1tha1r5 net rumhug5 in Vartiamtut.

PRINCIPAL BUSINESS OP THE MEEK.

Horsz or Loans. Monday, April 7. Apprentices and Servants Bill, read a second time—London Corporation Reform ; petition presented and enforced by Lord Brougham.

Tuesday, April 8. County Courts Extension Bill, reduced in Committee. Thursday, April 10. No business of interest. Friday, April 11. Royal Assent, by Commission, to the Mutiny Bills—County Courts Further Extension Bill, read a third time—Patent Law Amendment Bills, referred to a Select Committee—Law of Evidence Amendment Bill, read a second time.

Horsa OF COMMONS. Monday, April 7. St. Alban's Election Committee ; Evasion of Witnesses, &c. reported—Woods and Forests ; Bill to be introduced soon after Easter—Income-tax Resolution ; Mr. Herries's Amendment, negatived by 278 to 230—Exchequer Chamber (Ireland) Bill ; Progress in Committee opposed by Irish Members, and, after divisions, stopped. Tuesday. April 8. St. Alban's Election Committee ; Arrest of evading Witnesses ordered—Church-rates; a Select Committee granted to Mr. Trelawny—Lodging- houses for the Working Classes; leave for a Bill given to Lord Ashley—State of Ire- land; Sir Winston Barron's Motion for a Committee of the whole House, negatived by 178 to 129.

Wednesday, April 9. Smithfield Market; second reading of the Corporation Bill negatived by 246 to 124; second reading of the Government Bill carried by 230 to 65, and Bill referred to Select Committee—Expenses of Prosecutions Bill, and Com- pound Householders Bill, as amended, considered in Committee—Annual Indemnity Bill, read a first time.

Thursday, April 10. St. Paul's Cathedral—Colonial Expenditure ; Sir William Molesworth's Resolutions debated, and debate adjourned. Friday, April 11. Agricultural Distress; Mr. Disraeli's Resolution debated, and negatived by 263 to 250.

TIME -TABLE.

The Commons.

Hour of Hour of

Meeting. Adjournment. Monday 4h .(m) lb 30m Tuesday 4h12h 30m

Wednesday Noon .... Oh Om

Thursday 4h ..(ml lb 15m

Friday 40 ..(rn) 2h 151n Sittings this 'Week, 5 ; 43h 30m this Session, 43; — 28Ih 35m THE INCOME-TAX, On the question of receiving the report of the resolution adopted in Committee of Ways and Means on Friday last, to grant a renewal of the Income-tax and the Stamp-duties in Ireland, "for a time to be limited," Mr. HERMES moved as an amendment, " That it is the opinion of this House, that 'the progressive duties in Great Bri- tain on profits arising from property, professions, trades, and offices, and the Stamp- duties in Ireland, granted by two acts passed in the 6th year of her present Majesty, and which have been continued and amended by several subsequent acts,' were granted for limited periods and to meet temporary exigencies; that it is highly ex- pedient to adhere to the declared intentions of Parliament when these duties were granted and continued ; and, in order to secure their speediest practicable cessation,

The Lords.

Hour of Hour of

Sleeting. Adjournment. Monday alt . 6h Om Tuesday 5h 8h 40m Wednesday No sitting. Thursday 511. 6h Om Friday 5b .... 711 Om

Sittings this Week, 4; Time, 75 40in this Session, 39; — 68h 10m to limit the renewal of any portion of than to such an amount as may be sufficient, in the existing state of the public revenue, to provide for tbe expenditure sanctioned by Parliament, and for the use maintenance of publia credit."

Ifit. ferries was rejoiced to find by that sevenste-tables of the present quar- ter, eat the prosperity of the country„ as to which he never entertained any doubt or anxiety, is even grainier than the Chancellor of the Exchequer lately announced. fro was disposed to swell the Chancellor's estimate of the sur- plus of the current year film 1,890,0001., to 2,220,000/. or 2,300,000/. The prosperity, which he does not deny, he adduces in support of his proposal. When the maladministration of the Whigs, and their yearly deficit, com- pelled the country to transfer the Government to the hands of the late Sir Ro- bert Peel, there was no alternative for repairing the mischief done, but the In- come-tax : it was accordingly proposed to meet the special emergency. Sir Robert Peel thought that three years' duration of the tax would perhaps. suffice, but he intimated that a longer period might be found necessary ; and when at the end of the three years it was found that the three years had not been sufficient, Parliament did not oppose the renewal of the tax,—though the gentlemen now on the Treasury-benches did not submit without con- siderable opposition. In 1848 again, it was felt that a distress sufficiently great, oppressive, and diffused, then prevailed, to create an emergency which justified the reimposition of the tax. On that occasion, the protests made by persons of great weight and authority, now occupying the Ministerial benches, were more and more emphatic. Lord John Russell con- ceded that the tax would be necessary only " in a war of an arduous and costly nature " ; but then, though necessary, "inequality, vexation, and fraud would ever be inherent in it." Mr. Labouchere deemed it an "ex- treme measure." The then Lord Howick, with all the weight of his distin- guished character, branded the tax as " exceedingly odious"—beyond every- thing for its " monstrous inequality." Sir Francis Baring felt such grave objections to the tax, that 4. if he stood alone he would record his dissent from it." These opinions of lending Members in that House make it a mat- ter of good faith, honesty, and sound policy, apart from all considerations of personal consistency or partisanship for free trade or protection, that at the present time, when there is no arduous war on hand, no period of famine hardly passed by, and no crisis of national commerce still unrecovered from, the House should not hastily impose a tax so unjust that nothing but the pressure of an emergency embracing some of these dire evils could excuse it. Mr. ferries is aware that the Government cannot materially alter the tax : if they should introduce a bill with any purpose of that sort, " the difficulties would be so ,,oreat that the bill would be torn to pieces before it passed." But if the House agree to the proposal of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, it must be obvious to all the world, beyond the possibility of a doubt, that this odious, vexatious, and fraudulent income-tax, would remain a perma- nent tax upon the people of this country. Mr. Hernes therefore offered his own alternative. The effect of the reso- lution he should move as an amendment would be to declare that no more of the property-tax should at any time be continued than might be necessary for preserving the establishments of the country and the due maintenance of the public credit. He supposed he might take the surplus at about 2,200,000/. [Dissent from the Chancellor of the Exchquer.] He would make a compromise and take 2,000,000/. as the undoubtedly fair surplus revenue of the next year. The property-tax at present levied is at the rate of sevenpence in the pound upon all income. Now every penny of that pro- duces about 780,0001.; and he contended that there is room, therefore, with the present surplus, and having a due regard to the maintenance of the public credit, for a reduction of at least two-sevenths of the property-tax. If his proposition were accepted, therefore, the country would be relieved from property-tax to the amount of 1,560,0001. The House would now decide between the plan he submitted to them and the plan submitted by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER at the outset met Mr. Herries on the ground of inconsistency ; and briefly showed, that though Sir Robert Peel proposed the Income-tax in 1842 to meet the temporary purpose of filling up a deficiency in the revenue yet when he proposed the renewal of the tax in 1845, he stated that that purpose had been answered—that the permanent income had then so far recovered that it did not need the assistance of the Income-tax ; and he expressly asked for the renewal of the tax, "not for the purpose of providing supplies for the year, but distinctly for the purpose of enabling us to make this great experi- ment of reducing other taxes." Sir Charles Wood then said, that as "they were told that this tax was proposed for the purpose of carrying through a great experiment in taxation, he did not object to continuing it on those grounds." Just so now : on these very principles he now pro- poses the continuation of the tax, for the perfection of the great experi- ment in taxation which is still incompletely worked out. The " permanency " objection was next dealt with. Sir Charles has not said a syllable which would bear out Mr. ferries in his supposition : on the contrary, he has invariably spoken of the tax as imposed to meet certain al- terations and modifications of duties: he agrees that it is impossible to mo- dify the tax ; and he thinks it would be inexpedient and unsafe that so large an amount of taxation should depend on an annual vote of the House. But if Mr. 'Jellies should next year fill Sir Charles's office, be can yield up the two years of the tax which would otherwise come into his hands. The grounds for exempting Ireland are even stronger than when the tax was imposed ; for when the tax was imposed, Ireland had not been prostrated under the fearful calamities which have since befallen her. It is objected. that the taking off duties from consumption will necessitate the permanency of the Income-tax ; but Sir Charles takes of no duty—he only reduceg three taxes, all of them likely to increase so as to restore the revenue foregone ; whereas gentlemen opposite have proposed to repeal altogether the paper- duty at 700,0001., and to sweep away= altogether the malt-tax of 5,000,0001. He has been taunted for withdrawing his proposed boons to the agricultural interests because of the sneers at their inadequacy : but it is forgotten that Mr. Newdegate has declared that the reduction of duty on seeds would be a hardship and not a benefit ; and as to the transfer of the charge for asylums to the Consolidated Fund, if the proposal is to be taken, as Mr. Disraeli as- sumed, as the first step towards transferring the support of the poor to the national funds, Sir Charles Wood felt that he should do very wrong to be concerned in it—he would rather cut off his right hand. Despite the professions of Mr. ferries, Sir Charles persisted in regarding his proposal as the first step in the realization of the policy which had been frankly avowed by Lord Stanley, and which comprised the application of the surplus to the reduction of the Income-tax, and in failure of that, and coupled with it, the imposition of a duty on corn. Mr. ferries complains that his proposal is coupled with that policy : but can it be supposed that Lord Stanley determined on his policy, and avowed it, without the concur- rence of the gentleman of whom he boasted as the only person of official ex- perience he could associate with himself in government ? (Laughter.) Was this part of the policy of a Government determined upon without the advice of the person most able to give it? But if Mr. Ilernes is not for a duty on corn, let him be received as the last but not the least important convert, and let it be said that now no person with official experience, financial know- ledge, and acquaintance with the affairs of the country, would stand up to propose such a duty. (Renewed laughter and cheers.) Would it were so t Butt whatever his principles may be, the great party headed by Lord Stan- ley is not prepared to abandon a duty on corn ; and it is not to be supposed that they would not brims it forward if by repealing the Income-tax they The '

create a deficiency. first step of such a policy ought to be resisted. Sir Charles Wood is sorry that rents should be reduced ; but, as a landford, he would submit to any reduction rather than impose such a duty. The people must never again say that their bread is taxed to pay the rent of the land- lords. Let the gentry of England be part and parcel of the people.

Mr. FREDERICK PEEL dissented from the amendment, but at the same time was far from being able to express unqualified approval of the finan- cial policy of her Majesty's Government.

Declaring that he is favourable to the principle of an income-tax, and pro- ceeding by a review of our commercial progress to show how favourably re- cent legislation has operated for the country, he came to the argument that Parliament is bound by its declared intentions to abolish this tax when the temporary object of it is accomplished. There has been no legitimate ex- pression of such a pledge by the Legislature' and the unguarded statements of former Ministers do not bind Parliament. But further, no Parliament can enter into any compact fettering the discretion of any future Parliament on the subject of finance. Let each Parliament judge for itself what is in har- mony with the condition of the country. The tax has been continued in order to take off other taxes infinitely more burdensome and vexatious ; and probably the Chancellor of the Exchequer could not have put his finger on two taxes more fitting to reduce than those on coffee and timber. But there were no strong reasons for the large reduction of the Window-duty ; the relief from which will not be by any means proportionate to the inequality and Injustice which are perpetuated in the Income-tax.

Mr. T. BARING confessed he could not agree with Mr. Herries in re- ' ducing the amount of the surplus so much as he proposed to do. No doubt, great authorities can be cited in favour of the fructifying prin- ciple—of leaving the money in the hands of the people, instead of accumu- lating it as a surplus : but the principle of paying off public debt is bet- ter still ; the example would be beneficial to the public morality. More- over, war itself is not a greater or more dangerous "emergency" than a de- ficiency. There is a weak point in Sir Charles Wood's case : either he may rely on a much larger future income than he takes credit for, or, if the causes of prosperity are temporary, and we are again liable to such a falling off of ordinary revenue as occurred 1846 and 1817, the Government ought not to blink the question, but ought to pause before reducing taxation.

Mr. SLANEY, on behalf of agriculture, deprecated reversal of a system which he still believes was too hastily adopted. The landlords, and him- self among them, can now most benefit themselves by promoting the prosperity of the masses by enabling them to consume more wheat, more malt, and more agricultural produce of every kind. Sir ROBERT Itsous confessed that his objecticns are as strong against the plan of Mr. [ferries as against that of Sir Charles Wood; taw plans only differ in the sums they take—neither proposes to make the tax less inquisitorial, unequal, or unjust. Believing that the Chancellor of the Exchequer, if he carry his proposition will be enabled to relieve an immense amount of taxation, Sir Robert thought that, under all the circumstances, his plan was the preferable one.

The other speakers were, Mr. PRINSEP, Mr. BOOKER, Mr. SPOONER, MT. REYNOLDS, Lord. CLAUD HAMILTUN, and Mr. SHARMAN CRAWFORD, all in various shades of opposition to the Government resolution ; and Mr. barns Wirsost in its support.

The House divided, and the numbers were—

For the original resolution 278 For the amendment 230 Anti-Protectionist majority 48 COLONIAL EXPM:DITURE.

The debate on the resolutions moved by Sir Wirsmais MOLESWORTH on our Colonial expenditure was practically confined to the elaborate and exhaustive speech of the mover. The resolutions were in these terms- " That it is the opinion of this House, that steps should be taken to re- lieve this country, as speedily as possible, from its present civil and military expenditure on account of the Colonies ; with the exception of its expendi- ture on account of Military Stations or Convict Settlements. "That it is expedient at the same time to give to the inhabitants of the Colonies, which are neither military stations nor convict settlements, ample powers for their local self-government, and to free them from that Imperial interference with their affairs which is inseparable from their present military occupation." Using Parliamentary materials so far as they are available—the returns of the year 1845-6—and supplying by analogical estimates the con- clusions which are left unsettled by the want of complete or recent re- turns, Sir William Molesworth showed that the total of our military ex- penditure on account of our Colonial empire is at least 4,000,0001. a year. An addition might be made on account of the additional military force maintained in England for the relief of the Colonial military : but he did not increase his estimate on this account. This sum of 4,000,000/. is equal to 98. in the pound on the value of the whole of our exports to the Colonies in 1819, and it exceeds by 600,000L the whole local revenues of the Colonies for that year. Is it impossible to lessen so enormous a cost ? The ques- tion is better answered after setting aside the expenses of the_conviet settlements and the purely military stations. Putting aside, therefore, Bermuda and Van Diemen's Land, Sir William rapidly scanned the mili- tary stations in the only point of view he deems it proper to consider them—that is to say, purely as points of military defence. Selecting eight powerful military stations at various commanding points on the lines of our commercial traffic over the ocean-ways of the world—namely, Gibraltar, Malta, Bermuda, Halifax, Barbados, the extremity of South Africa, the Mauritius, Singapore, and perhaps Hongkong—he allotted to them about the same force which at present garrisons those mili- tary stations. They would require about 17,000 men, and cost about 850,0001. a year. In the Colonies proper, there are 26,096 men ; and the annual cost, effective and non-effective, caused by this amount of force, is fully 2,600,000/. a year. Sir William con- tended that the greater portion of this expense is unnecessary; and the burden of the constitutional portion of his speech was an ex- pansion of the arguments, familiar to the readers of the Spectator, which prove that where there exist free institutions, with representative government responsible to the inhabitants, there arises the correlative duty that all the costs of self-defence against any but what in the law of nations are called foreign "lawful powers," should be defrayed by the colonists themselves. This principle Sir William Molesworth applied in Succession to each group of our Colonies. The North American group was rapidly passed, with a eulogy on the prudent policy which Earl Grey has already brought into application there. Even there, however, an economy of force might be made—from about 10,000 men to 3,000 men—which would yield a money saving of 400,0001. a year: In our West Indian Plantations, retaining the military force in Barbados and Jamaica which held those islands in 1 845-6—n a mel y about 3100 men— we might save 250,0001. a year. In the Australasian group, Earl Grey is applying the principles which ought to govern our military expenditure in the Colonies : he purposes ultimately to limit our troops there to a mi- litary garrison in the capitals of Sydney and Melbourne, and to charge the colony for any greater number of troops retained. at their request. New Zealand is a remarkable instance of expense for military : in the Northern island, during 1848, there were almost as many soldiers as Eu- ropean men. Arriving at South Africa, Sir William took from the history of recent transactions there the most interesting portions of his illustrations ; the outbreak of the last Caffre war being one of his chief reasons for giving notice of this motion. Ile discussed seriatim the questions "Who is to pay for this war ? what led to the war ? and what ought we to do to re- lieve this country from any liability on account of similar wars?" It is plain that we ought to bear a very considerable portion of the expen- ses of this war ; because the inhabitants of the Cape are not responsible for its outbreak, and it has broken out in British Caffraria, which is no part of the colony, but a separate province, administered by Sir Harry Smith under a commission separate from that under which he is Governor of the Cape. As to the cause of the war, it is clear that it arose from the encroachments of Europeans on the lands of the Caffres ; from the frontier system of Sir Harry Smith, consisting of a minute, perpetual, and irritating inter- ference wills the affairs of the Caffres, and an unceasing and galling attempt to subvert the influence of the chiefs ; and from the complete ignorance of Sir Harry Smith, and the:consequent ignorance of the Colonial Office, of the feelings which the Caffres entertained towards Sir Harry Smith and his proceedings. Almost all warsbetween European and native tribes may be traced directly or remotely to disputes about land. Among savages, few excel the Caffres in vigour, courage, and audacity : they have often declared tbat they prefer death by our swords and bullets to death by starvation. Yet Sir Harry Smith has within the last five years extended our empire over their lands, their sole means of life, by huge, gigantic, and extravagant strides. " South Africa is a lofty and elevated table-land : it projects from the Equator to- wards the Southern Pole in the shape of a huge promontory, bathed by the Atlantic, Southern, and Indian Oceans. From the shores of those oceans the land mounts up by flights of mountain-steps to the table-land of the interior. Between these mountain ranges and the Southern and Indian Oceans there is a narrow strip of fertile land. There, in former times, dwelt the tribes of the Hottentots. Just two centuries ago, the Hottentots were assailed simultaneously by two most formidable foes. From the North- east came the Caffres, a Negro race probably, with a large mixture of Arab or rather Caucasian blood. Increasing numbers, or a want of pasture for their cat- tle, or the attack of hostile and kindred tribes, had compelled them to abandon their homes under the Tropics, and, like the Huns and Scandinavian swarms of old, to seek in the South new lands whereon to subsist-. One of these swarms, called the Amakosse, under their great chief Toyal, wrested from the Hottentots the territory lying between the Kei and Keiskamina rivers, now known by the name of British Caffraria. About the same time, in the year 1650, the Dutch landed at the South-western extremity of Africa, where Cape Town is now situated. The Hottentots, assailed on the one side by the Dutch and on the other side by the Caffres, were exterminated or en- slaved. Finally, Caffres and Dutch, advancing from opposite directions, met in the province of Albany." There a petty warfare ensued, similar to the old Border warfare between England and Scotland. These wars were renewed again and again, and became each time more formidable ; for in these wars the Calfres learned skill from us as we defeated them. The last cost us 2,000,0001. At the close of that war, in 1847, Sir Harry Smith, with the sanction of the Colonial Office, added to the colony about 3900 square miles of territory ; and he added to our dominions beyond and outside of the colony the territory of British Caffraria, in which the present war is pro- ceeding—a territory of about 3900 more square miles. He has since hunted the Boers to Natal, defeated them, and annexed Natal, with 10,000 more square miles: thence he pursued the Boers over all the plains between the Orange River and the Yellow River, and annexed 48,000 more square miles, with a frontier of 600 miles exposed to the attacks of the Zoolahs, a kindred race with the Caffres, and one as brave and powerful. Altogether, Sir Harry Smith has, with the sanction of the Colonial Office, since 1847 added 105,000 square miles to our South African possessions,—an area equal to Austria and Piedmont tether, having a land frontier as long as from London to Rome. If it cost 600,0001. a year to de- fend 200 miles of frontier, what will it cost to defend the frontier of 1000 miles ?

Sir Harry Smith's ignorance respecting the feelings of the Caffres is illus- trated by his proceedings, set forth in the Blue Book, in reference to the pro- phecies of the witch-doctor limlanjeni ; and it was only on the dissuasion of Major Mackinnon that he desisted from an attempt to seize the witch,— step that would have immediately provoked the outbreak which was after- wards caused by the attempt to seize Sandilli. The prophecies of this doctor were directed against us, and operated to increase the jealousy and irritation created by Sir Harry Smith's efforts to overthrow the authority of the native chiefs. The alarm increased, so as to cause the Boers to prepare for their own defence. Sir Harry went to the frontier, and wrote to Lord Grey that he need be un- der no apprehension. He called a meeting. Sandilli, the great Gaika chief, did not attend it—he had been imprisoned before, and feared to be so again. But Sir Harry assured Earl Grey that Sandilli had no influence with his people ! Sir Harry stated that a crisis had come to test his system : he did not fear that every Caffre owning any property would support him ; the chiefs were satisfied, the people contented, the Caffre police faithful to our Government ! A few days afterwards, he wrote to Lord Grey—" The quiet I have reported in Caffreland, and which I had so much and such just grounds to anticipate, is not realism]. I start this evening." He started ; and on arriving at King William's Town, thought that his fears had been too great :

se -he again wrote—" All immediate danger of an outbreak is at an end." He besought the Boers not to desert their stations, and declared to thern that

he would be answerable for the peace. Four days before the war broke out,

he again stated that everything was all he could possibly desire. A few days later' the whole of British Caffraria was up in arms; his troops were

repulsed ; he himself was surrounded and shut up; and the Boers whom he besought to remain implicitly on the frontier had been slaughtered. The cause of this last rising was an attempt to take Sandilli. A word as to Sandilli. "He is of the purest Caffre blood, son of the great Gaika, by

a wife of the sacred race of Arnateinbas, and ninth in descent from the con- queror 'royal. The war which began in 1846 was rekindled in 1847, in con-

sequence of a dispute between him and Sir Henry Pottinger. That dispute had arisen about thirteen or fourteen goats, which had strayed or had been stolen from the colony. Sir Henry Pottinger had ordered Sandilli to restore them and to give up the thief: Sandilli restored twelve goats, but declared

he knew nothing about the remainder, nor about the thief, if there were one : Sir Henry Pottinger was not satisfied ; he sent a secret expedition to capture Sandali: the Caffres rose in his defence, and the expedition failed. According to Sir Harry Smith, in this 'bit of a brush with Sandilli,' 56,000/. was spent on waggon-hire alone." That fact would give some idea of the expense of the present contest with Sandilli. The attempt to capture San- dilli followed his formal deposition by Sir Harry Smith. Sir Harry has him- self described the strange ceremonies which he went through at that depo- sition. " The Gaffes being arranged in a circle, I rode into the midst of them, bearing in my right hand a sergeant's halbert, well sharpened, the emblem of war; in my left hand a magic wand, my baton of peace and authority, surmounted with a brass knob. I directed each chief to come forward, and touch whichever he pleased—it was immaterial to me. They all touched the symbol of peace; then each chief kissed my foot, exclaiming Inkosi Inkulu.' I then shook hands with each, never having done so before. Three cheers were given ; and thus commenced the foundation of their social condition.' At another meeting he made the Coffee chiefs swear to obey his commands,' 'to disbelieve in witchcraft,' not to buy wives,' and every year to give a fat ox to her Majesty. On the same occa- sion, he treated the Caffres to a little conjuring. He had a waggon stationed on an eminence at a considerable distance, with no one whatsoever near it. 'Now,' said Sir Harry to the Caffres—I quote his own words, You dare to make war ! you dare to attack our waggons! see what I will do if you over dare to touch is waggon or the oxen belonging to it ! Do you see that wag- gon, I say ? Now hear my word—Fire! (The waggon is blown up.) Ah ! do you see the waggon flow? And you would, and shall, be blown up with it if you ever again attempt to touch another. So be good, and believe in your father.' Sir Harry said that the astonishment of the Caffres at this trick was excessive ; and so ought to have been Lord Grey's when he read it. Sir Harry also harangued the Caffres in speeches full of bombast and rhodomontade, with a mixture of religion, or rather of blasphemy, beginning with a curse and ending with a prayer, much after the fashion of a mock oration of a trooper of Cromwell. Thus, by alternately coaxing and threat- ening the Caffres, by alternately praising and reviling them, by playing all manlier of fantastic and mountebank tricks, by aping the manners of the savage. Sir Harry thought to civilize the Caffres and to impose upon them. But the Caffres laughed at him, turned him into ridicule, and imposed upon him."

From this exposition of the causes of the war, in the encroaching spirit of Sir Harry Smith's frontier system, and his ignorance of Caffre feelings, Sir William Molesworth passed to his last point—How shall we avert similar future hostilities ? In the first place, we must defeat and reduce the Caffres to subjection, and pay for so doing. We must then give up the frontier sys- tem, which has failed ; and adopt the only alternative to save our pockets— that of giving to the colonists the freest institutions, and the uncontrolled management of their local affairs, especially in their relations with the sa- vage tribes on the frontier. When we have given such institutions, and such perfect control of applying them in self-defence against local enemies, we must make them plainly understand that they will be left, like our old North American Colonies, to protect themselves against the savage, and pay the expense of so doing. When this is done, we must finally withdraw our troops from the frontier, and retain only a military garrison at the military station of Cape Town. If we do not do this, we shall have to continue pay- ing from 600,000/. to 700,0001. a year—a sum greater than our exports to the colony. "But, with free institutions and the management of their own affiiirs, I believe the colonists of the Cape of Good Hope would be slow in embroiling themselves with the savage, and when necessary would be quite able to defend themselves."

The civil expenses of our Colonies, which Sir William in the beginning es- timated at about 500,0001., were very briefly despatched. Of that sum, at least 300,0001. is due for the clothing, maintenance, and transport of con- victs—an Imperial purpose. Of the half-million, about 130,000/. might be saved.

Drawing to a conclusion, Sir William Molesworth remarked, that in every colony there are many persons who have a strong sinister interest in the amount of Imperial expenditure. "These persons have made or expect to make large gains by contracts, jobs, and by the innumerable other modes of robbing the Mother-country. They rejoice in every increase of Imperial ex- penditure. To them a Caffre or a Mimi war or a rebellion is a godsend. I have heard it on good authority, that in the Canadian rebellion the enormous gains of those persons were equal to the losses of the rest of the community, and that they have been heard to toast the good old times of that rebellion and the speedy commencement of the next. Sir Harry Smith has stated in one of his despatches, that during the last Caffre war many persons amassed large sums of money ; that the consequences were a redundancy of money at the Cape of Good Hope, with general prosperity, and a tendency to over- speculation. I have heard similar statements with regard to New 2caland."

Against these debased classes Sir William Molesworth wished to strengthen the hands of the Government. The Government ought to assent to the motion; for it is moved in no hostility towards them, but rather to encourage and assist them in the bold and vigorous pursuit of the policy which they have commenced in the continent of Australia.

The motion was seconded by Mr. URQUHART ; who wound up with the emphatic assertion of his belief, that if the good sense of the country do not put down the Colonial Office, the Colonial Office will put down the Colonial empire of Great Britain.

Mr. lawns said, he could not pretend to reply offhand to a speech of such research and detail as that of Sir William Molesworth : so, be- stowing compliment on Sir William's "usual research and industry," he contented himself with generally criticizing the speech, as founded on pecuniary considerations—as recommending the absolute abandonment of the mass of our non-military colonies. It may be that we are so fallen from our high estate as to be too poor to hold our own : but if it be so, the sacrifice which we are thus called upon voluntarily to make is such as no country ever was known to make at any former period. Mr. Hawes deprecated ridicule against Sir Harry Smith in his absence. As the most conciliatory mode of meeting the motion consistently with his duty, he should move "the previous question," rather than the direct negative.

Mr. ADDERLEY supported the motion with ability and vivacity. He put it to the advocates of retrenchment, that they at least could not re- fuse to support the motion ; and the Protectionists must as much belie themselves if they did not join the economical section in the endeavour to reduce taxation.

Mr. E. IL STANLEY questioned the applicability of the maxim of self- government in the Colonies : the Assemblies of all must be more or less democratic. He laid before the House evidences of progress in the colony of New South Wales, (intimating that he must withhold, from the lateness of the hour, similar matter he had prepared relating to the other Colonies,) which prove that the existing system has not been incon- sistent with great improvement.

Mr. COBDEN felt it unnecessary to attempt to enforce a speech which was exhaustive, and which seemed likely to remain unanswered. He made some party points by referring to the withdrawal from the House of Sir James Graham, who could not afford to leave the House on such oc- casions as these : a criticism which drew from some friendly Member the exclamation, " He is in the House." Mr. Cobden also pointed out that this was not a " Manchester "motion : " You cannot say I did it." But if the Protectionists would take him at his word, he told them he could see his way through this motion to the repeal of the Malt-tax.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL took the line of general criticism and invective.

It seemed to him, that after the course followed for centuries, from the time of Blake and Oliver Cromwell to the end of the last war, there are now persons who try to see how the empire we have built up can be diminished and destroyed. If we "show disposition not to defend Canada," there is a people of the same race to whom the Canadians will naturally recur for pro- tection: if we leave the Dutch settlers of the Cape to be massacred, we may expect to see them go back for protection to Holland : in like manner the Mauritius would look to France. A main fault of the present resolu- tions is, that they propose the same rule for all our thirty or forty colonies. Now, with regard to Canada, we can do that now which would have been madness ten or fifteen years ago; and with regard to other colonies, what we cannot do now,we may be able to effect ten years hence. It is wiser to determine these questions from time to time, than to lay down general resolutions.

On the motion of Mr. HUME, the debate was adjourned till Tuesday.

STATE OF IRELAND.

The motion of Sir WiNsTow BARRON, that the House should in Com- mittee consider the state of Ireland with view to the relief of the distress there existing, was supported by statistics which went to prove that the pauper relief is substantially increasing, although out-door relief has been practically suppressed by the Commissioners ; that the county-rates have collaterally enormously increased ; that land is going out of corn cultivation by millions of acres; that the export trade of pigs has almost ceased; that trade is smashed, the land ruined, the tenants broken, and the good labourers fleeing the country ; that cities and towns are desolate, villages erased, and the population wandering about beggars or thieves ; that housebreaking is more common than picking pockets in London; the gaols full of criminals, who are no sooner discharged for one offence than they commit another, to get back into prison ; emigration already begun with the spring, and at this early time in full swing. From the Treasury the name of Ireland is never heard. Will the Legislature stretch forth a hand to save this unhappy country ? Sir Lucius 0' BRIEN seconded the motion, believing that we little know here, what is going on in Ireland. Sir WILLIAM SOMERVILLE challenged all the facts as fables; the figures, as garbled and picked unfairly here and there from returns and tables the general drift of which they belie. Pauperism has diminished; though the export of pigs is less, yet taking oxen, cows, &c., the exports of animals have increased. If less land is under corn, so much the better—more is under green crops, as it should be ; so that altogether the cultivated land is mare by millions of acres rather than less. Crime has regularly decreased during the three past years. What more need be said in reply to such unfair statements ? what weight can such statements carry ? Has the name of Ireland never been heard, when, since 1840, thirteen Commissions, and sixty-three Committees of Lords and Commons, have inquired into the state of Ire- land, or on matters relating to Ireland ? No doubt, there is misery in Ireland,—no less doubt that misery is lessening every year. The proposed inquiry would but excite false hopes. The Irish Members viewed the motion diversely. Mr. REYNOLDS supported it, Mr. M. J. O'Cormas, opposed it : Mr. SHARMAN CRAWFORD moved the addition to it of words especially directing the attention of the Committee to consider the best means of amending the laws respecting the relationship of land- lords and tenants in Ireland. Mr. racism seconded the amendment. Lord JOHN RUSSELL feared that the mover would in Committee find his supporters opposing all his proposals. Mr. FRENCH said some inaudible words amidst cries for a division; and the House divided. The numbers were—

For the motion 129 Against it 138 Ministerial surplus 9 EXTENSION OF COUNTY COURTS BILL.

The County Courts Further Extension Bill has, in the stage of Com- mittee, encountered the sudden hostility of the LORD CHANCELLOR, and under his official knife suffered amputation of important members. The threatening attitude of Lord Truro was first taken on Thursday last weak ; when he made a speech against every clause of the bill, and finished with a motion to go into Committee that day six months. Lord BROUGHAM, though taken by surprise, defended the bill in a speech of vivacious energy, which so told in 'its favour that the Lord Chancellor interrupted him to consent that the House should go into Committee this week. Lord Brougham consented, but could not omit his duty of breaking bulk in the cargo of errors into which Lord Truro had fallen in the strictures be had ut- tered ; especially convicting him of too rapid a condemnation of the equity clauses, 'which arc the same that were in the bill of 1833, and have been ap- proved of by Lord Lyndhurst, Lord Langdale, and Lord Cransvorth. On Tuesday, the LORD CH6NCELLOR repeated his obj ection s to all the clauses, but didnot again move the rejection of the bill in a single mass. Again attacking the equity clauses, he depreciated the County Courts Judges,—the best of whom could not have had very bright prospects at the bar, to be willing to retire on such a very moderate income as 1000/., and many of whom had been judges of little local courts. Lord Bisonoirssu pointed out that the Master in Chancery, who is to grant the certificate on which the Judge in Chancery remits the inquiry to the County Court, must surely be well able to judge if he is likely to be cheaply assisted by the machinery of the local court. Lord CHAN WORTH confessed he could not see the force of the objections to the equity jurisdiction clauses ; but, on the contrary, thought them a move in the right direction, though he would strenuously oppose empowering the local judges to exercise all the functions of a Master in Chancery. Lord CAMPBELL stated that he had conferred with Lord Langdale, and found him in favour of these clauses. The Loup CHANCELLOR dill disapproved of the clauses, "but would not trouble the House to divide" : so the equity clauses were retained. The arbitration and reconcilement clauses did not find such strong support against the Lord Chancellor ; so Lord Bnouonsis was obliged to sur- render them. The voluntary jurisdiction clause he defended as expla-

natory of it clause already existing in the present act : but Lord BEAU- MONT stated he thought it went beyond the intention of that act ; so this clause also was excised. The clause empowering banisters to appear for parties whether instructed by attorney or not was also expunged ; Lord Talmo picturing its consequences in colours so dark, that Lord BROUGHAM replied, if such were the character of the bar, any idea of restraint by the present law, or by the present etiquette, would be a mere farce. If the judge should ask one of these gaol-frequenters whether he was instructed by an attorney, he doubtless would reply at once—" Yes, sir, I am instructed by two. [For both sides.] A similar fate met the clause giving the Judges on circuit a power to hear appeals from the County Courts ; though 011 this clause Lord BROUGHAM felt it his duty to divide the House. The numbers—barely more than those of a Select Committee—were 14 to 4. The remnant of the bill was then reported.

LODGING-HOUSES FOR THE POOR.

Lord ASHLEY has introduced a bill on the model of the act authorizing the municipal erection of baths and washhouses, for authorizing the simi- lar erection of lodging-houses for the poor. This extension of the prin- ciple of aiding those who cannot help themselves he backed with re- markable statistics.

In one of the best parishes in London, that of St. George's Hanover Square, a return in 1812 showed that there were 1462 families living in only 2174 rooms ; and of these, 929 families had but a single room for all the members of each family in common. Lord Ashley has seen a single room containing five families ; one family occupying each corner, and one the middle. The report of the London Fever Hospital for 1845 stated par- ticulars of a single room whence came a vast proportion of the Hospital pa- tients: the room was thirty-three feet nine inches long and twenty feet wide; in it were crowded frequently fifty, not seldom seventy, and some- times from ninety to a hundred men. From that one room came one-fifth part of the whole admissions for the year into the Fever Hospital—one hundred and thirty patients came from that room alone. The provincial towns present scenes even worse ; as Lord Ashley showed by details almost revolting to read, concerning Manchester, Liverpool, Bradford, Morpeth. A great remedy will be put into the hands of voluntary municipal humanity by the present measure, which is as near as possible a transcript of the Baths and Washhouses Act.

Sir GEORGE GREY expressed the general and willing assent of the House to the introduction of the bill. Leave was given; and later in the evening the Fill was brought in.

SMITHFIELD MARKET.

The battle on behalf of the Metropolitan Cattle-market Bill, promoted by the Corporation of London for retaining and improving the present site of Smithfield Market, was led by Sir JAMS DUKE; who headed a phalanx of the Metropolitan Members—Alderman SIDNEY, Mr. WAKLEY, Mr. OSBORNE, and Mr. MASTERMAN ; received the official assistance of the Recorder, Mr. STUART WORTLEY ; and was backed by some agricultural Members, generally from the Protectionist camp—Sir CHARLES KNIGHT- LEY, Mr. KEIL SEY3IER, Mr. STAFFORD, and Sir H. IIALPORD. The Me- tropolitan Members agreed at last that Smithfield in its present state is an inconvenience—even "a nuisance," Alderman Sidney granted—that is no longer to be tolerated : but they set forth in alluring descriptions the perfect cure of all existing evils, which their bill for nearly doubling the site of Smithfield, and for reorganizing its plan, will introduce ; and on the other hand, they insisted that the Government scheme is in principle highly injurious to enormous existing interests, and is, so far as practical formation goes, up to this time totally in the clouds,— for not the least intimation is given, on the contrary every intimation is withheld, of the site on which the proposed roving commission may ulti- mately rest their feet. Alderman SIDNEY complained that the Govern- ment influence was so fully exercised against the bill promoted by the Corporation ; and pointedly told Lord John Russell, that he cannot serve two masters, and as he has served others at the expense of his constitu- ents, he must expect that his constituents will at a fitting opportunity visit him with an expression of their displeasure. The vanguard of the opposition to the Metropolitan scheme was, ap- parently, an independent array. Mr. CHRISTOPHER, on behalf of the graziers, showed that Iro central site can be made a sufficient one to ex- hibit in a manner that consults the interests of the sellers even a portion of the number of animals that would be brought to a metropolitan mar- ket: he moved that the bill be read a second time that day six months. Mr. Frrznov seconded the motion; and showed how the petition in fa- vour of the City plan has been manufactured. Mr. W. WILLIAMS spoke against retaining Smithfield, and advocated a suburban market on each side of the Thames : but he was ready to give to the City measure the fair privilege of reference to the same Select Committee to which the Go- vernment measure is referred. Mr. W. MILES Mr. MACKINNON, and Mr. Mowirr, opposed the measure before the House; intending to sup- port the Government bill.

The Government opposition to the Corporation measure was embodied by Mr. CORNEWALL LEWIS and Sir GEORGE GREY. Mr. LEWIS put the issue pending distinctly before the House : if the City bill were carried, the Government bill would necessarily fall to the ground ; if, on the other hand, the Government bill were approved, the City bill must ne- cessarily be abandoned. With respect to tolls, the City bill enormously increases them—raises them to rates varying from threefold to sevenfold the existing rates ; while the Government bill maintains the present rates. With respect to a new site instead of the present central one, Govern- ment has "not come to any decision "; the question is left "quite at large," for the determination of the Commission to be appointed under the bill. Lord JOHN RUSSELL felt it necessary to refer to certain con- sequences" with which he had been threatened by Alderman Sidney. He had not resolved precipitately, and he will not now hesitate about his duty, but will prefer the general interests of the community to the partial interests of the citizens of London.

The House divided on the amendment to put off the second reading for six months—

For the amendment 246 Against it 124 Majority for abolishing Smithfield 122

Mr. CousinwALL LEWIS then moved the second reading of the Govern- ment measure, "The Smithfield Market Removal Bill" ; and, after some skirmishing from the unsubdued Metropolitan bands, the motion was car- ried, by 230 to 65. As the measure is of a partly private character, it

CHURCH-RATES.

The House of Commons agreed on Tuesday, Lord Jortx RUSSELL giving his willing assent, and Sir ROBERT INGLIS but gently resisting, to grant Mr. TRELAWNY a Select Committee to consider the law of Church-rates, and the difference of practice which exists in various parts of the country in the assessment and levying of such rates. Mr. HARDCASTLE seconded the motion. Mr. BRIGHT supported it ; with effective warnings to Sir Ro- bert Inglis that these arc troublesome times for the Church—times in which it will be well for her to meet the storm by casting all this damag- ing umber overboard. Mr. A. J. B. HOPE declared emphatically that church-rates must no longer be considered the immutable foundations of the church.

Sr. ALBAN'S ELECTION.

The proceedings before the St. Alban's Election Committee have as- sumed some constitutional interest. At the end of last week, traces of some of the abducted witnesses were discovered. The first retreat of Waggett was found, but he had fled, and is still secreted. A Mr. Edwards and a Mr. Hayward are charged with giving him money to keep out of the way. Hayward in his turn has disappeared, to avoid service of the Speaker's warrant. Edwards has been arrested for being instrumental to the keeping of Waegett out of the way. Mr. AGLIONBY, who has been conspicuous in the Committee, moved in the House on Thursday, that Mr. Edwards be liberated ; questioning the legality of the warrant, be- cause the Committee had been somewhat informal in its sittings. On the motion of the ATTORNEY-GENERAL, the question raised by Mr. Aglionby was postponed till the proceedings of the Committee were printed, and time given to consider the legal niceties. Another witness, Lines, has been committed to prison, at the instance of the same Committee, for prevarication and misbehaviour.

was then, in accordance with forms, referred to a Select Committee ; where it will undergo the ordeal of speeches by counsel on behalf of pri- vate interests.

LONDON CORPORATION REFORM.

Lord BROUGHAM presented a petition numerously signed from the Ward of Parringdon-without, setting forth, that the city of London had been exempted from the operation of the Municipal Act, but complaining that no reform has since been proposed in that corporation, though it re- quires reform as much as any in the country. The petitioners have very much understated their case, said Lord Brougham, when they say the Corporation of London only requires reform "as much" as any other : the persons enjoying the municipal franchise have dwindled to a number hardly greater than that of the municipal constituency of a fourth-rate city.

OPENING OF Sr. PAUL'S CATHEDRAL.

Sir GEORGE GREY stated in reply to Mr. HUME, that an arrangement has been made with the Dean and Chapter of St. Paul's, to open to the public without payment, by the 1st of May, that portion of the area of the Cathedral to which the public is now admitted on payment of twopence. For admission to the dome, and higher portions, payment will still be required.