The Prince of Leiningen, Minister for Foreign Affairs under the
new Regent of Germany, has issued a manifesto in many ways remarkable: it is not only curious as emanating from a Minister in actual possession of office, for the personal air that it wears in some parts, but also for its occa- sionally argumentative or even speculative tone. The document is dated Frankfort-on-the-Maine, July 1848. We extract the most striking pas- sages. " Every nation has an indisputable right, under certain circumstances, of undertaking reforms in its internal affairs, even by forcible means; that is to say, through the medium of revolution. * * " As the revolution was an outburst of the collective will of the nation, so, con- sequently, the latter must also exclusively reserve to itself the restoration of the new order of things. The nation, therefore, committed its full power to a Na- tional Assembly elected by itself. Inasmuch as the Governments of the individual states—that is to say, the Princes with their States Assemblies—allowed the elections to this constituent Diet to take place in the hitherto recognized legal manner, they de facto recognized the revolution. • • • "Furthermore, and most especially, the nation must also decide whether it will really have an united and powerful Germany. It is of the utmost importance that it should elucidate this question to its own satisfaction, and thereupon lay down its will. As there is only one kind of real liberty which rests on law and order, so there is but one sort of unity,—an actual union of all the component parts of a whole, and that, too, in such a manner as to avert the possibility of any dispute or contest between the whole and the parts. If any other course be pursued, not singleness or unity, but discord and separation, will be established: If the German nation, therefore, will have unity, it must not only will the means thereto, but also adopt the consequences thereof. There can be no more opposition of Bavarian, Prussian, Saxon, or any other interests, to those of Germany; for the former must be absorbed in the latter. Jealousy between individual states, revilings of the Northern by the Southern parts of the empire, or vice versa, are therefore mischievous absurdities. Opposition or dis- obedience to the Imperial authority or the National Assembly, however, is a crime against the majesty of the nation itself—a treason to the fatherland—which must be speedily followed by condign punishment. Dynastic interests. so far as they refer to the Imperial power, cannot, if the nation wills unity, be taken into con- sideration; for the Princes are as much called upon to conform to that will as any other German. If, therefore, the nation would convert words into deeds, it must admonish the Imperial power—that is to say, the National Assembly and the Central Government—to adopt with rapidity and decision, and without regard to collateral interests, all such measures as correspond with the object of restoring a free and united Germany, and moreover lend its own hearty support in aid of this work.
" To retrograde to a confederation of states, or to establish a weak federal state, by a powerfully impressed independence of the individual states, would only create a mournful period of transition to fresh catastrophes and new revolu- tions. Great ideas, such as have now gained possession of the German mind, although they may once more slumber for a time, will break out afresh notwith- standing, with renewed force. The danger of harbouring in Germany revolu- tionary movements, or perchance civil war, for a series of years, is far too great, not only to our own country but to Europe—nay to civilization itself—not to render imperative every effort to avert so dire a calamity. It is the serious duty of the Imperial power—that is to say, of the Imperial Government and the Na- tional Assembly, supported by the national will—to devote itself with courage and decision to the fulfilment of this great mission. The Imperial power must, so far as it may be necessary, absorb in itself the sovereignty of the individual states; it must unremittingly undertake the thereto requisite organization of Germany; it must, whilst establishing the organism of the Imperial Government, reduce that of the individual states. A perfectly established central state, in which, again, other perfectly established states, of larger or smaller size, were encased, would be virtually a monstrosity, and at the same time so expensive that the nation r
would not tolerate it. Experience, too, wontla oon teach us that sovereignty is not divisible. The Imperial power must, abial I, abolish as speedily as possi- ble, the diplomatiogmtercourse of the indivi ual states at home and abroad, and concentrate it in its own hands. This is a vital question. It will and must equally honour and equally represent the interests of every part of Germany. It must appropriate to itself the unconditional disposal of the national forces, and take such measures respecting them as it may deem advisable. It must advance the Customs lines to the frontiers of Germany. It must not allow the Govern- ments or the constituent State Assemblies dependent on it to occupy themselves with matters that appertain to the National Assembly alone.
" If, however, obedience to the original power be refused, punishment must fol- low with all speed. It must summon to its bar, and call to a strict account, all disobedient ministers, generals, or other public functionaries. It must dissolve state assemblies and corps d'armie if they oppose its commands. Only in this way will the Imperial power be able to carry into effect the will of the nation, to restore a free and united 'Germany—supposing, of course, that such is really its will: only in this way will it obtain the requisite power for the reintroduction of order, the restoration of tranquillity, and at the same time of progress at home; only in this way will it succeed in the satisfactory solution of those social ques- tions which neither the eloquence of oratory nor the thunders of artillery are henceforth in a position to dispose of in perpetuity."
In Berlin, on the 8th, a grand parade of the Burgher Guard, 30,000 strong, was used as the occasion for a ceremonial in recognition of the Germanic Regency. It was witnessed by an immense concourse of the in- habitants.
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