China and the Pacific
WO years ago the world heard with some curiosity of a Conference on Pacific relations held at Hono- lu. A stout Report of the Conference was pub- shed, which revealed the strongly religious feeling shown the delegates, British, American, Japanese, Chinese, id others. There were interesting discussions of heate matters of which politicians would have fought cry shy. For instance, Filipino delegates and some from C United States, Korean delegates and Japanese, Died very directly the case of " oppressed "nationalities d the mission of " advanced " races to civilize the ekward The scheme of the Y.M.C.A. is bearing it, for a second Conference is about to be held, which Is fair to be of considerable importance, and in some peets very different from the first. of a Conference on Pacific relations held at Hono- lu. A stout Report of the Conference was pub- shed, which revealed the strongly religious feeling shown the delegates, British, American, Japanese, Chinese, id others. There were interesting discussions of heate matters of which politicians would have fought cry shy. For instance, Filipino delegates and some from C United States, Korean delegates and Japanese, Died very directly the case of " oppressed "nationalities d the mission of " advanced " races to civilize the ekward The scheme of the Y.M.C.A. is bearing it, for a second Conference is about to be held, which Is fair to be of considerable importance, and in some peets very different from the first. The first and for us most important difference is that eat Britain will be strongly represented by a delegation able men with experience of many parts of the Empire. This is due to the insistence of the original delegations of our daughter nations, who were not content to see the United States and Japan even approaching any arrogation of a division of supreme influence. It may sound a little arrogant on our side to remind the world that the Colonial Office here appoints an official with the resounding title of H.M.'s High Commissioner for the Western Pacific ! The second change that we foresee in this coming Confer- ence is that, for good or ill, the religious basis is likely to give way to a political one. It will be unofficial again, and its actions only tentative, but the Governments which feel concerned with the questions discussed will • keep one eye on Honolulu, though they will refuse to prendre acte of anything done, and will avoid responsi.; bility by never mentioning any Conference to one another.
The question that arises most prominently to-day is whether such a Conference can help or guide in the troubles and problems that China presents. Two years ago a Chinese -delegate spoke plainly of the rising spirit of nationalism which, he said, would take ten or fifteen years to reach its full influence. The British delegation will arrive well informed on recent history in this sphere, for one of them, Sir Frederick Whyte, has prepared a Memorandum on the history of British relations with China. The Royal Institute of International Affairs, which has fittingly helped and encouraged invaluably this British participation in the study of Pacific Relations, rightly felt that Sir Frederick's work should not be to the close advantage of the delegates, and under the Institute's auspices it is now published with the title of China and Foreign Powers. We commend it as a very fair summary of a section of modern history, which should be useful to many who seek the data for forming an opinion on the present discontents in China and the right way out of them. Sir Frederick is a candid critic and we are relieved to find with how very few stains upon our character we leave his court. He is studiously polite to other nations and shows more reticence than we should where he might point out how often and how profitably they have enjoyed chestnuts which Great Britain has pulled out of the fire. (It looks as though the example of this game as lately played in Southern China for the delight of Moscow may be followed in Peking if events afford an occasion.) He acquits us of any " imperialist " motive, using that noble word in malem partem as is usual to-day. We have sought trade, sometimes a little aggressively perhaps, sometimes maybe in a doubtful merchandise, but never to gain political ends or, as Russia and Japan have done, to extend control over any Chinaman's life or freedom. Our line has been here as elsewhere, "Govern yourselves ; we won't help or hinder any one unless we are asked to ; only, in return, let us trade in security with a chance of justice in disputes ; can't you see that you will gain as well as we by our setting up here as merchants ? " Civil wars have made it difficult to hold aloof, but Sir Frederick proves up to the hilt the liberality of our aims wherever . we have taken the initiative. So far back as 1902, when Lord Inchcape negotiated the Commercial Treaty, we proposed the surtaxes which came before the Washington Conference twenty years later, and that was only carrying out the aim of Lord Lansdowne, whose death should be mourned in China ; for besides aiming at the preset, vation of peace generally, the Anglo-Japanese Alliance was intended to warn Russia off China. No one could foresee that two wars would lead to the Alliance encourag. lug Japan to take Korea and so nearly to take Shantung permanently. China should have seen her debt IA gratitude due to us because after the trouble with the Patriotic Harmonious Fists, vulgarly known as the "Boxers," Great Britain with Germany had agreed not to use the tempting occasion for any territorial gains. Again, so far as China was concerned, the initiative at Washington came from London, and was intended to benefit her greatly. Lastly, at the end of 1926, the British Memorandum to the parties to the Washington Treaties was a model of liberality towards China and proposed a really enlightened policy.
Sir Frederick prints several documents as appendices. The first is the Emperor Chien Lung's letter to George III. at the time of Lord Macartney's mission. We prefer the tone of it to that of notes dictated by Mus. covites, but accept the passing of the ancient style. He prints Lord Pahnerston's famous dispatch of 1840. We admit that " Pam " would not do to-day, but having done so, we allow ourselves to say that no Englishman can read it without pride. But we are committed to a liberal policy in China. We have faith in it and are not sorry for it. Its fruits may be seen when China wearies of civil war and Muscovite advisers ; and if the Coii. fcrence at Honolulu can help, we shall be glad.
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