THE VISIT OF THE GERMAN EMPEROR.
WE do not quite understand why there is any doubt as to the reception of the German Emperor in this country. All Englishmen feel themselves honoured by big guests, even if they foresee possible lawsuits with them, and there is nothing in the character or position-of this one to modify the general impulse. William- II. is by meth a member of our own Royal house, being the son of the Queen's daughter, and though be once passed a grave affront on us, he is understood to have seen his error of judgment and to be-anxious to explain it away. It would take a Mr. Gladstone to do that, but still the wish to do it is equivalent to an apology, and the English are neither vindictive nor forgetful of the broad truth that the business of a, foreign Sovereign is to do the best be can for his own country without thinking too much of the: - feelings of any other. He has a right to a blg Navy, even if we have to go to the expense of additional squadrons, just as his people have a right to undersell us throughout the world if they can. To the Emperor'a person there is , no animosity whatever. He is the only Sovereign in the world, except the Queen, against whose private character, no one has ever had a word to say, and though we ill think he governs too much, that is acknowledged to be the effeix of his own people rather than of ours. If Germans like to be ruled by a Person rather than a Parlia- ment they have a right to be so ruled. Indeed, if the whole truth is to be spoken, the English, who always watch the Continent somewhat as spectators in a box watch a drama on the stage, would feel if the Emperor disap- peared as if a great deal of interest had gone out of the play. Being that rare character, a man on a throne with a ray of genius in him, he adds to the world-drama an exciting element of the unexpected. Their feeling, therefore, at any time, though too critical to be enthusiastic, would always be friendly, and just now their grind quality of political sense which makes up for so many deficiencies, puts them on the Emperor's side. His agents all assert that his Majesty visits England solely in order to show his respect for her aged Sovereign, who is also his own progenitor, and that statement is doubtless true ; but then there follows from that one important political con- sequence. If the Emperor intended to join in any of the intrigues and plots against Great Britain of which the Continent is full, he would not pay a friendly visit just now in order to conceal his intentions. Duplicity of that kind is not in his character, or within the rules of diplo- macy, and that for a very obvious reason. The Sovereigns wish their personal acts, their courtesies, and their ceremonious rebukes to retain their significance, and if these are proved to be meaningless they will be disre- garded. But if William II. is not joining in the intrigues, but on the contrary is as friendly to Great Britain as the interests of his country will allow him to bee---which is, we take it, the attitude intended to be indicated by his visit—the intrigues are all baffled before they are mature. The Emperor for diplomatic purposes is Central Europe, and neither France nor Russia, nor both ,c,ombined, will challenge the greatest of maritime Powers with Central Europe looking on. The risk would be too great, the probable ultimate gain too small. If the two Fleets were destroyed, Germany could attack -France or Russia at points which neither could defend, and so weaken either or both for the defence of the points at which the land attack would be delivered. Russia would be cut off from her possessions in the Far East, and France would lose not only all hold, but all possibility of future bold upon her vast North African dominion, where, it must not be forgotten. she is still holding a wolf by the ears. No such risk will be run, we mey be sure, without a coalition of all Europe, and it is clear from the Emperor's Visit that be has no intention of allowing such a coalition to be formed. He prefers to go on with his colonial schemes, and perceives that, at least. ,until his new fleet is actually "in being," the friendship of Great Britain is the condition without which they cannot be successfully carried out. The most official journals in Germany are hinting this pretty plainly, but in truth no hints are required. It is the obvious interest of Germany, while seeking to found colonies, not to quarrel with Great Britain, and until she quarrels the bitterness of other Powers, or even their projects, do not matter greatly. If those pro- jects do not directly threaten us, as, for example, an invasion of Siam or Thibet might do, we can, with Central Europe passive, stand aside and watch ; or if they do threaten us, we can resist them just as well as if we were not at war in South Africa. All we should ask of Germany in such a case is benevolent neutrality, and it is precisely this benevolent neutrality which the English people conceive to be foreshadowed in the Emperor's visit. There is, therefore, no manner of doubt as to his Majesty's reception. There would not have been even had circum- stanoes been different, Englishmen regarding all who visit them as during the visit guests, to be treated iis they would wish to be treated were they guests themselves; but in this inst mice the dictates of cool judgment exactly coincide with those of self-respect. We have nothing to ask of the Emperor except that degree of friendliness of which the visit itself is a pledge, and as that is assured he is sure of a pleasant, as well as a courteous, welcome. He need not confine himself to Windsor or Sandringham. He may v,isit London if be pleases without -a day's prepara- tion, and be amazed only by the vastness of the multitude which, in gratifying its natural curiosity, will . pay him respect. '
' We record the present situation as regards Germany with the more pleasure because we perceive clearly that the economic struggle, which never ceases, or while popula- tion increases can cease, tends to beget a bitterness between the two nations—unreasonable bitterness, for competition is inherent in industry as in commerce—and because we can foresee complications in the future which make quarrels at this juncture highly inexpedient. There may come, probably there will come, a day when the European Powers drawing closer to each other in Asia and Africa, and becoming therefore more suspicious of each other's designs, both America and Great Britain may aban- don their present proud isolation, and not only recognise their own common interest in each other's wellbeing, but be willing, in order to ecure peace throughout the world, to make their alliance wider still, till its effects are felt for good not only beyond all seas, but on the Continent of Europe. They will then look round for an ally, and the most natural one would be Central Europe, which is ruled - by men springing from the same race as their own peoples, using the same family of languages, desiring like them an industrial civilisation, and following social ideals which, except as regards the organisation of national forces, are substantially the same. The Slav as yet rejects all offers of permanent amity, his statesmen believing themselves equal to their own destiny ; and the Frenchman never sympathises heartily with any people but his own, his real object being their greatness, which involves as a postulate their loneliness ; and the only great race 'remaining is the Teuton. It is to him, if any one, that the English-speaking peoples must, if they need aid to insist on peace through- out the world, ultimately offer the privilege of their alliance, and any quarrel the memory of which embittered the Germans would increase seriously the obstacles in the way. That may seem to some of our readers only& dream, and we freely admit that statesmen must take shorter views and act as the exigencies of the hour dictate ; but the less responsible historian may be pardoned if, with so grand a vista in full sight, he welcomes any incident, even a ceremonial one, which renders any dispute less probable between almost inevitable allies.
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