A Spectator's Notebook
So, Mr Berm is clearly going to escape any reprimand from the Prime Minister for writing out of turn in-his letter to his constituents on the Common Market. This is obviously highly gratifying both to anti-Marketeers and to Bennites and, as Patrick Cosgrave argues on the opposite page, it may even give some heartening indication of where the Prime Minister's own feelings on the Market issue actually lie. But perhaps the most important thing of all is that Benn has nailed his colours to the mast so early. The Foreign Office, I learn, had had great hopes that he, though continuing insist nsist on the referendum, would personally come down in favour of continued membership on re-negotiated terms. Even Tony Benn's anti-Market colleagues were troubled by his ambiguousness. All that is now cleared up and we have three very powerful Cabinet ministers — Peter Shore and Michael Foot as well as Benn — solidly against the EEC as well as, possibly, the Prime Minister.
Speaking out
It is becoming evident that the attitude of many people in public or semi-public positions, who were not free, so they thought, to voice any opinion that was not wholly sympathetic to the Common Market, is becoming less restrained. In the BBC there are men in such Programmes as Panorama who were, until very recently, terrified of saying a word out of place that would leave them exposed if the EEC stays the received and permanent wisdom. Some are becoming a little more outspoken since the return of another Labour Government. More extraordinary, though encouraging, is a remark by Mr Edward Short (Hansard, December 19, column 1898): "The basic difficulty is that Parliament has lost its sovereignty over this whole area of legislation Which applies to people of this country, and the most we can do is to discuss these points." Also in Hansard (December 18, column 1649), thus Edward Du Cann: "I was an opponent of our country's entry into the Community. I thought then that there were better alternatives, and I still think that. I have never seen any reason to change my opinion, but the House made a democratic decision. We should now work for success in Europe, and to try to Shape its destiny as we believe to be right. If we isucceed, well and good. If we do not, then will p
e the time to consider the alternatives," It is not economic isolation but a degree of economic insulation we should be seeking. It looks as if more and more people are beginning not only to see this as a partial answer to our Problems, but also to have the courage to bring the matter into the open again, now that they see which way the wind is blowing.
Surrender values
Scottish Widows, the big Edinburgh insurance company, are showing sensible leadership in advertising the record bonuses they are Paying. This should go some way to offset the terrible damage the industry has done to itself Y summarily cutting the surrender values of endowment policies. The run that caused Scottish Widows, the Prudential and many Other companies to cut these surrender values was due, it is being said, to badly illiquid banks asking customers to repay small overdrafts secured against the estimated surrender value of life policies.
Now this is understandable, but bad enough. What requires explanation and an inquiry by Mr John Methven and the Office of Fair Trading (Chancery House, Chancery Lane, London WC2A 1SP) is the practice of certain companies in not volunteering to the insured his rights in securing from the company all that it is possible for him to get. For example, anyone wishing to surrender a policy writes to the company and is quoted a value which seems to the layman to have been picked out of the air but which is now probably 30 per cent of what it was last month. A form is sent with this 'quotation' which, if he is sufficiently unwise to sign, usually means he foregoes all the bonuses that they have been telling him each year have accrued to him. No salesman calls to explain (and this is the trick) that by sending a cheque for all the future annual payments for the full term (easily borrowed for a few days from the bank), and then immediately cancelling he will not suffer the two thirds cut in his surrender value and will get all back bonuses.
Free to speak?
Mr Patrick Gibson, who does not appear to have made any particular impact since he was appointed chairman of the Arts Council in 1972, has been given a platform in the House of Lords at the beginning of a year which threatens disaster in the artistic world on an unprecedented scale. All who have the well-being of the arts at heart will hope for firm outspokenness from this quarter rather than that buttering-up in anticipation of ministerial favours which too often passes for diplomacy. Two former chairmen of the Arts Council, Lords Cottesloe and Goodman (both members of the 'Heritage in Danger' Committee), have made no bones about their opposition to including works of art in the wealth tax. But the present chairman's views on this subject have not yet become publicly known. Perhaps his elevation will help to remove inhibitions against speaking his mind, in the unequivocal manner which the times require.
Gentlemen and Players
Incidentally, I see that the Times's front page report of the New Year Honours gave each of the men honoured the polite title of 'Mr' (Mr Chaplin, Mr Wodehouse, Mr Hope-Wallace and so on), except for two of them — the sportsmen, Lester Piggott and Gary Sobers. A curious distinction.
Lobby Lyrics-9
Bill Gluck and old Sir Andrew Gishing Were two MPs, both mad on fishing.
A friendly rivalry arose Betwixt these parliamentary foes And on the terrace, wet or fine, They'd oft compete with rod and line And both, if fish were biting well, Were deaf to the division bell.
In one division, one such day, Three hundred voted either way, Now ties, as I am well aware, Should be decided by the Chair, But both Chief Whips expressed a wish, This time, to settle it with fish. The errant pair were summoned in, Their catchs counted, fin by fin; The Government just saved their face By seven gudgeon and a dace Ogilvy Lane
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