an tirortaings in Varliamtnt.

GOVERNMENT OF JAMAICA.

The discussion on the bill to provide for the temporary government of Jamaica, was resumed in the House of Commons on Monday; the question before the House being that " Mr. Speaker do now leave the chair."

Mr. MACLEAN contrasted the arbitrary mode of proceeding adopted by Ministers towards Jamaica with the cautious patience exhibited when it was necessary to suspend the constitution of Canada. In the case of Canada, they had availed themselves of every form before re-

sorting to the ultimo ratio of power. He vindicated the conduct of the Jamaica Assembly, and condemned that of Sir Lionel Smith as uncere- monious and harsh. The real object of the bill appeared to be the pos- session of colonial patronage, in which respect it resembled Mr. Fox's India Bill.

Sir EARDLEY Witzwr considered the real question to be this-

" having given the Negroes their liberties, will von condemn them to continue in a state of slavery under the guise of freedom?" He could only answer that question by supporting the present measure. The Jamaica Assembly completely set their faces against the views of the Emancipationists, told set the British Parliament at defiance. If he thought that the bill would destroy the constitutional liberties of the people of Jamaica, he would resist it ; but his firm opinion was, that it would lead to the establishment of a form of government more in unison with the present state of that island than any which they had hitherto enjoyed ; and he should give his vote for the bill in the full conviction that enjoyed was doing what was right.

Mr. GROTI said, that he would vote on the same side as Sir Eardley ..Wilmot, did he consider the question as depending upon comparative sympathy with oppressed Blocks On one side and White oppressors on the other. He had never been slow to vote for the abolition of slavery, and had supported Sir Eardley Wilmot's motion for shortening the ap- prenticeship ; but the bill before the House appeared to him full of harshness and injustice towards the Whites and of very doubtful kind- ness towards the Blacks. He would state briefly the reasons which led him to this conclusion- " It has been my fortune, Sir, on various former occasions, and especially in

the discussions during the last two years on the government of Lower Canada, to manifest a oTeater respect for colonial constitutions and a sovater reluctance to violate and suspendthem than most other Members of this House. 1 do, indeed, believe that the difficulties of governing a colony well, by any expedient or upon any supposition, are all but insuperable ; but I believe at the same time that a representative Colonial Assembly tends to abate very materially the extent of possible misgovernment, and to protect to a considerable degree both the rights and the comfort of the colonial population. I know well, too, that such an assembly must, even iu the discharge of its proper and legitimate functions, become a source of constant annoyance to the executive authority. Sometimes, doubtless, its interference will be mischievous ; but on most occa- sions it will be just and salutary. And as I ern thus deeply sensible that the relation between the executive authority and the Colonial Assembly must be one of dislike on the one side and jealousy on the other, I confess that I do not listen with implicit confidence to the complaints preferred by the former of these two powers against the latter. I decline to take my idea of the Assem- bly from the construction which the Executive may be pleased to put upon its acts. These are the general feelings which I have brought to the discussion of matters concerning colonial government on former occasions ; they are the feelings with which I approach the discussion of the present bill."

He was perfectly aware that, in consequence of the recent emanci- pation of the Negroes, the West India Colonies were placed iu a pecu- liar situation- " I am well aware that this important change in the structure of colonial

society carries with it the seeds of future changes, and that the period during which such alterations are in course of accomAshment requires our utmost precautions to instil into all classes both forgetfulness ulness as to the past, and pati- ence, self-command, and gentleness as to the present. But, Sir, the consci- ousness of these circumstances produces upon ray mind an effect different from that which it seems to produce upon most other gentlemen, it impresses me with an additional sense of the necessity for extraordinary care and circum- spection in legislating fur a society in this state of trouble and transition. We have lately compelled the White population to surrender their power as masters over the Blacks. It was ris.lot and wise that we should do so. But I must confess that the fact of our having effected this change leads me to deliberate the inure carefully, and to require a stronger proof of necessity, before I con- sent to inflict upon the feelings of the White population the additional wound of suspending all their powers of internal legislation and self-government."

It had been triumphantly asserted that the Jamaica Assembly was a mere oligarchy, elected by a narrow constituency, and that they who reasoned us if it were a popular assembly were imposed upon by a de- lusive and paltry juggle of words. So said Mr. Charles Buller ; but Mr. Grote could scarcely believe that Mr. Buller seriously urged such an argument as relevant to the matter in hand-

" My purpose in resisting this bill is to maintain an Assembly representing the wishes and feelings of the colonial population. If it be contended that the present Assembly is elected by so narrow a constituency that it does not fairly and fully represent the wishes and feelings of the colonial population,

0 let the constituency i

be enlarged until that object is accomplished : that is the specific and appropriate remedy. If you decline to apply the specific remedy, do not pretend that the oligarchical character of the Assembly is the real ground why you dislike it ; do not pretend that the persons who wish to up- hold a representative Assembly, but are perfectly ready to enlarge the consti- tuent basis on which it rests, are supporters of oligarchy under a feigned name ; do not pretend that you who desire to extinguish the elective principle altogether take the really popular view of the question. But, Sir, to show still further the groundlessness of that attack which my honourable friend the Member for Lisk-eard made against those who desire to uphold the Jamaica House of Assembly, as if they were mere champions of oligarchy, let us look at the part of his argument which followed. My honourable friend told us himself, after he had concluded his eloquent denunciation aguint the oligarchi- cal character of the House of Assembly, that though the constituency by which that house was elected was at present very narrow, still it was in actual course of enlargement under the operation of the present electoral law; that in the course of a year or two, the constituency would be so widened as to embrace a full and adequate number of electors. Well, then, if this be the case, I should have thought that my honourable friend's reproach against those who resist this bill, that they are imposed upon by a paltry juggle of words, would have appeared even to himself absurd and unreasonable, and that he who had expressed so great a dislike to the House of Assembly on the osten- sible ground of oligarchy, would have become reconciled to it when it came j acquire an indisputably popular character. But is this my honourable friend': language ? Quite the reverse, Sir. Re tells us, that little as he likes the Assembly now, he will like it still less when a number of Black freemen Oulu have been registered as electors ; he cannot endure an Assembly elected by a majority of Whites, but still less can he endure an Assembly elected b a ma'

a Blacks."

Mr. Grote showed by reference to the speeches of Sir Robert Peel and Mr. Buller ou the Irish Municipal Bill two years ago, that Sir Robert Peel used the same argument against Corporation Reform -which Mr. Buller now applied to the Jamaica Bill, and that Mr. Buller then ably refuted it. But Mr. Buller himself, while furnishing an unsatis- factory argument in favour of the present measure, dismissed with con- tempt the argument in the preamble of the bill- " Sir, this is quite sufficient for me. if this bill cannot stand upon the pre. amble annexed to it, it ought not to stand at all; and I would beg those gentle- men who really think that they are now going to suspend the Jamaica con- stitution merely for a short period, such as two years or five years, to recall to the ma lvcs attentively the speech of' the honourable Member for Liskeant be satisfied by a mere temporary suspension of the House of Assembly. If They will perceive that the arguments used in defence of the bill will net fi those arguments are valid at all, the constitution of Jamaica ought to be sus- pended for twenty years, or fifty yens : and most assuredly, think fit now to permit its suspension, 1 much isieitfhtellenflzoi;fshtabell gentlemen who are now present will ever live to witness its revival."

Heavy censures had been accumulated on the Jamaica Assembly in consequence of the intemperate manner in which its proceedings bad been conducted. Now, Mr. Grote did not think that the effect of the laudatory messages and despatches from Governors of Jamaica had been done away with or rebutted ; but supposing, that the criminatious were just, that all which had been urged in inculpation of the Assembly were true, still he contended that no case had been made out for the bill-

" For the present bill rests the proposed suspension of the functions of that

body, not upon general evihnindedness or incompetency' but upon one specific

and tangible issue—Up/11 one particular abnegation of duty alleged to have been committed upon a recent occasion. Now, Sir, what is the impression likely to be produced on the minds of the White population of Jamaica when they see that in justifying this bill, so many appeals are made to that which is neither stated nor glanced at in the preambleso many expressions of indig- nant denunciation against the House of Assembly, as to a thousand other mat- ters not contained in the positive indictment? Sir, I must say that the strong and the natural impression on the minds of the White inhabitants of Jamaica will be, that the occurrence which has intervened respecting the Prisons Bill

is not our real reason for suspending the constitution of Jamaica, but merely an excuse laid hold of to gratafy a preiixisting disposition, and that the senti- ment which actually impels us in passing this bill is the continuance of an ex- aggerated antislavery freling, after its holy and legitimate purpose has been fully and finally necomplisha. I do not pronounce, Sir, whether this be the real reason of our proceedings or not ; but 1 an sure that it is the interpreta- tion which cannot fail to be put upon them by the Whites of ,Tamaica. And with me I will confess this constitutes a forcible reason, in addition to the in- herent severity and harshness of the bill before us, for pausing in our present course ; for although I have thought it my duty to take no account of the re- pugnance of the Whites, when the object was to procure the emancipation of the Negroes, and although in that view I voted in favour of the motion made last year for abridging the duration of the apprenticeship ; yet, when emanci- pation has once been achieved, I no longer think myself authorized to treat lightly the feelings and the satisthetion of the White portion of citizens of Ja- maica. They are now free colonists, on a level in the eye of the law with those who were twee their slaves : it is our duty to see that nothing is done unnecessarily to disgust them with their new condition ; for I am quite per- suaded that whatever be the difficulties of working the new state of society in the West Indies with tranquillity and effect, one essential condition to that result is, that we should reconcile and appease as much as we possibly can the minds of the White population. Now I think that this bill will tend to the very opposite consequence—that it will exasperate and provoke the White popula- tion of Jamaica—that it will inspire them with a sense of profound and aggra- vated injustice, and that it will tarnish the lustre of that generous and humane policy under which the act of Emancipation was effected."- Mr. Grote proceeded to argue, that the worst evil which could have arisen from a more conciliatory line of conduct, would have been the postponement of a Prisons Bill for a few months ; and that, in fact, with reference to the Prisons Bill, the Jamaica Assembly were less to blame than the British Parliament— ,4 And whatever may be the sins in other respects committed by the House of Assembly, 1 am bound to remark, that if I am sitting as juror when an accused person is put on his trial on a specific indictment which cannot be proved, it will lie my duty to acquit him, and set him free though I may be- lieve Imp to be in other respects an unprincipled malefactor. Looking simply at the justice of this bill, according to the grounds laid for it, I cannot but pronounce decidedly against it. Nor can I find any greater reason to com- mend it on the score of wisdom and prudence. 1 believe that the bill will greatly aggravate and embitter the existing discontent in the island, instead of contributing to tranquillize and reconcile the various classes of the population. You tell us that the White population of Jamaica are angry and umnanageable because they have been deprived of their prerogatives as slave-masters, and you arc going, by way of emollient, to strip them of mill their functions and their dignity as citizens. Sir, in my opinion, this is neither joist nor wise legis- lation. The present hill will only add to die ninny difficulties which now be- set the government of Jamaica, and as such I shall oppose it."

Mr. CLAY professed regret and surprise at the conclusion to which Mr. Grote had conic. In his opinion, Mr. Grote had mistaken the shadow for the substance. The bill was not an invasion of popular rights ; it only took from a few rights which belonged to the whole. It was well known that many other measures, as necessary and important as the Prisons Bill, never would be passed by the Jamaica Assembly ; and, in fact, the present measure was not founded solely on the refusal to enact a prison bill.

Mr. WARBURTON was satisfied that the interference of the mother country was necessary to secure the impartial administration of justice in Jamaica. It was a delusion to expect good government from the Jamaica Assembly ; and Ministers, in his opinion, were right in propos- ing a measure at once which, sooner or later, would become necessary.

Mr. GALLY KNIGHT was convinced that the bill would add to the difficulties arising from the state of society in Jamaica. It would further degrade the Whites in the eyes of the Blacks, widen the breach now existing between the two classes, and produce evils which no future legislation could remove.

Mr. GOULBURN remarked, that the supporters of the bill shrank from

defending it on the grounds on which its introducers alleged its neces- sity. He bad the strongest objection to the bill. It would.be most dangerous to establish the principle, that the abolition of slavery re- quired the abolition also of free institutions ; but, if the example were set in Jamaica, it must be adopted in the other West India Colonies ; and what influence would it not have on Virginia or Maryland? How could the abolition of slavery in the United States be expected, if the consequence were to be the loss of free institutions ? Mr. Goulburn referred to the disputes between Governor Smith and the Jamaica Assembly, and contended, that the former had committed great errors, the consequences of which had been aggravated by the conduct of the Government at home.

Mr. O'CONNELL maintained, that the Jamaica Assembly had obsti- nately and systematically refused to pass laws necessary to secure the success of the Emancipation Act ; and he referred to the accounts of cruelties practised in the Jamaica prisons, to show how necessary it was to interfere -without delay for the protection of the Negroes against their White oppressors. There was no destruction of legislative au- thority effected by the bill before the House, for the Jamaica Assembly had abdicated its functions.

Mr. GLADSTONE said, that Sir Robert Peel had been taunted with having made this a party question, by those who cheered Sir Eardley IVihnot, who voted with Ministers because he did not consider it a party question. Sir Robert Peel lost votes by distinctly declaring that he had no party object in view, and yet was taunted by those who gained the votes which lie lost on that understanding. 'Mr. Gladstone com- plained of the heat and hurry with which Parliament was called upon to legislate on this subject. There was astonishing ignorance Of the facts of the case. The Jamaica Assembly had not abdicated its func- tions; they had neither stopped the supplies nor demanded the repeal of the Prisons Bill. The Assembly had actually offered the supplies; and was the mother country to rethse them, and then take front the colony the right of internal taxation ? Mr. Gladstone contended at length, that the numerous measures required for the regulation of affairs in Jamaica, could only be successful with the concurrence of the planters. Ile had no fears, with prudent management, of the Black constituency, which ought to be formed gradually. It would be far better to admit the Negroes slowly to the franchise, than at once to swamp the White con- stituent body. Ile knew that the disposition of the planters was to live on good terms with the Black population. It was their interest so to live ; for it ought to be remembered, that in Jamaica the demand for labour was greater than the supply. On no ground was the present measure justifiable ; and to pass it would he to shake the confidence of every British colony in the wisdom and justice of the Imperial Par- liament.

Sir STEPHEN LUSHINGTON, (who was very imperfectly heard, as he dropped his voice at the close of each sentence,) replied to Mr. Gladstone, and defended the bill. He admitted that, as a general principle. Colonial Legislatures should not be interfered with in the management of local Alum ; bat good grounds might exist for departing from this principle— In the present instance, there were reasons abundant and clear. Much had been said about the preamble of the bill. He was prepared to support the bill on the preamble ; but, in doing this, there was no reason why he should dis- card all the other circumstances; that he should disregard the experience of the past, or shut his eyes as to what the Legislature of Jamaica had done or omitted to do. The preamble went of necessity upon the latter transactions of 1838, or what was done by the House of Assembly, upon whose proceedings totally different constructions had been placed by the two sides of the House. For himself, he was prepared to contend that the House of Assembly had ab- dicated their functions in a season of the greatest emers-ency—at a period in reference to which they themselves admitted in the most 'direct and significant terms their knowledge of the emergency, their recognition of the necessity for immediate legislation. Nor was this the effect of a mere ebullition of caprice or resentment on the part of the House of Assembly-, but a deliberate resolu- tion continuously acted upon through more than one dissolution of the As- sembly. Full time had been given them for reflection, but without any good effect ; they had persevered in these proceedings, regardless of the condition of the island, or the duties imposed an them as legislators. They had insisted on terms which no government could accede to without degradation.

The actual condition of Jamaica imperatively required the proposed interference— The island of Jamaica stood in this condition, that, notwithstanding the urgent necessity for comprehensive legislative measures suitable to the altered state of things, the House of Assembly had distinctly refused to consider any one measure of a legislative character. With respect to the Prisons Bill, let them look at the condition of the parish of Hanover, where the gaols were left without governors, gaolers, or turnkeys. Could they allow the island to re- main in that state ? But it was said that great allowances must be made fur the irritated state of the House of Assembly. It was said, too, that the colo- nists had consented to abolish the apprenticeship either from fear or generosity. He did not believe that their actions in that instance had emanated from either of these motives ; but because they were determined that the Slavery Amend- ment Act should never he in operation in that colony. They had stated that to be their intention, not only as regarded the Slavery Amendment Act, but also as regarded the Prisons Bill, which they broadly declared to be an invasion of their privileges, and which they therefore never would suffer to become the law. The resalution of the House of Assembly, of 31st October 1838, was expressed in the following term : That the Act of the British Parliament, in- tituled, " An Act for the better Government of Prisons in the West Indies," " has not, and ought not to have the force of law in this island ; and that the authorities will not he justified in acting on it." This resolution was in exact conformity with their previous protest, in reference to the Amendment Act, witch for themselves and the people of Jamaica solemnly before God and man, and especially before their fellow subjects and fellow colonists, they protested against as illegal, unconstitutional, and an usurpation of their legislative rights, and of the rights of their constituents—declaring it to be subversive of English law, threatening to the peace of that and their sister colonies, and dangerous to the integrity of the British empire. When the House of As- sembly refused to legislate, and by their solemn acts and resolutions held out an example of rebellion, it was surely the duty of the Imperial Parliament to provide a remedy for that abandonment of legislative functions. That was what the House of Assembly had done. And such being the case, were they to consent to a course of conciliation ? were they to degrade the dignity of the Imperial Parliament to obtain favour with the House of Assembly of Jamaica ? Would that be a strict course ofjustice, or advantageous to the other colonies? Would it be consistent with their professions, or a becoming example to other countries, that the British House of Commons had been induced from such causes to swerve from that course of conduct which they had at first solemnly stated their intention to adopt ? They could not do so. They could not go back with safety to the national honour, or with due regard to the power and dignity of the Imperial Parliament.

Lord STANLEY regretted to see a great constitutional lawyer devoting himself to the hopeless and ungrateful task of supporting measures of the most arbitrary character, and supporting them too on the tyrant's

plea of necessity. This bill, Sir Stephen Lushington said, was not a penal measure ; but Lord Stanley maintained that a bill which de- stroyed a constitution two hundred years old, was a bill of pains and

penalties. If it were not, why were the colonists allowed to appear against it by counsel at the bar ? It was intended, however, to frame an indictment on grounds stated in the preamble; and it was only when their preamble broke down that Ministers alleged other grounds for their measure. They ought to have given fair notice to the parties• accused, that the bill was not to rest on the allegations of the preamble, in order that they might have been prepared with a defence. Lord Stanley then entered upon a vindication of his own conduct in framing and carrying the Emancipation Act, which he maintained had been successful in an extraordinary degree. His treatment of the Colonial Legislature had been different from that which the present Govern- ment adopted, and which had justly exasperated men whom it was prudent not to cajole and deceive, but to soothe and conciliate by for-

bearen .,c and kindness. But the Prisons Bill had been thrown before the Jamaica Assembly without one mark of respect or regret, or one word of explanation. Ministers had exhibited want of foresight in their treatment of the Colonies— They hare forced the House of Assembly to premature abolition, and they have not allowed the Assembly to make any provision for the state hi which

they compelled that Assembly to place themselves. Three months after

eine ncipa uni passed, nseasin es were required from them which should have been provided for fifteen months before; and then they said that the Legisla- ture was not to be trusted, because it had not made that provision. It was owned that the House of Assembly ought to have had laws passed, which, by the document of the 15th of September 1838, they were desired not to treat of until they received instructions. One thing, for instance, that was treated of was the militia law, and the noble lord the Secretary for the Colonies, or whoever it was that wrote the despatch, desired that a modification should

he made in the militia law. Supposing that had been taken into considera-

tion in November 183S, and stippo4ng that the Legislature had acted upon the noble Seeretary's instruction-s, what would have happened ? That an mammy would have disallowed the very thing that the noble Secretary had recommended I For on the 30(11 November there was another despatch, de- claring that there could be no modification of the militia law—it was such a bad one; and expressing the writer's desire that they would put an end to the militia law altogether. Then the noble lord, in his despatch of the 15th of October, called the consideration of the Assembly to the poll-tax, and said that the tax as a poll-tax was one than width oothing could be more unjust ; that a tax which affected rich and poor alike was repugnant to English law, and begged that it would be immediately abandoned. If one did not read this, he

could not possibly have believed that a Secretary of State for the Colonies— that any clerk in his office, much less a Secretary—cool(' have been so ignorant

as not in know that a poll-tax in Jamaica was in the nature of an assessed tax, and that it was one which each person paid according to the number of slaves he possessed. So for was it from being a gene7eil tax, that it was only levied upon the rich, and that in proportion to the amount of their property— of their :dares and their cattle. Were they to wonder that the Legislative Assembly of Jamaica, under the peculiar eircumstan-es in which they were placed, fancied they knew the situation of their own colony even better than a Secretary of State for the Colonies, notwithstanding the dictation that was attempted towards them ? Did they wonder that when a more arbitrary en- liweement of power was attempted towards those who were justly proud of their constitutional rights, and these unaccompanied by soothing measures— did they wonder that there was some ill temper, some want of good feeling exhibited towanls the mother country ?

It was not Sir Robert Peel's wish to make this a party question; but gentlemen opposite, relying upon their triumphant majority of 22, re-

solved so to consider it. But independent::: of party considerations, the measure ought to lie resisted, as unconstitutional, and not justified by necessity— Honourable gentlemen opposite declared that they were unwilling to destroy a free constitution ; but then, said the Member for Liskeard, " this is not a free constitution ; it is a mere little oligarchy of agents and 'Atomics ;" it was only a constitution which gave representation to 2,000 Whites, and left 300,000 Negroes unrepresented, and therefore there should be no hesitation in destroying such a constitution. In the first place, lie had to ask, was tlds so un- popular a constitution ? was it one in which the franchise was so remarkably high, as to exclude large classes? On the contrary., the franchise was exceed- in low, and a very large portico of Whites—of free men of colour and free cks, possessed the franchise, and within a limited period an enormous multitude of the Black population would have the franchise. 'What then was the time chosen for overthrowing this constitution ? thr as to the suspending of it, it was a mere pretext. Did they, lie asked, mean to restore the constitu- tion as it was at present ? What were they about to du—they who were the lovers of liberty ? What were they about to do, who were the advocates of popular rights, and they, too, who called themselves the friends of the Negroes? They who contended tint the Negroes should have the whole of their rights as freemen, were now nit t..); n terpose between the Negroes and the enjoyment of their civil rights as ea el( xens (Cheers.) This tiny did to the Negroes and to the -Whites, who were w; r: :'tees and owners—((loxes pm Members on the Ministerial benehes)—net their owners, but their einployers, and they told both that they were incompetent to exercise the franchise—the Whites as in- competent as the Blacks. lie knew that they had the power to do this; he knew also that the people of Jamaica had nut the.-power of resistance. They could destroy the const i a in Jamaica, as they had put an end to it in Canada; but in Canada ,I:ey he 1 hesitated, and in their treatment ofJamaica there was neither hesitation it.- • y ; iLud yet Jaw -,iea had never refused to them the supplies, nor to meet cite exigencies ail... public service. For how long had they endorse the state of affairs in Canada, and yet the Caeadians had refused even to pay their Judges: public officers had treated their offers with insult and the British Parliament with contempt. Why was :his distinction made ? Was it because Jamaica was weak and nut court derv. to cope with British power ? Were they about to teach their volatiles to rely less upon the justice of their cause than tl:eir power to oppose the Imperial Parliament of Great Britain? He wished that the words witch he should now read to them could produce their proper effect ; they were urged by a greater man than any that now existed : they were the words of Lord Chatham in 1775: " This resistance to your arbitrary system of taxation might have been foreseen ; it was obvious from the nature of things, and of mankind, and above

all from the Whiggish spirit flourishing in that come The spirit which now resists your taxation in America, is the same which formerly opposed loans, benevolences, and ship-money in England—the same spirit which

called all England on its legs, and by the Bill of Rights the the

English constitution—the same spirit which eestublished the great, funda-• mental, essential maxim of your Iffierties—that no subject of England shall be taxed but by his own consent." It was that spirit 'which they were now about to outrage in a colony disposed to look up with affection to the mother country. They ought to beware of arousing that spirit in a single colony, for it was one that was sure to spread ; they ought to be- ware of exciting it iu Jamaica, 'which boasted, as it did, of its British . origin.

Lord Jowl RUSSELL could not say that his love of liberty. was ex- actly like that which had newly sprung up among gentlemen opposite. He did not think that a constituency of 2,200—about the same mumber as the grandees of Venice—should maintain ascendancy over a popula- tion of 300,000. He did not think that lie consulted the interests of liberty, when he placed all the powers of legislation in the hands of a small munber, who neglected every thing that might benefit the mass of the community. lie did not see the analogy attempted to be drawn between the case of Canada and the case of Jamaica, with respect to the suspension of their constitutions—

They were bound not by particular filets, but by the whole case before them. They were bound not by the mere preamble to a bill—although here the pream- ble perfectly justified the demand made upon them ; it contained every thing that was necessary to state to the House—that the House of Assembly would not proceed to business unless a certain condition was complied with, which Nees refused. But then the reason for pae:sing this bill was connected with larger and higher questions. He confessed that he had not called upon the House to act in this manner with respect to Canada. That assembly was a body not wielding the interests of a people who had been lately slaves, but representing as was saidond as he believed, the majority of the inhabitants of Lower Canada. And what course did honourable gentlemen opposite pursue in respect to the Canada question? Did they ask for delay and quote Burke and Chatham in fa- vour of great constitutional principles ? So far from it, Lord Stanley en- iirely agreed with Mr. Roebuck, " That there was no time for indecision or vacillation—that the Government ought at once openly to assert the princi- ples upon which it meant to act ; the case wile one which would admit of no tampering, and they must be prepared to face the subject boldly." This was the language which Lord Stanley used in the case of Canada; and now, when it was the ease of an Assembly not representing the bulk of the people of Ja- maica, the noble lord said, "let us delay a little longer the subject is one which ought to be tampered with, and which ought not to be faced boldly ; let us see whether in another year the Assembly of Jamaica may not think better of the course they have taken up."

Lord John referred to the cruelties upon apprentices sanctioned by the planters, and the repeated refusals to pass laws for protecting the Blacks; and he ridiculed the ick-a of applying to such men the remarks of Chatham and Burke upon the *resistance of the Americans to the taxing power claimed by this country. In support of the bill Lord John quoted resolutions passed by seventeen persons connected by pro- perty with Jamaica, who did not "hesitate to declare their conviction, that a temporary government ought to he established as speedily as possible" in Jamaica. Such had been the opinion and the temper of many more- - He knew not whether they had changed their opinions, but if they bed changed them, be did not believe it was because they took a different view of the state, the prospects, and condition of Jamaica. No; it was on quite dif- ferent grounds that their support had been withheld ; it was because this ques- tion, winch had been proposed by the Government on its own responsibility, as ameasure which they thought calculated for the welfare of one of our most valuable possessions, had been made a question for the interest of party. (Loud cries of "Hear, bear!" „Plowed by great cheering.) Therefore it was that those who acted thus, and were disposed to look favourably on those plans, and were disposed to think them calculated to secure the peace, and in the coil to secure the happiness of the people of Jamaica, had been withheld from giving their support, because they thought that by not giving that support they might be of some advantage to those %Ow were now in expectancy, and of some injury to those who were now in peeseesion. lie was sorry to say that there were too many proofs that bad c—..e to his knowledge of parties who would do this. He trusted that the vote ef that House that night would show, at till events, that such feelings lied not heel allowed to operate. He could well understand that there should be persons who Would say that, seeing all the circumstances of the case, it would be better for Jai:mica—it would be better for her future freedom and prosperity—that the Assembly should not be interfered with by the Imperial Parliament. Ile had every respvct for those who had come to that conclusion ; but this he boldly said, that if there were a person who, not having that opinion, refused to support the bill by which the Negroes might be bene- fited, bv which tL. plautc.-", might in the end be secured, because he belonged to a daerent puty, he said that such a man would sooner or later have the reproaches of hie ewn conscience, and the condemnation of his country.

The House divided—

For going into Committee 294 Against the motion 289 Ministerial majority 5

The announcement of the numbers was received with loud cheers from the Opposition. The House went into Committee pro farina,

' RESIGNATION OF MINISTERS.

The House was filled with Members on Tuesday evening, in expecta- tion of some announcement from Ministers of the course they intended to take in consequence of the vote on the Jamaica Bill. After the pre- liminary business had been disposed of; Lord JOHN RUSSELL rose and said—

"Sir, I. wish to make a communication to the House, in consequence of what took place last night on the motion of the right honourable baronet opposite, for the rejection of the bill to provide fur the government of Jamaica. Sir, it will be evident to this Ileuse, that that was a trill requiring snore than ordimuy support—more than ordinary eonfelence—and that it has met with less support and less confidence on the part of this House than that which has usually been given to her Majesty's Ministers. It has therefore become their duty to con- sider in what position they are placed with respect to that bill. It would un- doubtedly be in their power to proceed to another stage of that bill, and again to ask the opinion of the House on the quystion ; but we sec no remnant t i sup- pose that the judgment of the Hietee upon a second trial would be ditfeeeet from that which it has already &elided. We might, likewise, with the pep- ped of the me jority no greater than that received lust night, send the bill to tin House of Lords, and have it to the House of Lords to deal with it as they should think proper. But this course, Sir, upon a bill which certainly vests in the Government here and the Governor alit' Council of Jamaica unusual powers, would have the appearance of throwing upon the House of Lords a responsi- bility which we do out think that we are fairly entitled to throw upon theta,

after the- vote which:has been come to in the House-of Commons. It AZ foreseems,to vs that,therels no option but to give up the-bill which we thought it duty-to bring, forward. • It is, then, a question whether, besiege.; °Ile-- forward a bill. of that importance, we shall leave affairs -in Jamaica, mughielt West-India colonies, and in our colonies generally, in that state in which tthe Ministers of the Crown ought to be contently leave them. It is obvious that in Jamaica the authority of the Crown will be greatly weakened by a vote of the House of Commons, giving, in effect and in impression, support to the contumacy as I must call it, of the House of Assembly, against the proposition of the Mini- tees of the Crown. But it is obvious that the effect likewise will be, that frith regard to the other colonies, where hitherto there has been, if not a ready and eager, yet an ultimate compliance with the wishes of the Crown, there will be It disposition rather to imitate the resistance made in Jamaica than to perm, vere in the course which they had pursued hitherto. But there is this further question, that it was our intention and our duty to have brought forward, within these few days, another qucstion relating to the colonies—relating to the important provinces of Lower and Upper Canada—whose affairs required, and still require, the most deliberate consideration of Parliament. It was evi- dent that the measure with regard to Jamaica having been so opposed—having been opposed by such large numbers in this House—we could not calculate or, that support which is necessary for the settlement of the affairs of Canada. Thereffire, Sir, in continuing in the administration of affairs, not having, as tic think we have not, a sufficient degree of confidence and support to carry on those affairs efficiently in this House, we should be exposingz, to jeopardy the colonial empire of this country, many of whose colonies are, 1 will not say in a state of hazard, but in which questions of considerable importance are pending. Hitherto her Majesty's Ministers have though themselves justified in Conte. suing in the administration of affairs, supported as we were by the confidence of the Crown and by the confidence of the House of Commons. But, Sir, after the vote of last night, I do not think that we are entitled to say, that, upon very great and important affairs upon which Government was obliged to come to a decision, we have had such support and such confidence in this House as would enable us sufficiently to carry on the public affairs. Sir, it has there. fore been the duty of her Majesty's Ministers, on•consideration of all those cir- cumstances, humbly to tender their resignation to her Majesty. Sir, with re- gard to the course to be pursued to-night, it will he the course usual on these occasions. 1 shall move for a short adjournment, in order to enable her M. jesty to form an Administration that may carry on the affuirs of the empire. But, Sir, I cannot close what I now have to say, without expressing, on this occasion, as I shall be ready to express on every occasion, and. as I shall feel. o the latest moment of my life, my gratitude to those who have supported the Government during the four years in which we have held the arduous situa- tions in which we have been placed; and that, too, in no unimportant diffi- culties—in no circumstances of ease or facility—but who hove imprinted Government in such a manner, that, although it had not at any ets: consistent time cthlecetneRni donee of a majority of the House of Lords, we felt it nevertheless with our duty to carry on the administration of the affairs of the country. Sir, I say to those Who have given thie efficient support, and who have been always ready to show in time House that they were willing to do everwel,ltllnlionwg in theirseers agreed, 1 must again say that I shall always feel the deepest gratitude. Sir, I only conclude by moving that tfiis House at its rising do adjourn to Monday next."

During the delivery of this speech, the House was perfectly silent : at its conclusion there was a good deal of cheering from the Ministerial benches, and then most of the Members went away.

In the House of Lords, Viscount Mimnounsn made a similar com- munication— " My Lords, I consider it to be my duty to seize the earliest opportunity af- forded me of acquainting your Lordships that, in consequence or the vote to which the House of Commons came this morning, and which your Lordships mayyerreive in the Votes of that House of Parliament—a vote which, though not immediately fatal to the measure against which it is directed, those who are acquainted-with Parliamentary proceedings must know is of such a nature and of such a kind as to render the final success of that measure totally im- possible—and considering, any Lords, that that measure is of the highest pos- sible importance—that it is of the most paramount importance to the welfare of the-great island to which it relates, and to the working out of that great measure of Negro emancipation which has been voted by both Houses of Par- liament so much to their satiefaction, and for which so great a sacrifice inns been made—coesidering, I stn', that measure to be of the utmost, pramonnt, and most indispensable importance fur this great object—and considering, also, that the vote on that occasion is not only necessarily immediately fatal' to the success of that measure, but that it also does with sufficient clearness and (Us- tinctness indicate such a want of confidence upon the part of a gnat proportion of that House of Parliament as renders it absolutely impossible that we should continue to administer the affairs of her Majesty's Government in a manner which can be useful and beneficial to the country, and which renders it impos- sible that we should take those measures of energy and importance which are absolutely required by the situation and circumstances of the country, but which, my Lords, if' they are taken, allow me to say, there is no danger nor peril whatsoever in any cart of the complicated and difficult matters of thin country,(" hear, hear j")—I say, my Lords, under these considerations and under the pressure of these circumstances, we have thought it our duty to tender to her Majesty the resignation of the offices which we held, which ten- der her Majesty has been most graciously pleased to accept ; and We now re- tain those offices and continue to discharge the functions of them until ar- rangements can be made and successors appointed to carry on the business of the country."

Lord 111101701TAM said, that in consequence of the announcement just made by Lord Melbourne, he should put off the second reading of the Beer Bill. He considered that bill to be of infinitely greater impor- tance than any mere party question ; and, whoever might be Minis- ter, he should persist in his endeavours to procure the repeal of the existing Beer Act, which he believed to be fraught with mischief to the character and comforts of the people. With respect to the measure touched, and as he thought justly as well as fatally touched by the vote of that morning in the House of Commons, he would only remark, that he was glad to hear Lord Melbourne say that he regretted its failure chiefly because lie thought the miscarriage of the bill would interfere with the working of the Emancipation Act. Now, Lord Brougham remarked, That measure was confined to Jamaica : that measure, if it were gourd for an Emancipation Bill in Jamaica, was good for the Slave Colonies all over and he timeline took this opportunity—the earliest possible period—to state, that he should not be wanting in his duty to the great measure of emancipa-

tion ; and that, whoever held the Government of the country, Inc S11011111 gIVC that Government an curly oppartunity of testifying what he verily believed to be the nuanimeus deteroneati,ni of all parties—of thgl men, and of both IIMISC3 of Parliament—the strict enhaTement, according to theapirit as well as the letterof _the great measure of Negro emancipation all over the colonies; and no greater error was ever committed by men—by parties--by assemblies—or by legislatures, than the Jamaica Assembly would commit, if they believed that this was a triumph of White • over Black. Men might differ as to the mode of proceeding—men might prefer one mode, or. they might prefer ane- lace ; but there was no loss sustained by the slave who had been emancipated in the loss of one measure, if other measures could be propounded which could effectually secure the working and enforcement,. in the spirit as welLas the letter—all over the colonies, as well as in Jamaica—of the great measure of Negro emancipation. All the Legislature of this country—all the people of this country—were solemnly pledged to take that course, and he did not be- lieve that any Government could stand even for eight-and-forty hours which showed that t was not determined—fitirly and honestly determined—to exe- cute that Act. Lord Sr. VINCENT said that he was connected with Jamaica, and he rejoiced at the failure of a measure calculated to place both Black and White under an arbitrary Government.

The Lords then adjourned to Friday.

RESIGNATION OF THE SPEAKER.

Before proceeding to the Orders of the Day on Monday, Mr. Speaker ABERCROMBI" respectfully requested permission to make a communica- tion to the House of Commons. He said- . Experience admonishes me that I have no longer strength to meet, as I have hitherto done, the fatigue and labour inseparable from the discharge of the duties incident to the situation in which 1 have had the honour to be placed. 1 have therefore come to the determination not to resume my seat in this chair after the recess at Whitsuntide. .1 have adopted this course, because it will afford to the House an opportunity of deliberating upon the choice of a Speaker, and give the least obstruction to the progress of public business. As I propose to continue in discharge of my present duties until Whitsuittide, 1 hope the House will be of opinion that 1 act with propriety in now limiting my observe- tions to a simple announcement of the filet of my intended resignation." Lord JOIfN RUSSELL, said, he was sure that the House would hear with great concern the Speaker's announcement of his intended resignation- s Sir, if I were to consult my feeling; rather than yours, 1 should be dis- posed to make sonic remarks on this occasion. But I ant sure that I consult your feelings when I say that I will not now enter upon the merits which have been conspicuous in your conduct in the situation which you have held. Sir, 1 will only say, therefore, that in leaving the chair, I am sure you will carry with you the respect, regard, and gratitude of the blouse." (Loud cheers.) Sir ROBERT PEEL, spoke as follows— "Sir, as the noble lord has said that out of regard to your flings he has placed restraint upon the expression of his own, 1 feel that it might be thought, perhaps, that I ought to follow his example ; but, Sir, as my situation is not altogether the same as that of the noble lord,—for on your first proposal to the chair you had the cordial support of the noble lord, while I was so unfortunate as to teel it my duty to propose another candidate —I may, perhaps, be per- . mitted to express my sense of the integrity and impartiality with which you have discharged your duty while presiding over the deliberations of this Muse ; and to declare that not only for your conduct in the chair, but by your perse- vering efforts to improve the conduct of private business, aud thereby to raise the Ilonee in the opinion of the public, you are entitled to the expression of public gratitude." (Cheers.) CANADA. The Queen's message relative to the union of Upper and Lower Canada was read, on Monday, in the House of Lords; and then Lord Msa.nounsas moved an address, to assure her Majesty that the House would take the matter into its most serious consideration. He declined to make any statement, and would not ask the House for any opinion on the subject. The Duke of WF.m.uxerrost approved of the course Lord Melbourne had taken. Lord II'scutow hoped that any suggestions or information received from Governors of the Canadas respecting the union of the two Provinces would be laid on the table. Lord MELBOURNE promised that any information which Government possessed should be produced. Lord Bnest-on.tst protested against its • being supposed that the House could not enter upon the important busi- ness to which the address referred without a Royal message; but he agreed to the motion, without pledging himself to any part of the plan lobe brought forward. Motion carried.