on the Convention respecting Greece.— Mr. HUME objected, because of the shortness of the notice.

Lord PALMERSTON said, the object of the Government was no new one; it went merely to follow up the course of policy adopted in 1830 in the agreement entered into with the court of Russia. He entered into a history of the arrangements respecting Prince Leopold. He then noticed the proposed boundary, which formed one great cause of Leopold's declining the sovereignty— By making the Aspropotamos the boundary on the north-western side, the Great Powers excluded a great portion of Acarnania and fEtolia from the new Greek state; and it in consequence appeared to Prince Leopold to be so insecure and indeterminate, thathe felt he could not, with honour or satisfaction to him- self or the inhabitants of the Greek Peninsula, accept of the sovereignty, unless the three Powers agreed to reconsider the treaty, with a view to extending the frontiers to the original mountain line, extending from the Gulf of Volo to Arta. His suggestion was at the time refused; and as a consequence, the negotiations for the settlement of Greece were interupted. Since that interruption, how- ever, Ministers had taken the subject into their earnest consideration, and had arrived at the conclusion, that the original frontier from Volo to Arta was in every point of view—whether considered in its geographical or Military relations —the most-expedient that could be fixed upon ; and accordingly, in the treaty under which Prince Otho was raised to the throne of Greece, the Volo and Arta frontier was that adopted. That frontier constituted a fine natural mountain range boundary,—possessingevery military and physical condition requisite to the pro- tection of a small territory, and, besides, separated the Greek from the essen- tially Turkish provinces. It could , not, however, be expected that Turkey wouhl agree to a boundary which went to curtail her territory of Acarnania and part of Altolia, without sonic compensation ; and accordingly, negotiations had been entered into under Sir S. Canning, the British Ambassador, which he had every reason to declare were all but formally concluded, and under which Turkey agreed to give up those provinces for a specific pecuniary payment, the exact amount of which he did not, at that stage of the proceeding, feel himself justified to make public. He might, however, state, without breach of official confidence, that the matter would be settled to the satisfaction of all parties, and that the payment would be made out of the loan which formed the immediate object of his present motion.

Mr. BEST complained, as Mr. Hume had done, of the baste with which the question was urged forward.

Mr. ROBINSON observed, that after the statement a few nights ago respecting the revenue, it appeared to be the height of infatuation in Ministers to come down with sudi a proposition as that which they then made- - It was strange, too, to hear the present Ministers, who when out cf office eo loudly declared against the extravagance of the lete Government, declaring that they considered1

t lemselves bound by the acts of their predecessors. Rut there W:I5 no probability, it was stated, that this country could suffer any loss by the proposed guarantee, because the enthe revenues ot Greece were pledgcd for the repayment 'of the loan. Let the House, however,. beer in mind that there were Other Greek loans besides the present one ; and be really thought that the parties who had foram ly advanced their money for the benefit of Greece were

entitled to some coasiloi ation 1 if the ri!ven nes of the country were to be erproprieted to the linui,!.tt ism of her debts, these creditors ought in Iltiraess to teeeive a portion of dean.

Mr. IL GuitNEY remarked on the absurdity of effeetnally governing a half savage nation by means of a boy of seventeen years of tige.

IVIr. WELLESLEY tid, the guarantee seemed to him the only remaining rb.ia:m of finishing happily what in concert with the other Powers we bed begun ; and therefore, though his hopes of the result were not

lie would support. Ministers in their motion.

Mr. P. .COCWITNAY said, the late Government was not at all respon- sible for the present convention ; whose principal object, Prince Otho, had been rejected both by the Duke of Wellington and Lord Aberdeen.

Mr. Homo said, it was impossible that Greece could be governed in the name of the boy King provided for it. A monarchy was, under any circumstances, the worst form of Government for that country. The money lent (it was absurd to call it guaranteed) would suffice to 5lippOTI it for but a short time, and that only by the foreign bayonets it v, eat to hire. It was a iidiculous scheme, and could only gct England Imighed at.

Li-nil Aurnone said, the question was argued in too restricted a form. It was not an isolated one— The Doke of Welliogtods Administration bad cot coMilleneell tla! nrgotia- tiens; they were begaut under \! r. Canning, and why ?—because the people of England had expresscd great enthusiasm ia vour of the Greeks; anti Mr. Wine l:ad been the most to blame, lir he was one of the first movers of the rim.s*ion. (" near!" ii ,O1 u laath.) The people of ( t.-ecce 1;;;;; m;plied for

• sove..cign, and the chiefs wet e perfectly satisfied tvitL I Mee Abu. As

t .Lmenarchy being the oz . lu m of gore! namt for (ire, re, d:d 1. member think a repahlicao flan of goemmneat lit • s!.oe of Greece? Lord .1.hhorp thought that a 1,Tuc , d to a <;tate refinement, and that a monarchy wts hest adapft d to c, 7!11' re- :Li:bed the !Strong arm of Government. If Lis opinion bad cil at the beginning of the interfinvilee, he should have not been 4111X jOUS fi i t ; In had not been So enthusiastic as itir. Horne, though he felt a sympathy f;a the Greeks.

As to the youth of Priimc /tho. !eaten semeed to think that it \vas very easy to Prelect a person Adana the 'ihrce l'owcrs thought fit to govern the cottutry;

but a the Three Powers ha d all the Princes of their own houses, the choice was limited. He was sapguine as to the effects of a settled government ia (irceee; and he thought it xiamid lie disictioging to the coentry, if, merely on acreunt of tlis natizrantee, we slomid abandon a cause for which the people of Eligland were once su eager.

t7e.f Committee was carried by 40 to 16. The resolution

i• lia tile° bill is, to ba fouaded wet: agTaad to without a greyish in_ The bill for enabling Government to make good the au:A:Lions of the Greek convention was roid a second time on ll'ednesday; an amendment of Mr. LEST, for its rejection, haying been imgatived with- out a division.

Mr. COUETENAY said, he was opposed to the measure; Indite would not support the emendment fee its total rejection- ' Tic:, noble Secretaty fin. Foreign AiTh irs had anticipated that the revenues of Greece would Merea. bccmtsc, ;is he said, the revenues of the Ionian Isles had been augmented. The cm es, however, were not paridk3, for WV did not smil a boy +o govetn Oft Italian siht n lkiall—a Ittil-giown man.

On the faith of the amnesty which had been granted on the representation of the Governor of Galicia, and at the request of Austria, the Poles, who had fled into Galicia for pretccti,n, roomed to Poland. Inantalittcly 4)11 their return, an ukase was issued by the Russian Government, condemning all time Pol,..s who had borne arms against Russia ia the Polish insurrection, either to serve as privates in the Russian army, wherever Russia pleased to send them, or to be thrown into prison. The cousequence of the promulgation of this tyrannical edict was' that a number of Poles fled back into Galicia for protection. The Austrian Government, thinking that their presence there would be productive of inconvenience, resorted to measures, either to prevent their entrance into Galicia, or to prevent them from renefining there. But the people of Galicia, united to them by that sympathy which a proximity of territory produced, were snored en behalf of the unfortunate Poles. The Diet of Galicia can address the Emperor of Austria through the medium of their Governor ; and it appears that three hundred members of the Diet of Galicia drew up a representation on this subject, and sent it through their Governor to be transmitted to the

Etti- peror. He slid not know whether that address had been transmitted to the Emperor or not ; but this be did know, that it was an authentic document,— that it was signed by the principal persons in Galicia, resident on the frontiers of Poland, and who must be considered good authorities as to what had recently taken place in Poland : and it was a remarkable fact, that it corroborated an the statements which had been made in a former debate in that House, with regard to the atrocious conduct of Russia towards Poland.

After adverting to the treaty of 1815,-.—of the provisions of which the treatment of Poland offered so striking an infraction,—he went on to notice the general character of the Russian Government— The conduct of Russia had been one series of unjustifiable aggressions on other nations—of territorial aggrandizement, and of violations of national law and national faith. The war with Persia, and the subsequent war with Turkey, were both instances of unjustifiable aggression on the part of .Russia in the first instance, and the result of both those was the territeriel aggrandizement of that overgrown power. Russia, it was well known, was theprincip0 naoving power in preventing the establishment of Constitutional Governments in Naples, Pied- mont, and the other states of Italy, in 1823; and it was equally well known, that it was principally owing to the influence of Russia that France sent that unjustifiable expedition which she despatched into Spain. Next came the case which they were then discussing ; it was not necessary for him to dwell upote the atrocious conduct of Russia in that instance.

The Colonel concluded by stating, that the great object of his motion was to give support and strength to those negotiations which were at present being carried on between the British Cabinet and Russia. His resolution was of the following purport-

" That, in conformity to the spirit, though contrary to the letter, of a treaty dated 19th of May 1815, his Majesty has agreed to renew certain obligations to the Emperor of Russia ; that said treaty and obligations were connected with, or arose out of, the general treaties between the Allied Powers of 1814 and 1815; that therefore, in the opinion of this House, the convention to the above effect affords his Majesty a special claim on the power profiting by it, for a faith- ful iuterpretation of other engagements, to which both parties may have been cons, trading parties, and especially with regard to that concerning Poland."

Lord PALMERSTON moved the previous question. He noticed what had fallen from Colonel Evans on the general subject of Russian ag- gression— Lord Palmerston had paid some attention to those matters, and he felt hound to say, that Persia and Turkey had each provoked the attack; made on them. He would not go into a discussion as to the influence of Russian councils on the conduct of Austria in Italy, and of France in Spain ; Colonel Evans's observa- tions on that point were only founded on surmise. Whatever, too, might be the question that might be raised as to right or wrong with regard to the vio- lation of the coustitution of Poland, there could be no doubt that the first ag- gression was on the part of Poland, by a hostile resistance. Those who con.. sidered Poland aggrieved, of course maintained her unque,tierable right of re. eistance on that occasion ; but he now merely stated a sifnew matter of face-. namely, that the first hostile aggression was on the past of Poland.

SIT CHARLES WETHERELL supported Lord Palmerston's amendment.

Mr. HUME remarked on Lord Palmerston's assertion that Russia. had in no case been the aggressor— Poland had been driven to desperation by the tyranny of Russia and she flew to arms for redress. Neither in the war with Persia, had Persia been the origi- mil aggressor. On the contrary, it was the opinion of every one connected with India, that Russia had been the aggressor in that instance; and though Mr: Canning, then at the head of our Government, did not interfere on behalf of are ally to whom we were bound by treaties, it was not because he did not consider that war an act of unjustifiable aggression on the part of Russia, but because he did not deem it convenient for us just at that time to interpose in the matter.

Lord R. GROSVENOR said, the conduct of Russia towards Poland had been much exaggerated, although he did not deny that it was most arbitrary. The last discussion in the House of Commons had been productive of the best effects : he had private communications, stating' that the sentences of banishment pronounced on certain noblemen had been greatly mitigated in consequence. lie doubted, however, if under the Treaty of Vienna England could directly interfere to protect Poland.

Lord SANDON thought the case of Poland came home to the interests as well as the feelings of England. It was tl:e interest of this country to avert if possible that shock between the free and despotic powers which the conduct of Russia threatened_

The conduct of the great Petentate of the North tended in effect to declard that there Should be no amelioration of the condition of Europe, and at the same time to prevent the spread of moderate and rational improvement. With those views, he could not but think that the present occasion was a most fitting one for theexpression of the feelings of the House upon thissubject ; and as tire

House could do so without interfering at all with the foreign policy of his Majesty's Government, he trusted that such an expression of feeling would have its edict with that Government.

Sir FRANCIS BURDETT spoke strongly on the sobject of the misfor- tunes and sufferings of Poland— •

There was not to be found, nor could there be, one honest man in the civilized world who would hesitate for an instant to deprecate the conduct of Russia to- wards Poland. It had been and still was most odious, tyrannical, awl detestable.

How far it was connected with the subject before the House, he would not now, stop to inquire ; but it was impossible not to deprecate the crimes committed

and now committing, after the hopes which had been held out to the gallant Poles before Warsaw and on its surrender, that some relief should be afforded to them ; from which period there had been one continued series of tyranny exer- cised towards them, such as history did not record any equal. It was true, that in early periods there were some instances where great conquerors had adopted abominable practices to exterminate a nation ; but in the nineteenth centur3r, it could scarcely be believed that such a line or course of conduct could be pursued by one nation towards another, if the nation and the present age had not seen the attempt and the object perfected before their own eyes, in the very case of the conduct of Russia to the Poles.

Sir Francis, after noticing an expression of Sir Charles 'Wetherell, that no treaty had been broken by Russia, went on to contend, that the

independence of Poland would have been a much worthier object of English interference than the independence of Belgium, about which so much had been said and done. He strongly doubted the motives of Russia in respect to the latter— It really szemed to him that it had been a ruse on the part cf Russia to divert the attention of England from that to which it should have been directed, and. from the object which this country ought to have had in view. The ruse had succeeded ; and with that success he thought that Russia had made England

the laughing-stock of Europe.

On general principles, and independent of any treaty, be thought England had a right to interpose to prevent such aggressions as those of which Russia and Austria had been guilty— Independent dell treaties, England and France had a right to see that the other great powers, Austria, Prussia, and Russia, were not making. conquests under pretence of suffering injuries of which this country could not judge, nor taking possession of whole territories on the ground of alleged grievances. A claim was made now upon this country to establish the new state of Greece,. and to place Prince Otho upon the throne. But why, he would ask, should' this country be called upon to pay a single farthing for that Object, but to main- tain the balance of power and the independence of Europe ? Greece, so esta- blished, at the expense of this country, might be seized by Russia; and that being done, the same argument which had been used with regard to Poland. would meet such an event, and it would then, as now, be said that Greece was not worth a war.

Lord JOHN RessEm. strenuously deprecated war-

: However precious he felt the cause of liberty throughout Europe to be, he like- wise felt that the blood of England was also predawn andhe would not hazard it a.caust, where eventually liberty might not prosper, but in which, whatever -were the result of a struggle, -England was sure to suffer. It was much doubted by some of the warmest and most judicious of the friends of Poland, whether the insurrection of Warsaw was well timed. Eupposing that we had interfered, whatwould have been the nature of the contest ? It was said, that the show of S British fleet in the Baltic would have sufficed. But did gentlemen imagine, that had we adopted that suggestion, we should have had no struggle? that the united military force of Russia, Austria, and Prussia, would have remained quiescent, while we joined with France in defence of Poland, and in defence of the liberties of other countries similarly circumstanced?

Lord John concluded by deprecating the interference of the House of Commons in such matters, as tending to create a most improper precedent. The Gallery was at length cleared, but no division took place; the motion of Colonel Evans being by consent withdrawn.

13. SOMERVILLE. Sir JOHN BORIIOUSE stated, on Wednesday, that the report of tbe inquiry into the case of Somerville had received his Majesty's approbation, and that it would in consequence be his duty to lay it before Parliament. It was laid on the table on Thursday. In reply to a question of Mr. Husrr last night, whether Somerville -were to be discharged or not?

Lord ALTHORP said, in the absence of the Secretary at War, he could not give a positive answer to the question- It was probable he would be dismissed ; it had been so intended ; but the intention was suspended till after the close of the Court of Inquiry: Ile wished to set the honourable member right as to the grounds of the decision of the Court of Inquiry, and as to the censure on Major Wyndhatm-which was not that Somerville hail been flogged on account of writing in the newspaper ; because, on the contrary, it was proved that that was not the case.

14. DECCAN PRIZE-MONEY. On Monday, Mr. IX ..rARBURTON entered into a long law argument in favour of Sir Lionel Smith and Sir Thomas Hislop, both of whom are anxious for a little longer delay in the threat- ened distribution of this prize-money. After a few words from the SOLICITOR-GENERAL in reply, Lord ALTHORP conceded the point in- sisted for by Mr. Warburton,-with the proviso that no further Indian evidence should be sought for or produced ; the arguments merely in favour of Sir Lionel's and Sir Thomas's claims, and such evidence as they had already collected, being allowed to be once more submitted to the Privy Council by way of appeal. Mr. RUME and Sir CHARLES FORBES spoke strongly in favour of Naroga, the unfortunate treasurer of the Peishwa, whose treasures have led to so much litigation since their first capture in 1817; but Naroga being the party plundered, his case did not excite much interest in the House. The discussion is one in which the public at large have not the slightest interest, except in the one light in which the speakers on neither side seemed disposed to regard it, namely, as exposing the inefficiency of the present Prize Courts, and the gross absurdity and injustice of the system of prize distribution. Yet the reporters have given it at extraordinary length ; it occupies in the Times very nearly double the space assigned to the Bribery Bill and the settlement of Greece.

15. CATTLE-STEALING. In the course of some observations on the Forgery Bill, on Monday, Lord WyNvonn took occasion to mark his surprise at the language imputed to several of the Judges now on Cir- cuit with respect to the Cattle-StealingBill, as if every case of con- viction under it must of necessity be punished by transportation for life; whereas the Judge had only to recommend such cases as called for an inferior punishment to the mercy of the Crown, in order to in- sure it.

Earl GREY concurred in- this view, and joined also in the surprise testified by Lord Wynford.

16. STEAM CARRIAGES. The Ministerial proposal to tax steam- carriages travelling on common roads, was carried on Thursday, by a majority of 46 to 2. Mr. SPRING RICE mentioned, that the Man- chester Railway had cut off twenty-eight coaches between Manchester and Liverpool, and 8,384/. from the revenue. Lord ALTHOEP said, Government felt every way disposed to favour improvements in steam conveyance : the tax would not be an obstacle to it.

17. PRISONERS AT NOTTINGHAM. On Wednesday, in answer to a question of Mr. E. DENISON, respecting certain allegations concern- ing the treatment of the prisoners at Nottingham, contained in a peti- tion formerly presented by Mr. Hunt, Mr. G. LAMB stated, that an inquiry had been instituted; and the result was a conviction on the part of the Commission (five of the County Magistrates), that there was not the slightest truth in the facts set forth in the petition. In the case of one prisoner, who was said to have been kept without water for five days, it was proved to the Com- mission, that during the entire time of his confinement lie had free access to a court in which there was a pump-well. Mr. LAMB said, his only regret was that the law afforded itti pimishment for the propa- gation of what appeared to be so utterly unfounded a slander.

18. BUSINESS OF PARLIAMENT. The Royal Assent was given by _commission, on Tuesday, to the Irish Reform and Irish Boundaries .Bills. These constitute the last of the bills connected with the great question of the last eighteen months.

Last night, the Consolidated Fund, Lord Chancellor's Salary, Party Processions, Greek Convention, and Civil Lists Payments Bills, passed the Commons. The Sessional Addresses were reported. The House meets to-day, for the third reading of the Chancery Sinecures, the Stage-Coach Duties and West India Relief Bills ; after which, it is expected to adjourn till Wednesday.