Mars nnh Vrorttifillgo in Varlinunut. PRINCIPAL BUSINESS OF THE WEEK.

HOUSE or Loans. Tuesday, June 7. The Queen's Speech—Debate on the Ad- dress.

Thursday, June 9. No business of importance. Friday, June 10. Vexatious Indictments Bill read a second time and committed —Debtor and Creditor Bill read a second time—Law of Property and Trustees Amendment Bill read a third time and passed.

HOUSE or COMMONS. Tuesday, June 7. Debate on the Amendment to the Ad- dress.

Wednesday, June 8. Endowed Schools ; Mr. Dillwyn's Bill read a first time— Jury Trial (Scotland) Act Amendment ; Mr. Dunlop's Bill read a first time.

Thursday, June 9. Church Rates ; Sir John Trelawny's Bill read a first time— Edinburgh, &c. Annuity tax ; Mr. Black's Bill read a first time. Friday, June 10. Debate on the Amendment to the Address continued.

THE Qtrzzasr's SPEECH.

Although Parliament had sat for a week it was not until Tuesday that the session practically began. Then both Houses assembled, and the Queen went in state to fulfil the constitutional duty of opening the ses- sion. The ceremony has been often described. The House of Lords was full of ladies in brilliant attire ; the Peers in robes of state form the border of this shining bed of flowers ; the Judges are grouped in the centre ; while in the galleries are strangers of both sexes. On the right of the throne is the Corps Diplomatic in glittering and showy costume, Mr. Dallas in sombre black excepted.

The Queen entered at twenty minutes past two. Lord Derby carried the Sword of State, Lord Winchester the Cap of Maintenance, the Duke of Richmond the Crown, the Duke of Norfolk carried his baton as Earl Marshal, and Lord Malmesbury was the Secretary of State in attendance. The Prince Consort led the Queen to her throne. Then the Commons were summoned, and they arrived with a rush at the bar. As soon as the noise they made ceased the Queen received a copy of the speech from the Lord Chancellor and read it to her Parliament.

"My Lords and Gentlemen—I avail myself with satisfaction, in the pre- sent anxious state of public affairs, of the advice of my Parliament, which I have summoned to meet with the least possible delay.

"I have directed that papers shall be laid before you, from which you will learn how earnest and unceasing have been my endeavours to preserve the peace of Europe. " Those endeavours have unhappily failed ; and war has been declared between France and Sardinia on one side, and Austria on the other. Re- . ceiving assurances of friendship from both the contending parties, I intend to maintain between them a strict and impartial neutrality ; and I hope, with God's assistance, to preserve to my people the blessings of continued peace. "Considering, however, the present state of Europe, I have deemed it necessary, for the security of my dominions and the honour of my Crown, to increase my naval forces to an amount exceeding that which has been sanctioned by Parliament. "I rely with confidence on your cordial concurrence in this precautionary measure of defensive policy. " The King of the Two Sicilies having announced to me the death of the King, his father, and his own accession, I have thought fit, in concert with the Emperor of the French, to renew my diplomatic intercourse with the Court of Naples, which had been suspended during the late reign. "All my other foreign relations continue on a perfectly satisfactory footing. "Gentlemen of the House of Commons—The estimates for the year, for which provision has not been made by the late Parliament, will be imme- diately laid before you, together with such supplementary estimates as present circumstances render indispensably necessary for the public service. " My Lords and Gentlemen—I have directed a bill to be prepared for giving effect, so far as the aid of Parliament may be required,. to certain suggestions of the Commissioners whom I had appointed to inquire into the beat mode of efficiently manning the Royal Navy ; and I recommend this important subject to your immediate attention. " Measures of legal and social improvement, the progress of which in the late Parliament was necessarily interrupted by the dissolution, will again be brought under your consideration.

" I should with pleasure give my sanction to any well-considered mea- sure for the amendment of the laws which regulate the representation of my people in Parliament ; and should you be of opinion that the necessity of giving your immediate attention to measures of urgency relating to the de- fence and financial condition of the country will not -leave you sufficient time for legislating with due deliberation during the present session on a subject at once so difficult and so extensive, I trust that at the commence- ment of the next session your earnest attention will be given to a question of which an early and satisfactory settlement would be greatly to the public advantage.

" I feel assured that you will enter with zeal and diligence on the dis- charge of your Parliamentary duties, and I pray that the result of your de- liberations may tend to secure to the country the continuance of peace abroad and progressive improvement at home." The Queen withdrew in state, the Commons retired to their House, and the sittings were suspended until later in the afternoon.

DEBATES ON THE ADDRESS.

The House of Lords reassembled at five o'clock, mustering in more than usual force to hear and take part in the debate on the Address. The mover of the address was the Earl of Powis, the seconder Lord 'AFFORD. Both made speeches of considerable spirit. Lord Powis seemed to hint that a Reform Bill this session would be " spasmodic le- gislation," and highly inconvenient to their lordships, before whom it would come at a late period of the year. Lord Lifford boasted that

Lord Derby had sacrificed party for principle on the question of the Irish church, and that he is now backed by more than 300 followers.

A debate on an address in the House of Lords is proverbially discursive, and that of Tuesday did not prove an exception to the rule. Earl GRAN- -num, who had intimated that he should move an amendment, but who saw fit to alter his decision, led the way. The Speech delivered that day from the throne was the third her Majesty had been advised to deliver during the year. In that last speech the principal topic amounted to an invocation to Divine Providence to give a majority to the Government. The Government had not played the part of the waggoner, but had ener- getically applied their shoulders to the wheel. They boast of 300 fol- lowers, and from that boast he inferred that Lord Derby still intends to govern with a minority. They have tried to please everybody, outbid others in popular propositions, instead of following their principles. Not sure of the confidence of Parliament their management at home and abroad has been deplorable. Their efforts at legislation—the Indian bill, Church-rates, the Reform bill—have been failures. Their Jew bill was unsatisfactory. Their dealings with the packet service in England and Ireland showed that they sought support in every quarter. All just concessions should be made to Roman Catholics, Dissenters, and Jews, but they should be made in a manner that prevents them from leading to suspicions that they have been made to gain political power. As to questions of finance, the last budget postponed the evils-of the present to the future ; and the Chancellor of the Exchequer talked of 20,000,0001. as a flea-bite. Now, deducting the 2,000,000/. coming in from terminable annuities, we shall have to make up 7,000,0001. by future legislation. Touching foreign affairs Lord Granville glanced back in a manner not complimentary to them at the conduct of the Government in the matter of the Cagliari and of the Charles-et-Georges ; and spoke more at length on the war. He described it as disastrous and unnecessary. From Sar- dinia and her most heroic king ; from France formerly satiated with mi- litary glory, and now aiming at the acquisition of more ; from Austria in a state of excitement, we cannot expect a calm and impartial considera- tion of the state of affairs. He who first shows a real desire for peace will stand infinitely the highest in the estimation of mankind. But what has the Government done to avert the calamity ? They have been frank in their statements, but those statements are contradictory ; there is much confusion; great want of information about Lord Cowley's mis- sion, about the proposals made to Austria ; why it was proposed that matters should be referred to a Congress, and why there should be a general disarmament. In any case her Majesty's Government has failed. We are disliked in Italy, contempt is felt for us in Germany; it is doubt- ful whether we have any influence with France. Referring back to the Conspiracy Bill and telling the story of the defeat of Lord Palmerston, Lord Granville made out that by displacing him the Conservatives put themselves in a bad position to deal with foreign powers, because they showed a vacillation which it is difficult to reconcile with good faith. The French alliance is, under certain conditions most desirable for this country. The Emperor, from self-interest, and a belief in the high character of our statesmen, is desirous of maintaining it ; but his belief must have been shaken by the conduct of the Conservative party on the Conspiracy Bill. Our policy, however, in this war, should be neutrality. We cannot embark in a war to rivet the dominion of a despotic state over other countries. We must be neutral and watch for the first opportunity to interfere with effect for the reestablishment of peace.

Lord. Granville explained that he did not move an amendment because, the Government having appealed to the country, means would be taken in another place to ascertain the verdict of the country. He promised to support the Government when he could and to abstain from factious or embarrassing opposition.

The Earl of Tif MRSBURY merely said he should defer any discussion until the correspondence relating to the war between the Government and foreign courts is on the table. Lord Hownme expressed great doubts respecting the intentions of the French Emperor and pressed for an explanation of these words in the Imperial proclamation—" The Austrians have brought things to such a pass that they must be either masters of Italy or Italy must be free to the Adriatic !" The Marquis of NORMANBY occupied a separate place in the debate. He said it would be wrong to displace the present Government, unless there was a party ready to supply its place. He thought, indeed, that Ministers were de- ceived in the late negotiations ; that France had secretly armed ; that revolutions were fomented in Florence by the Sardinian Embassy ; that Sardinia has given provocations. He intimated distrust of Russia, and seemed to think that some design is afoot to expel England from the Mediterranean. But Lord Palmerston has said that he hoped the Aus- trians would be expelled from Lombardy. The French people have ac- quiesced in the coup d'etat. But at this conjuncture we ought not to have as Minister of England, a statesman who gave express approbation to that act. Therefore, he said, "keep out of this war, and do not place at the head of the Government, a Minister who has expressed sentiments

inimical to the rights we have conferred, by a treaty which he took part in making." Had there been an amendment he should have voted

against it. The Earl of CARL/SLZ spoke up for Lord Palmerston, who

he said, would deal with foreign countries in a spirit of impartiality He also referred in disparaging terms to the coalition between the Roman

Catholics and Tories in Ireland. Lord El:MINTON flatly denied that

there had been any compact, arrangement, or understanding, expressed or implied between the Irish Government and Criminal Wiseman.

Lord BROUGHAM made a speech on the war. It has been entered into

on false pretences. The names of independence and liberty have been prostituted. Sardinia, not France will be the gainer, and Sardinia is the origin of the war. He desires to see the Austrians removed from Italy, but he does not desire to see the Italians transferred from one master to another. He hoped the proposal made byl Prince Metternich many years ago would be adopted,_and Lombardy given up to an Austrian prince, as a separate state. We want a strong and united Government. Is a combination of the heads of all parties impossible. Fox, Pitt, Windham, Grenville, sacrificed private and party feelings for solid Go- vernment. When the King objected to Mr. Fox in 1804, Mr. Pitt said Fox had behaved like an angel. We should look to these examples.

The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH concurred so much in the views of Lord

Brougham that he rose to say so. We want a strong Government. Her Majesty's Ministers have not a majority. If they win a victory, it may preserve them as a Ministry but not as Government. If the Opposition succeed how can they carry on the Government ? Mr. Dis-

raeli with 300 supporters will not throw his aegis over them. The noble Lord descanted on the evils of weak Governments, and of Governments by a minority ; and exhorted to an abandonment of party feelings for the common good. The Duke of ARGYLL deprecated harsh allusions to the French Emperor and his supposed designs. It would be unfortunate were it supposed to be the opinion of the English Parliament that the Emperor cannot be trusted. The Duke also took Lord Derby to task for censuring in the Queen's speech at the close of last session the Parlia- ment which had brought him into power, a Parliament which had shown the greatest tenderness for the faults of the Government.

The Earl of DERBY brought this wide-spreading debate to a close. He remarked that not one speaker had referred to the Speech from the Throne. [Lord GRANVILLE claimed the honour : he referred to the Speech. Lord DERBY—" Which Speech ? " Lord GRANVILLE--" This Speech," holding it up. Lord DERBY said, he did not notice it—it must have been a " distant allusion."] At the outset, he denied any compact with Cardinal Wiseman. He had been told, indeed, that the Conservative Roman Catholics were glad to find that they could support him ; but that was because the Roman Catholics had been treated with more courtesy and fairness, and was not based on a compact with Cardinal Wiseman. What the Government has done it has done openly. " We shall pursue the same course. We shall give theta whatever indulgence, or, I should rather say, whatever fair dealing they are entitled to" ; and do nothing to prejudice the Protestant Church. Refer- ring to the statements of a Northern Baronet,—who has had a correspondence on two points, [with Sir John Pakington and General Peel,] —Lord Derby merrily denied that he had subscribed 20,0001., as said by it James Gra- ham, or 10,000/., or 50001., to any election fund. It is usual to subscribe something to pay the expenses of those who cannot pay their own. [Lord Clarendon held up his hands.] The noble Lord must be a good hand at dis- simulation, or he is remarkably innocent. Next, Lord Derby took up the reference to the dissolution, and showed a precedent in the Queen's Speech when Lord Palmerston dissolved Parliament, for the paragraph in the Speech preceding the recent dissolution coupling Divine Providence and the general election. The object of the dissolution was a strong Govern- ment. Lord Derby feels the inconvenience of being at the head of a Minis- try that does not command an absolute majority. If he could see his way to a Government bound by common ties, and possessing the confidence of a majority, he would cheerfully, willingly, nay more, gladly surrender his post. He sees no possibility of such a union among those boasting to bo the Liberal majority, and therefore it is a duty to hold his post, and not give it up so long as he can discharge its duties with honour. He defended the late dissolution. When he took office, it was his bounden duty, if de- feated, to appeal to the country. The Government has not an absolute ma- jority, but it has secured thirty seats, or sixty votes on a division, and there is no party, not even two parties, strong enough to form a Government as numerically powerful and compact as that which holds office. After grace- fully ridiculing the reconciliation of Lord Palmerston and Lord John Rus- sell, and wondering which would, like Mr. Fox, behave like an angel, Lord Derby confessed that he had sought to strengthen his party by honourable combinations, but had failed. The question put to the country was, would they support the Government ? The result is not entirely satisfactory ; it leaves the Ministry in a position of weakness that is not desirable ; but it is nevertheless certain that, on foreign policy, the enemies of this country will not have any chance of success arising out of our dissensions. As to the Italian question, "I have always stated that if this were a question of an Italian or ARV other nation seeking to emancipate itself by its own efforts from the con- trol c•f a foreign power which had long been the object of its aversion, and seeking to e.:tahlish instead of arbitrary government a system more ap- proaching those hoero! institutions with which we are blessed in this coun- try, the private sympathy or every Englishman would be for the success of such an attempt. But is that in any sense too '.trese in the present struggle in Italy ? Is that the struggle of a nation seeking to cool:trate itself by its own efforts from foreign control, and to substitute for arbitrary gueePP- ment liberal and free institutions ? Even if it were so, whatever might be our sympathies, we are bound by treaties and by international obligations which would not enable us to give an active effect to those sympathies. But I must say, with almost all who have spoken on this subject, that, while we cannot view with approval the course of conduct which has been pursued by Austria—while I have no sympathy with Austrian rule or with the Austriail form of Government—this is a war undertaken under false pretences ; it is a war, not for the freedom and liberation of Italy ; it is one in which, un- fortunately, Sardinia has taken the lead in forcing upon Italy, thereby, as I have stated on a former occasion, seriously damaging that cause of consti- tutional government, which we, the friends of Sardinia, earnestly desire to see tried and prosper there, and showing that a Government with free insti- tutions may not be less aggressive, not leas ambitious of aggrandizement, not less prone to disturb the peace and tranquillity of its neighbours than the most arbitrary despotism. I do not say that the blame rests on one side or the other in this unhappy contest; but neither on the one side nor the other was there any sufficient ground for incurring all the horrors of war, and had both been so disposed there existed no practical difficulties which might not have been solved by friendly negotiation." Therefore the country feels sympathy with neither party. We must maintain a strict and impartial, but an armed neutrality. We found the Navy in a state of impotence ; our efforts can hardly be too great to place it on a better footing. When the public interests are at stake and a formidable danger threatens all sense of party will be lost in the determination to support the Government of the day.

The address was agreed to nem. con.: and the House adjourned at the unusually late hour of twenty minutes past eleven.

In the House of Commons the address was moved by Mr. A. EGERTON and seconded by Sir J. D. ELPHINSTONE. The amendment to the address was moved by the Marquis of Harrnicerosr. His bill of indictment against Ministers was compounded of items drawn from the whole cf their policy—their dealing with the Jew Question, with Church rates, with the Government of India, with Reform ; their conduct in dis- solving Parliament, and their management of our foreign relations. He was about to make a party move, but not a move for the aggrandize- ment of individuals. He was about to put to the House the question put by the Government to the country. If defeated, the Opposition would bow to the decision ; and support the Government as far as possible in its dealings with foreign countries. If successful it would no doubt be sa- tisfactory to the Government to be released from an irksome position. Ho therefore moved- " We beg humbly to submit to your Majesty that it is essential fer the satisfactory result of our deliberations, and for facilitating the discharge ,.t your Majesty's high functions, that your Majesty's Government s!lool.• possess the confidence of this House and of the country ; and we arm it our duty respectfully to submit to your Majesty that such confidence is Bs-‘ re- posed in the present advisers of your Majesty. Mr. RANKEST seconded the amendment.

Mr. Disa.awr.t made a close and businesslike, but at the same time, sharp reply. He began by saying—" Mr. Speaker, I find no fault with the course taken by the noble Lord and his friends." Then he showed that the grounds for the vote were flimsy, feeble, and illusive ; that the precedent of 1841, cited by Lord Harlington, when Mr. Stuart Wortley, on the part of Sir Robert Peel moved a similar amendment, did not apply ; that whether the dissolution was an unwise and reckless measure was the question then at issue ; that the new Parliament was called to- gether because the late Parliament would not pass the measures of the Government, and therefore the failure of legislation in the late is no rea- son for a want of confidence on the part of the present Parliament ; that it would be manifestly and flagrantly unjust to pass a vote of censure on the Government because their negotiations failed to prevent war : (did not a Ministry of which Lord Aberdeen, Lord Clarendon, Lord Palmer- ston, were members fail in 1854 ?) and that if Ministers had been unfor- tunate in their treatment of the reform question, neither the noble Lord our predecessor who dislikes the subject, nor the noble lord his rival, who has been handling it and fumbling it as long as Mr. Disraeli can remember, are entitled either to a monopoly of the question or the confi- dence of the House. Mr. Disraeli urged the House to come to an imme- diate decision—to divide that night, and promised that, if he were beaten, his successors should receive fair and constitutional support.

Before he came to the substantial part of his oration he was very sarcastic at the expense of those who have, during the election, made a great use of impudent fabrications—stories about a compact with Cardinal Wiseman, about contracts that never were made and barracks that never were built, about the corruption of constituencies, and the subscription of 20,0001. by Lord Derby to an election fund. He fell upon Sir James Graham, and said he mistook Sir James's speech at Carlisle for that of the young gentleman he was introducing to the constituency. "I naturally said young men will be young men. Youth will be, as we all know, somewhat reckless in asser- tion, and when we are juvenile and curly—one takes a pride in sarcasm and invective—(laughter)—one feels some interest in a young relative of a dis- tinguished Member of this House, and, although the statements were not very agreeable to her Majesty's Ministers, I felt that he was a chip of the old block. (Great laughter and cheers.) I felt—and I hope my colleagues shared in the sentiment—that when that young gentleman entered this House, he might, when gazing upon the venerable form, and listening to the accents of benignant wisdom that fell, and always fall, from the lips of the right honourable gentleman the Member for Carlisle, he might learn how reckless assertion in time might mature into accuracy of statement, and how bitterness and invective, however organic, can be controlled by the vicissitudes of a wise experience." (Laughter and cheers.) "Another point that Mr. Disraeli worked up was an elaborate sneer, fifty times repeated, at "the educated section" that highly favoured Whig con- nexion, who claim a monopoly of Parliamentary reform, who always con- demn a dissolution—that educated party to whom we are indebted for the Septennial act. "The noble lord, who is so constant in his denunciations of Government by a minority, himself proposed to change the English con- stitution, and give representation to minorities. I suppose he is the only person who can be intrusted with the preparation of a Reform Bill, _because the other noble lord, the member for Tiverton, does not like the subject." (Laughter.) The substantial parts of his oration turned upon two topics in "the gra- cious speech "—our foreign relations and Parliamentary Reform. On the first, he is prepared, when the papers are before the House to vindicats-`4..... Government, and he was sure the House would not condemn un.til it had heard. The vote on Lord John Russell's resolution which Ied to the disso- lution destroyed the authority of theGovernment abioad : not with the Em- peror of the French, who ;° ;,:nerally guided by public opinion, and who saw that the opinien of Europe was against the war, but with the Govern- me-nt of 1‘-'.1stria, which regarded the Government as condemned, and la- ,- toured under the conviction that its successors would be a ministry favour- able to a war against her. Not caring any longer for a ministry she looked upon as dead, she took that rash step we must all deplore ; and took it at a time when he was justified in saying there were prospects of peace, e. time when France and Sardinia had adopted the principle of disarmament before a Congress. As to the policy of the Government; they have determined to be strictly neutral ; they have never given way either to a French or an Austrian bias ; but they have deemed it right to increase our fleets and armaments, and at the same time encourage and foster friendly relations, so that they may be in a position to interfere with effect at the right moment. "That is our foreign policy."

On the subject of Parliamentary Reform he frankly said that the Govern- ment does not deem it possible to deal with the subject this session. If that is a fair ground of censure he challenges an issue. But they do not-shrink from the responsibility of dealing with the question. Those who think that the Conservatives ought not to deal with it, that it must not be touched ex- cept by the educated section, are not fit to sit upon " this severe bench of responsibility." History does not show that reform has been the privilege and property of the educated section. Mr. Pitt and the Duke of Richmond were Parliamentary reformers, but they did not belong to the educated sec- tion. Very few of those who during the last eight years have given opin- ions on Parliamentary Reform belonged to the educated section. As to the bill of last session Government are not bound by that. Lord Hartington had denied that Parliamentary Reform could become a matter of compro- mise between Conservative and Liberal opinions ; but " men of practice" who mean to pass measures can never adopt that principle. In their late bill the Government dealt with great boldness with the question of the county suffrage—they ought to admit the middle classes. That question was mature, but the question of the borough suffrage was not mature. It was sought to admit the working classes by a variety of fran- chises, and it must be dealt with on that ground of the admission of the working classes. "All that we want is to assure ourselves that any mea- sure that we bring forward is one required by the public necessities and will be sanctioned by public approbation and support; and therefore we are perfectly prepared to deal with that question of the borough franchise and the introduction of the working classes by lowering the franchise in bo- roughs, and by acting in that direction with sincerity ; because, as I ven- tured to observe in the debate upon our measure, if you intend to admit the working classes to the franchise by lowering the suffrage in boroughs, you must not keep the promise to the ear and break it to the hope." So with re- gard to the redistribution of seats. The Government will not be hampered by any of its late proposals, but deal with the whole subject in a large, libe- ral, and comprehensive manner. Having explained the policy of the Government Mr. Disraeli turned up- on the Opposition—the patrons of Willis's rooms—affected not to lmow who would be "our successors," and then sarcastically described Lord John Russell's failures in negotiation, and Mr. Sidney Herbert's failures in war. " Let me look below the gangway," he said, and as be did so Lord John Russell took off his hat and bowed, amid great cheering and laughter. He contrasted the exclusive chareeter of the Whigs with'the absence of venera-

tion for the old families found in the Tory camp ; said that all able men are welcome there, and that their only desire is to see the posts of Government filled by competent men. Again he urged the House to come to a speedy decision ; if defeated the Conservatives will always support their successors in moments of great emergency. If not, then a great, an awful responsi- bility will rest on the Government, " but from that duty, from that respon- sibility, however grave, however awful, we do not shrink." (Loud cheers.) The House showed little inclination for debating, yet were averse from dividing. Lord BURY spoke from the Opposition benches ; a pause ensued ; no Ministerialist arose ; the SPEAKER read the address, and then at the last moment Mr. MELLOR briefly spoke in support of the amendment. There was another pause ; and then a series of Opposition speakers, Mr. HIIGESSEN, Sir CHARLES NAPIER, Mr. JAMES Wnsox, who opened a financial battery upon Mr. Disraeli ; Mr. DICEY SEY- MOUR, who was received with cries of " Oh I Oh ! " when he called him- self "independent "; Mr. Lama who declared against the Govern- ment : not one thorough Ministerial speaker except Mr. Disraeli. Lord PALMERSTON got up, and pointed to this as evidence of the want of confidence in the Government felt by the House and by the Govern- ment itself. Why this silence ? The speech of Mr. Disraeli, "eloquent as it was and full of unpleasant taunts and disagreeable reflections,—at- tack on the one hand and jest on the other,—was wholly insufficient to answer the amendment. It is a most extraordinary spectacle—a Govern- ment charged as this is—sitting silent all the evening. They have no- thing to say, except For Heaven's sake, let us come to a division !' " Don't discuss our misdeeds ; come and vote. When the flames of war are raging, when great European and national interests are at stake, it is disgraceful for a Government so to treat the House. For their mistakes and defaults in domestic legislation, their errors in foreign policy, their course in regard to the dissolution—all these things justify the House in withholding confidence. On this occasion, he must speak out. The Government came into office by a Parliamentary manoeuvre' and had a bad origin. Out of office, they opposed the transfer of the Government of India to the Crown. In office, they adopted the policy, bringing in a bill met by universal ridicule. They had been anti-Reformers ; but the condition of their existence was that they should adopt the views of the majority ; and they brought in a Reform Bill, which not one man out of the Cabinet thought should pass into law. Then came Lord John Rius- sell's resolution; they accepted the decision as a vote of censure, when they should, being avowedly dependent on the majority, have brought in another bill. " What they refused to do a second time was to put them- selves right To be twice wrong they had no objection, but to be twice in the right was repugnant to their feelings. It was said that I taunted them, that I bade them withdraw their bill and bring in another, and that they would not do my bidding. Why, Sir, are they men or chil- dren ? " Certainly men acting on such a principle ought not to have charge of the interests of a great empire. Then they dissolved ; and during the interval unconstitutionally increased the establishments of the country. "I don't mean to find fault practically with what they did. (Ministerial laughter, followed by Opposition cheers.) I find fault with them for having wantonly and unnecessarily placed themselves in a position in which they were obliged to do it" A Ministry in such a position was not likely to inspire foreign Governments with confidence. They dissolved because they had not a majority ; it was doubtful whe- ther they would have a majority ; therefore the dissolution at that mo- ment was a culpable proceeding. " It was sacrificing what might have been great national interests in order to scramble for a few votes Waif- ferent hustings." They have shown themselves unequal to manage our foreign relations. " My conscientious belief is that the course they pursued brought on war ; and that a different course prevented it. Why their great notion was that the danger of war arose from France and Sardinia. Their idea was—in- stilled into them I have no doubt, by interested parties—that if they could only hold language hostile to France and. Sardinia, and patronizing towards Austria, they would preserve peace. That is the secret of what we heard in this and in the other House of Parliament ; and up to the very last moment their belief was that if they could only frighten France free' hostilities by holding it out to Europe that in the event of war breaking out they would be found acting on the side of Austria, peace would bepreserved, and war would be avoided. (" Oh ! " from the Ministerial side.) Why, they did not know that while they were entertaining such opinions Austria had been

i

accumulating her forces in Italy, and had taken the decision for war, and that at the very moment when in this House the Chancellor of the Exche- quer was talking of the dignified conciliation ' of Austria and the suspi- cious and equivocal' conduct of. Sardinia, that summons which within a week afterwards was declared by the noble lord at the head of the Govern- ment, at a dinner at the Mansionhouse, to have placed Austria in the posi- tion of a great criminal was on its way to Turin. . . . . It is quite plain that they were ignorant of the real state of affairs ; that they were uninformed as to what was going on ' • that they were under a delusion as to the intention of the different parties, and that they believed the danger of war was imminent on the part of France and Sardinia, while there was no such danger on the part of Austria. The result proved that Austria was prepared, and that France was not, so that the danger was lowering upon Lombardy instead of descending from the Alps. They ought to have known that, and had they known it perhaps you would not have found them threatening Austria with war, even if they had supposed her to be in the wrong." Had there been a Government possessing the confidence of a majority, and using firm and temperate latIguage, Austria might have been induced to pause. " The Government might then have fairly said, Go into Congress. Let all the great powers of Europe assemble t and we will stand by you in negotiation, in maintaining your unquestionable treaty rights ; but do you and France consent to withdraw all military interfe- rence, and all improper administrative influence from countries which are not your own. Free the south of Italy from military occupation and from dictation to Governments, and let the Italians and their Governments deal with each other as independent nations invariably. do."

Lord Palmerston argued with great force in behalf of the manly, cou-

rageous, and straightforward course taken by the Opposition ; showed that if Ministers were in such a hurry, they should have called Parliament together earlier. If there should be a change of Government, one quite as able can be formed from the ranks of the Liberal party. They have lost some of their ablest members—Lord Ellenborongh thrown overboard Jonas like, two others seceding on the Reform Bill. " Well, Sir, looking to that remnant of a shattered administration," it was not too much to presume that a Government quite as deserving of confidence could be formed from the Opposition. Whatever the issue it would be better to have a decision, rather than for things to go on as they do now. (Cheers.)

The debate was adjourned until Thursday on the motion of Mr. Ser- geant DEASY. The debate was continued on Thursday night with great spirit The Ministerialista departed from the " silent system," as Mr. Bright called it, and put up several of their rank and file ; but the weight of the ora- torical force still remained with the Opposition.

Mr. Sergeant DEASY was the first Opposition speaker. He dealt with the desertion of Roman Catholics from the Liberals ; and he was an- swered in a triumphant strain by Colonel Mammy, who boasted that he was a Protestant Member for a Roman Catholic county, because the Liberals had made the Roman Catholics the shuttlecocks of party, and because they found that Lord Derby would render them substantial jus- tice. Mr. Durr supported the amendment The Ministerialista, fol- lowing their Leader, carried out the system of personal attacks which he began ; and Mr. SEYMOUR Err-Limns= gave an ample illustration of it in a long speech, taunting the chiefs of the Opposition with their failures in legislation and foreign policy, openly charged Lord Palmerston with partiality to France, and speculated on the "combinations at Com- piegne. '

Mr. BRIGHT succeeded. Admitting, he observed, all that Mr. Fitz- gerald said to be true—" it only comes to this, that he thinks the noble Lord the Member for Tiverton is about as bad as his own colleagues "- a sally that put the House in good humour. They had, he said, deeply regretted for years that they have not been ranged under his banners—a fact known on both sides of the House to be true.

Mr. Bright, quitting this point, said that he should not have assented to a vote of want of confidence on the ground that Ministers dissolved Par- liament, had not maintained peace, were charged with electoral corruption. But he doubted the wisdom of the course they have pursued in foreign policy. Is their neutrality a strict neutrality? The country hungers for peace. If peace is broken by a voluntary act on our part, or on the part of

some other power, it can only be broken as regards France. Austria can- not attack us. The question of neutrality applies almost exclusively to

France. But what have we done ? We have increased our Navy in the Mediterranean, we have raised seamen, we have called upon every one who has—or who wants to have—a little notion on military matters to engage

himself as a rifleman. This is not done against Austria. If there is any-

thing more ludicrous than military glory it is militia glory. Will not all these preparations make the French Government and people disbelieve in our neutrality. " I dare say the rifle corps movement is merely a move- ment in party tactics," because it is wellImown that it will increase the Conservative strength. " What I say is, that you are driven either to sus- pect the French of designs against us, or else you contemplate at no distant period the possibility of our attacking France." Is there any ground for apprehending danger from France ? And he proceeded to show that there is no ground for distrust of France. Then " you are driven to the inference that your own Government contemplates the possibility, nay, the probe- - bility of an attack by this country upon France." It is the opinion on the -continent that, as these preparations cannot be directed against Austria, the Government is disposed rather to take sides with Austria than with France. There is a growing conviction that the alliance is about to be gradually, if not rudely, rent asunder. Mr. Disraeli had boasted of our pecuniary con-

dition; he, a financier, had talked lightly of 20,000,0001. a year, and speaking of that stupendousburden, the national debt, he said, "selecting his metaphor, I suppose, from his own personal experience, 'Why, it is no more than a fleabite.' " Mr. Bright can have no confidence in a Government which en- deavours to mislead the public, and whose neutrality is found in gigantic preparations for war. With respect to the next Government, there will be the same professions of neutrality, "and I hope and believe that, so far as regards that country with which alone there is the smallest danger of our be- coming embroiled, there will be felt among all classes of its people that there is somewhat leas of coldness and somewhat more of sympathy than have been shown by the present Government." He had never approved of

the intimate and personal alliance between the two countries, and he hoped it would be " converted into one that will be evident to the world by a _ generous and dignified conduct on the part of both Governments, rather , than by a course'. of proceedings which seemed as if intended to separate them from the other nations of Europe." He recommended neutrality as a permanent policy. There is one other subject on which he feels almost as strongly—Parlia- mentary Reform. He ridiculed the professions and promises of the Minis- ter, and those who have faith in one, who oilers the people notes of the Bank of Elegance and coin that has never passed through the Royal Mint. He ridiculed and condemned the bill of last session, and would like to see on the floor of the House that Reformer who looks even for the most moderate amendment in the representation from the Treasury Bench. There are one or two who sit on the Opposition who believe that Mr. Disraeli "is not only a Reformer, but is actually panting for the coming of next session, when he may take the wind out of the sails of the noble lord the Member for London and convert me' into an enthusiastic admirer of his new measure." Mr.

Bright advocated the passing of a bill this session, or at least the bringing cf one in, which if the weather were too hot for the other House to pass it, might, be passed in November. He admitted that Lord John Russells very moderate programme would give satisfaction' a programme very different from the delusive proposition of Mr. Disraeli.

. The Government said that it has not been proved it has done anything bad. _ But if there is no difference between the two sides of the House, why this general election ? Surely there must have been some difference ? The elec- tors of the West Riding were not amusing themselves when they rejected Mr. Wortley, "Then what is it ? You assume that the constituences have sent up a majority of one way of thinking, and you suppose it is proper in us .to support the Government of a minority or another way of thinking. That is an unreasonable thing to ask. (Mews.) It is utterly impossible the Government can suppose—it is a mere joke to ask—that a majority of one set of opinions will consent to the permanent direction of a Government holding opinions of the contrary character." Mr. Disraeli, as a bait to some on that side, said the Tories have never been so exclusive as the Whigs. "He said that distinguished men had sat on that bench who had had no connexion with the English aristocracy ; but it has always been on most stringent conditions. You allowed Sir Robert Peel to lead you ; but when Sir Robert Peel did something that all the

world admitted was most beneficial to the country, you cast him off." Mr. Gladstone was cast off with rancour. "Indeeed, the rancour you showed was something one can scarcely comprehend, and it did immense harm to your own party, for it enabled the right honourable gentleman the Chan- cellor of the Exchequer to become your leader, and to occupy the eminent and proud position in which he stands, or sits, at this moment. But, from what I heard said at that time, by the party in private about the Peelites, I have always had an idea that many honourable Members had got their read- ing of the Old Testament rather confused, and that they had somehow mixed up the Peelites with the Hivites and the Hittites—(great laughter and cheering)—and thought it was not merely a political difference that had occurred, but something more, for which they condemned the few distin- guished individuals who had done so much good for their country to perpe-

tual extinction. The right honourable gentleman, therefore, has nothing to boast of on that question." Mr. Bright explained his own position, should there be a change. He will be watchful, as forbearing as he can, but he will forward the policy he has always avowed. If the new Government is honest and straightforward he will bear in mind the difficulties that surround them. " lf, unfortu- nately, they should do some of those things which they have done in times

past—(a laugh)—my sorrow will be great, my opposition, if I am here, will be inevitable, and I am afraid some night or other I shall find them, as before, handed over to the Philistines who will sit opposite to them. (Laughter.) I hope, whoever may form this Government, whoever may be the members of the Cabinet, that they may look to the past, and see how they have failed so much. Since the fall of the Government of Sir Robert Peel there has been no good handling of the Liberal party in this House. The Cabinet has been exclusive, the policy has been sometimes wholly wrong, and sometimes feeble and paltering. (Cheers from the Ministerial benches.) If in the new Government it shall be found that there are men adequately representing these reconciled sections, acting with some measure of boldness and power, grappling with the abuses which are admitted to exist, and relying upon the moral sense and honest feeling of the House, and the general sympathy of the people of England for improvement in our legislation, I am bold to hope that the new Government will have that which her Majesty evidently wishes—a longer tenure of office than any Government that has existed for many year past." (Loud cheers.) Lord ASHLEY, and Mr. CROSSLEY supported, while Mr. PALK, Mr.. LIDDELL, Mr. Gunstrv, and Mr. SPOONER opposed the amendment.

Mr. HOESMAN explained that, while he regretted the issue between the Government and the Opposition had not been raised upon the ques- tion of foreign policy, yet since Mr. Disraeli had accepted the challenge, and had not protested against the course pursued, he should vote for the amendment. Mr. Kan Sxvsiaa carried the war into the enemy's camp, and described the rise and fall of the Liberal party, interspersed with personal attacks upon its rank and file as well as its leaders, Mr. Gilpin as well as Lord John Russell and Lord Palmerston.

Sir JAMES GRAHAM now rose, and his appearance was greeted with cheers and counter-cheers. He began with a slashing personal attack. He said he was placed in a painful position. [The Ministerialists broke out in ironical cheers.] Those cheers did not augur ultimate triumph. Having crossed the House, he could not give a silent vote after what Mr. Disraeli had said.

"I may be mistaken, but I have always believed that among gentlemen there was an established rule—(Laugliter and counter-cheers)—What, Sir ! has it come to this ? After such an attack has been made upon me by the right honourable gentleman opposite, am I not to be allowed to offer any explanation to the House ? I cannot believe that is a course which will be sanctioned, even by a new House of Commons." (Cheers.) He thought it it an established rule among gentlemen that when regret for an error has been expressed the subject shall not be revived. But he was in error ; the Leader of the House has revived the subject. Now, although he was wrong in saying that the billet money was increased by an act of the prerogative, yet it was proclaimed on the eve of the general election—[Shouts of " Oh, oh !"]—and used for election purposes ; and since he was forced to do so, he would give evidence of the fact. The son of the Secretary for War was a candidate for Devonport, and he issued this placard.

" A Fact for the Licensed Victuallers and Beershop-keepers.—The present Go- vernment have taken care that, from the 25th of April instant, every person upon whom& soldier is liable to be billeted shall be paid four-pence per day. instead of three half-pence. At a moment like the present, when recruiting is going on to a much larger extent than usual, this boon is one of great consequence, and evidences the desire which a good Conservative Government has to remove oppression and wrong: wherever it may be discovered. Licensed victuallers and beershop-keepers will appreciate this boon, and understand well the difference between a Consen a- tire four-pence and a Whig three half-pence."

In like manner, Sir James referred to the Berwick barracks story and the Dover and Lever contracts, but on these subjects lie said there must be strict scrutiny. He spoke of the Roman Catholic alliance, and laughed at the statement of Mr. Bowyer on the Dundalk hustings, that lie had reason to expect a charter for the Roman Catholic University from her Majesty's ad- visers. Sir James also referred to Mr. Disraeli's " offensive " mode of de- scribing the story of Lord Derby's subscription to the election fund as an "impudent fabrication." [Mr. DISRAELI rose to order, and said he applied the words to the story and not to Sir James, who quoted it ; and the SPEAKER confirmed this view.] Sir boars RAHA.M -•-" Certainly, Sir, what the right honourable gentleman has said, confirmed by your high and unimpeachable authority, is some satisfaction to my wounded feelings. But the right honourable gentleman went on to remark upon the mild in- fluences of age, presenting in his own person a contradiction to the Horatian..

' Leith albescens animus capillus ' ;

because he was an illustration of the fact that one might lose one's curls and still retain one's taste for sarcasm. (Laughter and cheers.) The right honourable gentleman will pardon me if I express to him an opinion. I regard him as the Red Indian of debate. (Laughter.) By the use of the tomahawk he has cut his way to power, and by a recurrence to the scalping system he hopes to prevent the loss of it. (Cheers and laughter.) IN lien the right honourable gentleman uses towards one who has offered him no offence—(" Oh, oh!")—language of the tone and character which he has applied to me, I say this, that I was astonished by the rudeness of the as- sault—(" Oh, oh!" and cheers)—but I readily forgive it on account of the feeling of anger and of disappointment at blighted hopes by which it was dictated." (" Oh, oh !" and cheers.) Having dealt with the personal question Sir James turned to the political situation. He arraigned the Government for its mode of dealing with Home and Indian finance, and the reorganization of the Indian army—a great question still in suspense ; he referred in terms of censure to their India bill, their attempted church-rate legislation ; the dissolution of Parliament —an improvident measure from which great national evils have resulted, a measure which compelled the First Minister to explain himself at a civic feast, and an Under Secretary to explain our relations with France and Rus- sia on the hustings ; be arraigned them for taking without the advice of Parliament " the most important steps with regard to the army and navy any Government ever adopted," measures which may be necessary, but which involved them in a great constitutional difficulty. He censured the system of raising seamen by bounty, as impolitic and imprudent, as involv- ing the heaviest tax to which the shipping interest can be exposed. lie also failures, and challenged him to produce a measure of utility with which his name is associated; he recounted Lord Palmerston's Italian policy in 1848, his refusal of the Austrian offer of the line of the Mincio, the Minto mission, and the policy tending to separate Sicily and Naples ; and he quoted passages condemning that policy from the speeches of Mr. Sidney Herbert and Sir James Graham, members of the happy family at Willis's Rooms ; he attacked Lord Palmerston for the interference with Naples and Lord Clarendon for the treatment of Belgium at Paris. Turn- ing upon Sir James Graham, he reviewed the speech made under the blue flag at Carlisle, contrasting its vehemence with the tone of injured innocence he assumed in the House ; and vindicating at great length the grant to the Lever company, which he said was not a piece of corruption, but the grant of a just demand. Denying that there was any Roman Catholic compact, he retorted upon the Opposition another compact, which will not be forgotten in Ireland "while grass grows and water runs."

" Mr. John Sadleir was made a Lord of the Treasury. I have just had in my hands the papers relating to the last of that party. He was placed in the Income-tax Office, and has become a defaulter. One was expelled from this House. Another left it and another was likewise in the Income-tax-office, and carried off some thousands of pounds of the public money. That was a eoalition which we can all understand and remember." Mr. Whiteside, in a tone of frankness, expounded the concessions made to the Roman Catholics by the Government, and denied that the Roman Catholic party had been asked for their votes, or that any compact had been made. Finally, he quoted Mr. Bright's sketch of Lord Palmerston's political character, and Lord Palmerston's sketch of Mr. Bright, to show the agreeable opinions they entertain of each other.

The debate was again adjourned on the motion of Mr. MILNER Giusow

ROMAN CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY. In Reply to Lord SHAFTESBURY, Lord DERBY said that ou two occasions memorials had been presented to the Government from Roman Catholic gentlemen expressing their wish that a charter should be granted, but no promise was given and no expectation was held out that the prayer of the memorial would be complied with. He did not know what had been said in conversation by the Chancellor of the Ex- chequer, but subsequently to receiving the notice he inquired, and his right honourable friend told him that he had seen a deputation and promised to take the matter into consideration.

THE JEWS, At the sitting of the House on Monday, Baron Rothschild presented himself to be sworn, and as he objected to take the oath containing the words "on the true faith of a Christian," he withdrew as directed. Then Lord Joni RUSSELL rose, and moved the resolution rendered necessary by the Act of last year to admit a Jewish Member to take the oaths by omitting the words objected to. Sir GEORGE GnEr seconded the motion. This gave Mr. NEWDEGATE an occasion for renewing his protest against the admission of the Jews. The SPEAKER put the question, and twice declared that the "Ayes" had it. Mr. NEWDEGATE said the " Noes " had it. He wanted a division. But several Members supported the Speaker, and Baron Roths- child reentering, took the oaths. Mr. NEWDEGATE protested again, and the SPEAKER repeated that, if Mr. Newdepte intended to question the de- cision he did not do so in a sufficiently audible form.