THE MAGAZINES.

LORD MORLEY OF BLACKBURN takes occasion of the publica- tion of Mr. Valentine Chirors letters on Indian Unrest to contribute a long and interesting paper on British Democracy and Indian Government to the Nineteenth Century. After some prefatory remarks to show that absolutism, oligarchical rule, or bureaucracy, and not democracy, has broken down Empire in the past, Lord Morley compliments Mr. Chirol both on his matter and his manner. His praise, however, is qualified by some reservations on the thorny point of the relations between the Secretary of State and the Governor-General in Council. Mr. Chirol admits that ultimate responsibility rests unquestion- ably with the Home Government, represented by the Indian Secretary ; but he does so, according to Lord Morley, with some reluctance, and "tries his hand at making out a case for limitation of the Indian Secretary's power, authority, and duties, so severe as to make such responsibility perilously shadowy and second-hand." Lord Morley accordingly quotes Queen Victoria's Proclamation to the princes, chiefs, and people of India in 1858, the warrants of appointment, and the law of 1858 calling the Indian Secretary into existence, in order to confirm the "patent truth that the Cabinet is the single seat of final authority." This, he adds, has never been • Sistine Bona. By J. A F. Orbaan, D.Ph. London Constable & Co. [7s. Gd. net0 seriously denied or disputed in spite of "occasional phrases of a splenetic turn in the printed correspondence of a Governor- General." But the kernel of the controversy is the question of Parliamentary controL "However decorously veiled, pre- tensions to oust the House of Commons from part and lot in Indian affairs "—pretensions of which he does not altogether acquit Mr. Clairol—" must lead in logic, as in feet, to the sur- prising result of placing what is technically called the Govern- ment of India in a position of absolute irresponsibility to the governed." The question before us is that of adjusting our rule in India to parliamentary government. Lord Morley does not deny the dangers, notably "the passion of democracy for simple ideas and absolute principles," but "our British demos so far has done nothing to warrant any scowling appre- hensions." No House, he maintains, ever showed more reserve in handling Indian business than the ultra-democratic House elected in 1906. Lord Morley dwells impressively on the diffi- culty experienced by a busy democracy in penetrating the mys- tery of Hinduism : "It is hard for rationalism and mysticism to be friends, and their interplay is no easy game." He claims a hearing for the view of the Indian leaders that their com- motion is in no sense due to Brahminical reaction, but is a normal movement forward ; be utters a caution to those who regard our system of education in India as an unmitigated failure, and he sends on a note of hopefulness "Those who know best and latest believe that, in spite of much to discourage, there is more to enconrage."—Colonel Lonsdale Hale writes a very damaging review of Compulsory Service—" A Minister's Manifesto," as he calls it—by way of antidote to Mr. Hurd's bland eulogy in the January number of the Nineteenth Century. The extraordinary change in Sir Ian Hamilton's views on the subject of Conscription and the British Army since he wrote his Staff Officers' Scrap-book is illustrated by some striking quotations. As for his new tract, Colonel Lonsdale Hale is glad of it as an unintentional revelation of the utter weakness of our military home defence. "If the Territorial Force desires to ride for a fall,' it is not likely to find a 'mount' more suitable for its purpose than this book."

The comments of the Editor of the National B,eview on Sir Ian Hamilton's tract against Compulsory Service and the memorandum of Sir Arthur Wilson are severe but not un- warranted. He makes a perfectly fair point by insisting on the unfairness of a War Minister in selecting for publication one out of possibly a hundred memoranda that he may have received from distinguished soldiers on the subject of Com- pulsory Service. Why, he asks, encourage aggression by de- nouncing precautions against it P As for Sir Arthur Wilson's memorandum, the Editor notes that it assumes throughout that everything is in our favour and everything against the enemy. Yet good may come from evil, if it draws attention to the inadequacy of the thinking and strategic department of the Admiralty, and the pressing need of a general staff to work out in peace time the problem of war. The moral of the matter is well summed up in the observation that "if the opinions of eminent experts on some questions are to be given piecemeal to the public, whenever it suits Ministers, the public will ask for more."—In this context the article by Lord Percy on "The Real Military Problem" is worth careful study. The sincerity, the ability, and the eloquence of the writer are beyond question. But when we find Lord Percy committing himself to such statements as that "for the purpose of modern war the veteran has been super- seded by the young soldier," condemning the advocates of compulsory service for Home Defence as the supporters of an obsolete heresy, and apparently prepared to " scrap " the whole Territorial army, even if the question of numbers were satisfactorily answered, we can only regret that so earnest and able a critic should adopt so impracticable an attitude. Accord- ing to Lord Percy, overseas service must be obligatory, not only for a small highly paid regular army for India, the Colonies, and minor expeditions, but for a national army organised on the basis of at least one year's service. We agree with what he says about the value of the Boy Scout movement in substi- tuting "ideals of discipline and duty for the false individualism which it is the fashion to worship," but we resent his attack on the "childishness" of rifle clubs and cadet corps.—Mr. William Moore, M.P., vigorously maintains the right of Ulster to resist the rule of a Dublin Parliament by force of arms, and indignantly repudiates the insinuation that the talk of such action is "bluff." " Ulsteria," &c.—"Admiral," writing on "The Evolution of the Naval Engineer," expresses the opinion, based on his own experience, that the majority of the naval engineers of what he calls the transition period 1850-1890 were not dissatisfied with their position or status ; that they were a splendid corps, equal to the occasion, who came of an engineering stock ; and that the new scheme of entry and training inaugurated in 1902, in opposition to the majority of the naval members of the Board of Admiralty, is a mistake; that it cannot give us the men we want, and that it has "banged, bolted and barred the door of a desirable and honourable career to that social class from which our thoroughly competent engineers had formerly been re- cruited." — Lastly we may note Mr. A. D. Godley's admirably written paper on the "Greek Question" at Oxford and Cambridge, in which he appeals to the two oldest Universities "to disregard for a moment the threats of Labour, the bribes of Capital, and the recommendations of Head Masters," and agree so to frame their initial examinations as "to secure and strengthen that base of liberal arts for which specialism and technical training must ultimately be the better."

We have already dealt in our editorial columns with the most important political article in the Contemporary, that of Professor Delbriick on "The Price of a German-English Entente." M. Yves Guyot writes on the Referendum and the Plebiscite. In the section on Switzerland he sums up by saying that "the Swiss Referendum is a compromise between direct government and representative government. It is the expression of the principle of the sovereignty of the nation." The Referendum, in short, considerably extends the powers of the Federal Government at the expense of individual freedom. In the second half of the article, which treats of plebiscites in France from 1790 to 1870, M. Yves Guyot avows his hostility to both principles. Although plebiscites were presented by the Napoleons as a revival of "the people's rights," in reality they "have never been anything else but an invitation to the electors to commit suicide." Again, "The Referendum is the negation of representa- tive government and the affirmation of the sovereignty of the people exerting themselves directly." With all respect for M. Yves Guyot, we must say that the Referendum cannot be condemned on the strength of so cursory a treatment of the subject. The antagonism of M. Yves Guyot is based on his Individualism. "The Referendum," he asserts, "diminishes the responsibility of the public authorities for the benefit of the irresponsible vote of the people." He admits, however, that in a little State like Switzerland false steps do not involve the same disasters as in a large country. "A small boat may ran aground without much inconvenience on the sand, whereas it would mean the loss of a Dreadnought.' —" P. H." writes reassuringly on "Rats and the Plague in England," maintaining that the apprehensions of present national danger are exaggerated, though intelligible. He admits that the cases in Suffolk were pneumonic plague, but holds that the task of protecting the population of England against human plague is much easier than the over. whelmingly difficult task of India. The grounds of this belief are mainly the relative excellence of sanitary conditions and sanitary control in England, and the fact that the variety of rat prevalent in England is the timid non-domestic rat.

sums up the advice contained in the Local Govern- ment Board Memorandum upon plague in the statement that "if dwellings are rat-proof the danger of human plague is practically non-existent," and advocates continuous and persistent efforts towards the extinction of rate.—Mr. D. C. Lathbury, writing from the High Church standpoint, explains why he finds it impossible to accept the scheme put forward by the Educational Settlement Committee, and declares his preference for the plan of Sir Theodore Hope, which is based on parents' rights and absolute equality of treatment of all forms of religious belief, and involves State neutrality and concurrent endowment.

Those who are rather bewildered by the discussion of the Declaration of London will find in the Fortnightly a clear and informing article by Lieutenant B. E. Mansell, R.N. The writer endeavours to state fairly the arguments for and against the various parts of the new Declaration, taking them in order. Lieutenant Monsen points out that there is a fundamental difference in the position of an island Power as compared to a Continental one, as regards commerce in time of war. Our European neighbours when at war will always be able to get anything they want by means of a neutral port and a railway journey; for ourselves this will not be possible. It would appear that the whole of the Declarations have a Continental bias, which our Government gave way to so that the luxury of a sentiment dear to such politicians as the late Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman might be indulged. It is impossible not to wonder when reading the actual words of the Declaration with regard to contraband whether the people

who wrote them were very cynical or very innocent. We can imagine the neutrals who filled piano-cases with machine-guns and unloaded them at Delagoa Bay smiling when told, as they are in Case n. of Article XXXI., that contraband is only conclusive "when the goods are docu- mented for discharge in an enemy port, or for delivery to the

armed force of the enemy."—" Anarchist Propaganda in England," by "U.," is a paper which contains some surprising assertions, for which chapter and verse are given.

The important contention is that there is no dividing line between the Anarchist and Socialist organisations, and that bodies which one bad supposed were not actively preaching assassination as a matter of fact countenance and encourage those guilty of criminal incitements. Thus, according to "U.," in 1910 at Walthamstow, "Propaganda meetings were held during the winter, at the Independent Labour Party Club 67a Erskine Road. Malatesta lectured, in English, on Anarchy

and Anarchism." This gentleman seems for blood thirstiness much akin to his infamous namesake of Rimini. The Socialist Sunday-schools held a bazaar at Caxton Hall, where there was on sale a pamphlet of Prince Kropotkin's called Anarchist Morality in which he cries: "Let the hearts

of our youths be fired," "Let them wish to stab all tyrants there and then."

In- Blackwood Mr. T. F. Farman speaks with great con- fidence of the future of aeroplanes, especially in war. In his

review of the events of 1910 he passes lightly over the terrible mortality among airmen, and in his desire to convince the reader of great strides accomplished he takes very little account of the vulnerable nature of the machine. The fight against the law of gravitation seems to involve great un- certainty in the performances of aeroplanes.—Mi. Stephen Reynolds is a master of a charming form of realism. Whether he can rise to something great remains to be seen. The story of "Benjie and the Bogey Man" is delightful. The "Bogey" is the fisheries inspector, who measures lobsters to see that they are not below the regulation size. Benjie, who has been out all night fishing, is captured as he lands, and some of his catch are undersized, which leads to a fine by the Magistrate.

The latter is a reasonable man, and himself goes out with Benjie for a night's fishing. He is terribly frightened when left in the boat by himself under a cliff in a thunderstorm, gets his fingers badly pinched when trying to measure lobsters with a foot-rule in the dark, and ends by paying Benjie's fine himself. The whole episode is charmingly told, and the character of the fisherman is drawn with convincing power. —Mr. Jordan describes the desecration of the old Siron Inn

at Barbizon. A new and fantastic front has been put on to it, the artists have all gone, and the cosmopolitan tourist has taken their place. Happy are those who saw the inn as described in The Wrecker. We are told that Madame Siron still lives and talks of the two Stevensons, and can supply an epilogue to "The epilogue to an Inland Voyage"

"with the manner of one announcing unrecorded facts. One morning, about the time of the arrival of the diligence from Melun, she was surprised, as she worked in the courtyard, by the appear- ance of a figure in the gateway. Tiens, Monsieur Stevenson !

You are returned,' cries she. am back in safety,' cries Steven- son, with much meaning. 'Figure to yourself, Madame, that I have suffered an adventure. I have been in prison.' "

Madame also remembers Millet and Rousseau, and will "combat, with a fine show of heat, the statement that the

former was unhappy in his poverty; he had enough, she will maintain, since he cared nothing at all for money." The English Review is enlivened by a paper of quite

charming naivete and good feeling by Mr. Yoshio Markin.", the Japanese artist, who has already given us an account of his experiences in London, under the delicious title of "My Idealed John Bullesses," and these are depicted for us not only by the pen but by the brush. We prefer the former method, for Mr. hiarkino, when using words, retains his originality of outlook, whereas his drawings have become denationalised. Dancing is the theme of the present article. The English, according to the author, dance from youth tc old age. After he had become accustomed to this strange phenomenon, Mr. Markin° found it very agreeable. At first to a Japanese the idea of men and women dancing together appeared shocking; but it is thus that he now answers a fellow-countryman, who asks : "Do you agree with the dancing P "—

" Yes,' I reply. 'In England. You may dance with the John Bullesses. But with Japanese women I don't know. It all depends on what state of mind they have! Don't you see those John Bullesses ? They are mixed with boys from their early life. They are trained admirably pure and sacred ! They are just like the electric wire covered with insulating medium. Perhaps they may have a strong electricity of the passionate love inside of their heart, but they are quite safe. You shan't feel their electricity by dancing. Their insulating medium is the British patent ! You are a merchant, you know too well how safe and sure are all the British patented goods. So with the John Bullesses. They begin their dance no sooner than they can walk, and dance until they die. It is only a beautiful national feast. If we want to dance in our country, first of all we must prepare insulating medium to cover ourselves absolutely well, otherwise the dancing is dangerous, for we might be easily drowned into the silliest infatuation."