NEWS OF THE WEEK.

ONCE more the Sultan triumphs,—it may be for the last time. The only solid resistance to the appointment of Prince George of Greece as Governor-General of Crete came from him, and the Russian Emperor, who evidently does not possess his father's energetic will, has receded before it. An article in the Official Messenger of St. Petersburg states that Russia only put forward Prince George after ascertaining his willingness to acknowledge the Sultan's suzerain rights, but that Turkey, Germany, and Austria having objected, she will no farther press her proposal. The Foreign Office, how- ever, warns " his Turkish Majesty" that Russia will not accept a Turkish candidate, and will not permit an attempt to impose any such person upon the Cretans by force. She will, with that reservation, wait for events, only observing that the settlement of Crete has already been delayed too long. No sufficient explanation is offered of this retreat; the best suggested being that the Sultan threatened to keep Thessaly, and that the Royal family of Greece re- quested the Czar to wait until Thessaly was clear. It seems certain that the Sultan had issued orders to Edhem Pasha to fortify himself in Thessaly, and had sanctioned the addition of very large bodies of cavalry to his army. Moreover, the three Powers favourable to Prince George, Russia, France, and Great Britain, have, with some suddenness, agreed to guarantee a Greek loan sufficient to pay the indemnity, £4,000,000, which Turkey is to receive. It is conceivable, there- fore, that Prince George will be brought forward again, but intermediately Abd-ul-Hamid, with his sinister smile, sits with his feet upon prostrate Europe.

It is almost sickening to read the news from China. The beast is so huge that it cannot die, but it receives a new wound every moment, and groans in helpless anguish. The -Japanese have informed Pekin that they will grant no exten- sion of time for the payment of the next indemnity ; and the Chinese Government, afraid to borrow of England or of Russia, has opened an internal loan, which the wealthy are expected to fill up, though the last one was repudiated. At the same time, they have paid an indemnity of £4,500 to France for the kidnapping of a French- man by Chinese pirates in Tonquin. It is reported from China that this demand, which is opposed to all international usage, was only conceded because the French threatened, if it were not, to make a demand for territorial compensation "in the South." France, in fact, is determined to have "her share," which will be Hainan, and will speedily produce some other, and possibly less cynical, pretext. She has, in fact, a fairly good one always at her disposal. Chinese "pirates "—or are they smugglers ?—are always crossing the Tonquinese frontier, and she can hold Pekin, which hardly knows where Tonquin is, responsible for a raid. Query for naturalists,—Can leeches kill a whale ?

The agrarian agitation in Hungary seems to be very serious indeed. The peasantry, who are slowly rising out of the sheepskin stage, complain that the landlords do not leave them enough to eat, and threaten both their granaries and their lives. The landlords have appealed for military help and a Press Act, both of which have been promised, but according to the Times' correspondent at Vienna, in appealing they revealed the extremity of their terror. They dared not affix their signatures to the petition, and begged the journals if they reported the interview with the Premier to suppress their names. Otherwise the " Socialist " peasantry would take their lives. Matters have never gone quite as far as this in Ireland, but then the peasantry, though, as they believe, heavily op- pressed, can always obtain food. In Austria, as in Spain and Southern Italy, the tenure question will soon swallow up all other causes of internal dissension. The landlords do not exactly intend oppression, but there is no middle class, every- thing falls upon the cultivators, and when prices are low they can no longer bear their sufferings.

The Cuban Committee in New York has greatly embittered relations between Spain and America by publishing a private letter written by Senor Dupny de Lome, the Spanish Minister in Washington. This letter, which is of course entirely unofficial, and has no date, is addressed to the editor of a Madrid newspaper, the Herald°. The letter refers to President McKinley's Message about the Cuban insurrec- tion. It declares that " the natural and inevitable coarse- ness" with which the President repeats "all that the Press and public opinion in America have said of General Weyler, shows once more that Mr. McKinley is weak and is catering to the rabble, and that he is, besides, a low-class politician who desires to leave a door open to me mid to stand well with the Jingoes of his party." The letter ends by a curious passage warning the receiver of the letter against the English "newspaper canaille" which swarms in his hotel. " To my mind, the only object of England is that Americans shall occupy themselves with us and leave her in peace, and if there is war so much the better. That would further remove what was threatening her, although that will never happen." The President and all American statesmen on both sides should of course have treated this letter, which was private, and must have been fraudulently obtained, as if it were non-existent. Instead, however, the American Government obliged Senor Dupuy de Lome to acknowledge that he wrote it by asking him a direct question. The result has been the resignation of the Spanish Minister.

The Zola trial, though it greatly excites Parisians and leads to constant " scenes " inside and outside the Court, nevertheless drags. It has become almost certain—not quite—that M. Zola has no evidence to produce, and hoped to extract the facts he wanted by a fishing cross-examination. The Court, which as usual in France is entirely on the side of the Government, prevents this by ruling that no reference must be made to the Dreyfus case, which is res judicata, and, not to be reopened. All witnesses, therefore, who do not wish to speak plead the Court's decision, and the plea is always accepted. Excuses, too, on the ground of health, notably one from the " veiled lady " who professes to under- stand the whole business, are very readily accepted. Even M. Casimir-Perier, who, as "a simple citizen," did appear to his summons, stated that while he knew all about the Dreyfus case, his constitutional duty prevented his revealing anything. The only fact now almost formally admitted is that " a secret document" was shown to the Tribunal which condemned Dreyfus, but not shown to the accused, whom General Mercier declares on his honour to have been guilty. The soldiers think that sufficient, and de- nounce " mere legalities." It is possible, though most im- probable, that a surprise is still in store for the public.

There is hardly a chance that M. Zola will be acquitted, for legally he has no defence, the mob would be ready to lynch the jury, and the soldiers are much more excited than they appear to be. There is, however, great dislike of the system of secret trials, eloquence counts for a good deal in France, and Maitre Labori may extort an acquittal. In that case the Government will fall, and the whole truth may come out, with the result that the Army may announce its weariness of " government by talkers." Such an overturn of everything seems most improbable, but there are very cool men who believe that it is quite upon the cards. Recollect, all those who know the history of France, that there will be no want of funds for a revolutionary movement. The Jews, with solid reason, are both frightened and enraged by their position under the Parliamentary Republic.

Mr. Kruger has been re-elected President of the Transvaal by 12,764. votes. Mr. Schalk Barger received 3,716 votes, and General Joubert only 1,943. President Kruger has thus for the fourth time been elected to rule the Republic. It will be curious to see whether the President will use his victory with prudence, or whether he will be tempted by this over- whelming vote of confidence to think himself free to do what he likes. If he does, and, for instance, presses the quarrel with the Judiciary too far, he may find himself in great difficulties in spite of his majority. In all probability, how- ever, he will find a modus viventli with the Courts.

The English version of the Treaty with Menelek was pub- lished on Thursday. The main points are that Menelek gets an advantageous rectification of boundaries in Somaliland and a right to import goods and arms free of duty from the port of Zeyla. We, on the other hand, have secured to us the most-favoured-nation treatment. Menelek also promises to prevent arms for the Mandists being obtained through his dominions, and declares them to be the " enemies of his Empire." The successful conclusion of the Treaty reflects the greatest possible credit on Mr. Rodd's diplomacy, and the Treaty generally must be regarded as enormously strength- ening our position in the Nile Valley. As long as Menelek lives we need not feel nervous about the right bank of the Nile.

Parliament was opened on Tuesday, and the Queen's Speech, which was very long, was read by the Lord Chancellor. It contains no reference to China or West Africa, and the only remark about the Concert is that their want of unanimity has "unduly protracted " their delibera- tions over Crete. It is acknowledged, however, that we are assisting the Khedive against the Khalifa, and that we have concluded a treaty of friendship with the "Emperor" of Abyssinia. There are to be negotiations with the Powers about sugar-bounties, and " encouragement " will be given to other industries in the West Indies. An "organised out- break of fanaticism" has occurred on the Indian Frontier, and the "courage and endurance " of the troops— British, Native, and Feudatory—are acknowledged. The Plague is deplored and India congratulated on the dis- appearance of the Famine. Expenditure on the Army is promised, or threatened, " beyond former precedent." A Bill is promised securing local government as in Britain to Ireland, and another for facilitating the creation of muni- cipalities in London, besides a host of small Bills not requiring present notice. None of these latter will be brought forward unless Parliament has time for them, which, unless Parliament is more self-denying than usual, is in the case of most of them extremely unlikely.

The debate in the House of Lords was practically confined to Lord Kimberley and Lord Salisbury. The former Lord was a little diffuse, and perhaps a little ultra-conventional, but he managed to make it pretty clear on what points his party intends to challenge the foreign policy of the Govern- ment,—at present the only serious subject of discussion. They will not it is clear, resist that policy in China, the country being unanimous that even at the hazard of war trade with China mast remain free. They are, however, dissatisfied with the Concert, and therefore with the action of the Government, which has been a member of the Concert. They oppose altogether the expedition into the Soudan, believing that it is not defensive, but ambitious, and that it may tax onr strength in connection with other operations beyond the limit to which it is prudent, or it may be possible, to put it forth. Their grand objection, however, is to the war on the Indian Frontier, which they think a war waged by the " Forward " party because of a rising provoked, as they con- sider, by our interference with tribal independence, an interfer- ence specially marked in the seizure of Chitral, and the con- struction of a road thither from Peshawar. Lord Kimberley did not question that a wave of fanaticism had passed over the tribes, caused by the Sultan's victories, but maintained that the ground had been prepared and, as it were, mannred by this interference. He made, in discussing this subject, the curious, and to us new, suggestion that we might have held Chitral if we wanted it, as a dependency of Cashmere, which it formerly was, and that the road was entirely a surplusage unless it was intended to increase our sway over the tribes. That is clever, but it does not answer the counter-arguments that the tribes consented to our construction of the road, and helped us in it, and have never since it was made seriously impeded our use of it. It has, except for a few days, been safe all through the war.

Lord Salisbury made a reply which, as an intellectual effort, has not received one half the commendation it deserves. We doubt if a better defensive speech was ever delivered in the House of Lords, and quote textually else- where its noble peroration. Charge after charge was answered, not always, as we think, fully, but always effec- tively, and sometimes, as in the case of " the Talienwan, legend," smashingly. We recommend the speech, admirably reported in Wednesday's Times, page 8, to every student of our politics. We cannot, of course, hope to condense it fittingly in these paragraphs, but we can state on each main subject its drift. Lord Salisbury practically admits the failure of the Concert in action owing to the principle of unanimity, but declares that it saved Greece, and that it was distinctly the better for British influence in it. He repudiates policies of adventure urged "in the spirit of Crusaders." He admits that we are going to reconquer Khartoum a good deal in that spirit—at least he presses strongly the evil character of the Khalifa's government—but urges that we deprived Egypt of the Soudan, and are bound to disperse the " black cloud " always hanging above her- There are other reasons, too, for the expedition, on which he will not dwell.

As regards China, Lord Salisbury argues that we must maintain freedom of trade, but declares that the loan was not pressed on Pekin but asked for by its rulers, that he did not like the precedent, but that he yielded, asking in return concessions beneficial to the world and not injurious to China. Negotiations on the subject were still going on,—a curious statement, as Mr. Balfour says the incident has ended. The " Talienwan surrender" is a legend. Sir Claude Macdonald asked that Talienwan should be opened, but the Chinese Council "next day" petitioned that the request might be withdrawn, for reasons which it is not necessary to enter into, "and for their own personal comfort and wellbeing "—that means, we fancy, that the Dowager Empress might have decapitated some of them if Russia declared war—and it was consequently withdrawn. Accordingly it was suggested that the opening of the port might be put off, and this com- promise was accepted. As regards the Indian Frontier, Lord Salisbury believes, on the evidence of history, that the fighting clans of a hill country always have sooner or later to accept the civilisation of the plains, but he has no wish to hurry the process by occupation, and admits, with a carious and very characteristic burst of feeling, that the clans are " splendid tribes." They are not in his feeling enemies at all, but only pawns in that great game of chess which something superior to ourselves is always playing with its creatures. We assent, if the Premier will put on the rider that killing " splendid tribesmen," blowing up their stone houses, and cutting dowu their fruit-trees, is, unless an absolute necessity can be proved, neither Christian nor wise. We are merciful to our own subjects everywhere except in Pemba, but we slaughter

people just beyond our confines, both in Asia and Africa. with perhaps too little thought.

In the House of Commons on Tuesday Sir William Har- court, after the usual compliments to the mover and seconder of the Address, made a number of debating points against the Government, but hardly came to close quarters with any question. We had at the present moment not far off a hundred thousand men under arms, which was hardly the Paz Britannica. As to the Concert, if the Concert was to be of any use, the Powers composing it should have " some common interest and some common end." In Madagascar we had .apparently allowed our treaty rights to be violated. When France annexed the island M. Hanotaux declared all our treaty rights abrogated. Lord Salisbury (in August, 1896) replied by "as strong and peremptory a despatch as was ever written by a British Minister," and charged the French with broken pledges and a violation of international law, and added that the whole trade of Great Britain had been • destroyed. To that despatch no answer was made. Nine months after Lord Salisbury asked for a reply, and was told by M. Hanotaux that he was surprised at the request, and had nothing more to say on the subject. —Since then there has not been a word on the subject. No doubt the action of France was most unfriendly, but we must not forget that such action may be a useful precedent if, and when, we have to annex Egypt. —As regards South Africa, Sir William Harcourt wanted to know what was being done in the huge territory governed by a Company " that has made no report, even to its own shareholders, for two years." After some swordplay over India and the Army proposals, the leader of the Opposition dwelt upon the danger of increas- ing our expenditure. In the last thirty years our expenditure Shad increased by 227,000,000. " The resources of this country are vast, but they are not inexhaustible."

Mr. Balfour's reply to Sir William Harcourt was not marked by any special features. As to Madagascar there was doubtless " an unsolved difference of opinion " between the two Governments upon a very important question of international law. " We have no power in this particular matter to enforce our own views, and there the matter rests,"—an announcement which may have been inevitable, but which if made ought, we think, to have been barbed with a reminder that in future France will never be permitted to argue that annexation does not abrogate treaties. Sir William Harcourt had alleged that the expedition into the Soudan was stopping the peaceful and legitimate development of the country, but this was not the case. The Caisse de la Dette had assigned three-quarters of a million for the construction of public works. Mr. Balfour's remarks as to China need not con- cern us, as we have dealt with Lord Salisbury's statement ; but we may note here with regret Mr. Balfour's curt refusal to defend the Rating Act from Sir William Harcourt's attack. That is a great tactical error. The Government have so excellent a case for the relief they gave to agricultural land —not agricultural buildings, remember—from its special and peculiar burdens, that they should never miss an opportunity for giving battle on this point. The insecure and half- apologetics attitude which the Government have always adopted in regard to this measure has been a great mistake.

On Thursday Mr. Pease, who moved an amendment regretting that no efficient action had yet been taken to put -down slavery in the Zanzibar Protectorate, pointed out that the decree abolishing slavery had been left to be carried out by officials at Zanaibar who had constantly reported against the abolition of slavery there. He complained, further, that the law had been administered by Arab officials instead of by Englishmen. The demand that the slaves should be freed on the mainland—where the decree does not operate—was a reasonable one. " It ought not to be that in order to obtain freedom a slave must fly beyond the limits of the British Pro- tectorate." Mr. Curzon's speech in reply was both irascible and unconvincing ; but his position was a diffioult one, for he was professing to defend the factitious attempts to abolish slavery and yet really defending the modified form of slavery which he and Sir Arthur Hardinge have apparently deter- mined to maintain in spite of the Cabinet and of Parliament. Mr. Curzon appears to think the abolition of the legal status of slavery means that " every slave is at liberty to go to a Court constituted for the purpose and claim his freedom." It really means, of course, that if an alleged slave walks off from his master no man can sustain any claim to him, and if any person tries to detain him he can get that person punished. As to the concubines question, Mr. Curzon declared that to have freed them would have " grossly and unnecessarily affronted the deeply rooted instincts of the Arab nature." After a spirited vindication of the Vali of Chaki Chaki, Mr. Curzon gave some reasons of expediency for not at present doing on the mainland what we have done—or shall we say pretended to do ?—on the islands.

Sir William Harcourt had of course a very easy task in dealing with Mr. Curzon, and, being anything but a merciful man, he availed himself of it to the full. The real question, he promptly showed, was not any differences of opinion as to facts " between the Under-Secretary and Bishop Tucker," but " are we doing all we ought to do and can do to put an end to slavery in Pemba ? " But if we were doing all we could and ought to do, should not the machinery employed be British ? As to concubines, Sir William Harcourt quoted the opinion of Sir John Kirk,—an opinion which ought to be regarded as final, considering his ability and experience. "I object," said he, "to female slaves being exempted from the operation of the new law, and left in slavery. I do not con- sider that any practical difficulty would have arisen had the law been made of universal application." Mr. Balfour, who followed, spoke, as he always does when any moral question is involved, with frankness and sincerity, and yet without the slightest touch of cant or snivel, and his remarks did much to dispel the very unfavourable impression produced by Mr. Curzon's speech. But though Mr. Balfour was obviously quite sincere in his declaration that no measures will be left unattempted by the Government which would do away with slavery, we confess to feeling little confidence as to the result. This is the age of autocratic Under-Secretaries, and the Cabinet will, we expect, give way to Mr. Curzon.

A Renter's telegram of Monday gives some information as to the doings of the Federal Convention now sitting in Australia to draft a constitution for the Colonies whenever they shall be united in a single Commonwealth. We deeply regret to see that the Convention has decided, in regard to the powers of the individual States, that all powers not vested in the Commonwealth shall be retained by the States. The Con- vention has, in fact, adopted the American rather than the Canadian model. The result (unless this mischievous provision is altered, and all powers not specially delegated to the States are made to belong to the Commonwealth) will be to make Australia not a true and homogeneous State, but a mere Federation. If they are wise, the people of Australia will reconsider this vital matter, and will note how much smoother the Canadian Constitution has worked than the American, mainly because the Dominion has the chief attribute of a real State,—it is the reservoir of all undelegated powers.

Senor Barrios, the President of Guatemala, was assassinated. on the Sth inst. by a German colonist. That is, we believe, a loss to humanity, Senor Barrios having been one of the ablest of all Spanish-Americans ; but the incident will excite scarcely a remark and no interest. It is one of the consequences of the dog-in-the-manger policy pursued by Washington towards all American States that no man in Europe cares about Spanish-America, the most wonderful and the richest division of the earth, unless he can make money out of its trade or debts. The exciting history of its many States, most of them large enough for Empires, the strange and sometimes grand characters they have produced, the extraordinary conflict of civilisations within them, above all, the qualities of the peoples who pretend to bold them, are all equally unknown. Some day, and that soon, for Europe is brimming over with people, they will all be objects of passionate interest; but till then Spanish-American figures pass and repass like shadows scarcely attracting even a momentary glance. "The Pre- sident of Guatemala was assassinated yesterday." How many Londoners know his name ?

Bank Rate, 3 per cent.

New Consols (49 were on Friday, 112k.