THE MAGAZINES.

• Ma. WICKHAM STEED in a recent number of the Edinburgh • hinted that much light might be shed on the tragedy of Sarajevo and the preparation for the European War if it ever could be known exactly what passed at Konopisht, the Archduke Franz Ferdinand's castle in Bohemia, on the occasion of the visit of Kaiser Wilhelm and Grand Admiral Tirpitz on June 12th, 1914. Under the heading " The Pact of Konopisht " he now gives in the -Nineteenth Century a long account, furnished by a corre- spondent " whose position and antecedents entitle his statements to careful examination, and for the accuracy of which he vouches,; of an agreement which he alleges to have been made between: - the :Emperor and the Archduke." The statement amounts to • The Life of the Doke of Marlborough. By Edward Thomas. London Chapman and Hall. [1.0s, Od. net.]

this, that the Archduke and Heir-Presumptive to the Hapsburg throne, in return for the promise of (1) a reconstituted Empire of

Poland as his own inheritance and, after his death; of his elder son, and of (2) a- new Bohemian-Hungarian South Slav kingdom to be reserved for his younger son, acquiesced in the practical

absorption of the hereditary Hapsburg provinces into the German Empire. The assertion, Mr. Steed admits, is startling, but after a long and careful examination in the light of facts already known and of the contemporary evidence which lends it weight, he conies to the following conclusion :—

" Apart from the intrinsic value of my correspondent's statement, as coming from a quarter in a position to be well informed,. the available circumstantial evidence tends to indicate that some far- reaching agreement was actually made between the German Emperor and the Archduke Francis Ferdinand at Konopisht. How far knowledge or suspicion of the existence of such an agreement may have influenced the authorities in Austria and Hungary in not affording the Archduke and the Duchess of Hohenborg at Sarajevo any adequate protection against a plot of which the Austro-Hun- garian authorities can scarcely have been unaware, is a question not easily to be answered. Several members of the Austrian Imperial Family had strong reasons to desire that the Archduke should not succeed to the throne, quite apart from the existence of an agreement which they would certainly have regarded as treasonable. In -any case, he was given a funeral which could hardly have been less solemn had he been looked upon as a traitor to Hapsburg Imperial interests. The future may throw. further light upon this. obscure problem. For the moment it suffices to register my correspondent's statement, if only as a remarkable hypothesis which serves to explain much that has hitherto seemed inexplicable."

We must refer our readers to Mr. Steed's article for his explanation of the chief difficulties in the way of the acceptance of this hypothesis—viz., why so loyal an Austrian and Hapsburger as the Archduke could have bargained away the hereditary Hapsburg provinces, and why the Emperor Francis Joaeph should have allowed himself to be pushed into war by- the German Emperor after the removal of the German Emperor's alleged accomplice. Dr. Shadwell follows up and supple- ments his article, "The Only Way to Lasting Peace," in the January number, by a further paper headed " Victory and the Alternative." The gist of his argument -is that a conclusive termination of the war cannot be expected from- economic pressure alone ; and that in order to avoid an inconclusive peace we must break down the German armed defence in such a way that the German people will lose their faith in their invincible Army—i.e., in such a way that the breakdown cannot be concealed from them. The goal to be aimed at and

the sign of attainment is an internal break-up in Germany, from which a- new order will arise, not imposed from without,

but fashioned by the German people from within. " If we

conclude peace with Germany as she is, we shall plunge into economic war with the qhadow of real war ever behind it." But to achieve such a victory " demands the utmost fortitude,

endurance, tenacity, and sacrifice that we can bring to bear." The effort required, in fine, " is intense, but it is worth it ; in the other case the effort is less intense, but more prolonged and weary in proportion to the diminished intensity, and there is no end to it at all." And so he concludes :-

" It is for the people to choose. But they must choose at once. In a little while the choiee, will no longer be open. If we fail now- aad it hangs in the balance—to furnish the men and material required we shall not win and must accept the alternative described. The efforts of Socialists, Quakers, pacificists, conscientious objectors, and all the people who claim a superior morality, to hinder the supply of men and material can only be explained by confusion of mind. They do not know what they are doing. They are helping to save the 'German military machine, which is the negation of all their ideals. The other nations must either submit to it or resist it. If they submit; it is supreme ; if they resist, they must fight it with the only weapons that can touch it. Those who would weaken or blunt those weapons are fighting for it., and if they are allowed to have their way we shall be done.

—Mr. Ellis Barker has a long paper on " Democracy and the Iron Broom of War," in which he draws freely on the lessone of history to drive home his favourite doctrine that :war is a. one-man business. He does not go so far as to say that a democracy is incapable of waging war efficiently, but, in crises like the present, considers a dictatorship indispensable: Home his specific proposals of (1) a solely responsible Prime-Minister, exclusively engaged with . national businesS ; (2) the 'replacing of politician-Ministers by the beat experts ; (3) the- creation of an efficient 'Privy Council to serve as a national intelligence department. Amateurs and spcech-makers are Mr. Ellis Barker's pet abominations. But surely it is rather a stretehiekdf facts to emphasize the futility of talk by asserting that Cromwell and Bismarck were " aerie' tobed speakera."Mr. Moretbit Frewen writes on " The Monroe Doctring'and the Great Wm.." • :The -warning ewhich.the events of .the,last year and- a. half have conveyediitot unprepared America. are vigorously emphasized. ForAheresti; Mr. Moreton Proven contrasts ..the splendid -gener-

osity the American private citizen- with the attitude of Ids State; which.hae seemed to turn its .hack on a. great -opportunity. Writing -on " Thef.Thrift Campaign," Mr. J. A. R. Marriott deals faithfully,,with - the .Dean of Durham's resort-to the hoary

fallacy, that hixurYjs good.for trade, and,with the lack of leading shown-by., the r Government ; while LadyeChance describes the aims and, tiotivities -el _the, movement of -the " United Workers," .already .set..ferth in these -columns' by the Chairman, Mr. ,C. J'

Stewart, (the Public Trustee) on December 4th last.—Ainongst

other artieI0,. we-may note thatuf General Sir 011ecire Omagh on the orgsnizatioo of a General .Staff.; the Rev. Hubert Hand-i ley's somewhat melodramatic. tirade against our Bishops for their leVe of money ; Mr.. W. S. Lilly's eulogy of Balza°, whose astonishing prescience he might have illustrated more fully ; , and a timely xecord .4. the splendid achievements- of the -British

merchant sailors under war conditions by Mr. W. H:. Renwick.

Mr, Ellis Griffith, K.C., M.P.., ,in his- admirable • article -in-the

.Vonleinpor ary Military COmpulsion" points out 1,hat, though ••VolUntary: recruiting. waS ••extravagantly expensive, its other defectse'were graver and 'More far-reaching. " The recruiting campaign has been -Condueted Without any regard to the requirements of. thonation. By these results the- system stands self-condenmed.' . . . Maximuniefficieney only means that all those who -can .help their country ,should 'de so in the way they can render the hest, service.- Voluntarism has failed because it has impaired the national output of effort and work.

!There was only one sure way at our disposal--,--a gradual -enlist!

Anent of men of -military age who were not,servin,g their country in-somc other essential work. This.course we did not -follow: We were compelled to take men .when--we did .not want- them, because when we did want them we might not get them." We syMpathize with Mr. Ellis Griffith in the difficulty he- feels in ,:understanding the position of those who oppose the Bill :-- • " Moral compulsion is at least as objectionable as legal compulsion: From the outset the appeals of recruiters have been enforced by taunt, insult, and -intimidation. All 'this passed -without concern or ..e.ensare. ' The Plinio Minister's pledge, designed to save voltin. -statism, raised little protest until it became necessary to redeem -it. It is a strange frame of mind wbich,enablee a man to -think that an act is voluntary, though a threat:4 compulsion is used to- bring it about."

All -law-And government; as he reminds the anti-compulsionists; lrest ultimately- upon force, and no one would 'contend that a man is humiliated"- or degraded by obeying the laWs which apply compulsion to education, National -Iii.surance; taxation,; hours of work, and 'conditions of labour. He sums up by reiterating, his conviction of the need for compulsOry Military service In this grave-emergency, when our country. is in peril, I believe `tliat`military service is an obligation that ehould fall on all-Lon- all etpially-7-not accenting to their willingness;• but according to their capacity to render service: l am convinced that compulsory military service is necessary .and practicable. I am -quite •certain it is just. I would-add that it. is not military:necessity that makes it 'just, but it inherent justice 'that-makes-it necessary, I do. not 'appreciate -the views .of -those who think thatthe defence of the country should "fall, on tionae, and not 'on .othere of equal military. . capacity. I do not reccienize the fairness of a sySte under which- one family is 'represented :by ..alllta•mee at the front, and • another - fannly has three, Jeer or_more Roils at home. To remove this gross anomaly,- and to diiiide more equally the.true obligations of citizenship, is the fundamental basis and ultimate justification of the Military Service. Btlh Att-equal idiStribution of military 'duties ia •obVionsly. iM- : possible. - It'is• only :a counsel of perfection to suggest 'that every available man-should be sent to the -front once-before- any wounded • man- is sent •twiee.: The -Bill'is:adinittedly -confined within narrow.

- it promotes, -however, equality of sacrifice. It lath genuine effort to deal -fairly with unmarried inen and torplace upon the same „plane of obligation and Service these who are only t000mnoirete serve their 'country and those who are only- tOo- willing to survive it."

Llewelyn Williams, another Welsh Member and Icing's Counsel,' tells-the story -of the recruiting campaign from

the ,opposite point -of -view. He. declares that Mr.- Asquith's .p.ledge,, given withOut consulting: his Cabinet or a discussion

'Parliament, - revolutionized -the, situation, and •••`_` destroyed- the original purpose of, and therefore entirely_apoiled,-the Derby

Mr: Williams regards the Bill as trumpery; In -scope? and .likely :to . prove inoperative. But- if it -is the thin cod Of. Ale, wag; to be. followed by a. larger - pleasure of :military;conseription, domestic controversy of Abe first .magnitude, with ;,disastrous effects 'on the prosecution

.of the- Dillowdiscusses-someof.Russsia'x difficulpies-

--nottib/y and chiefly that inVolfed in the commercial aoreetinomie

penetration of Rnseiaby,Gerrnan agents. As he puts it; " handi�

capped by ..-theee• foreign parasites which were eystematieally 'deadening the force of its arm, the Russian nation drew the sword." It is hard, he observes, for foreigners to realize -the

plight to-which Russia has been reduced by the- closing -of -her gates, for everything hinges on the exportation of her agricul- tural produce.- The military needs of the Empire have -reduced ordinary traffie-on the railways to a minimum, bat the prohibition of the sale of -vodka; though it entailed' sudden and serious-loss to the Ministry of Finance, has been more than justified by the Wonderful -progress' in thrift, efficiency, and productive. power

with which it has- been accompanied.--The drift of Professor f...4ilbertalurra.y's review of Mr. Arthur Ponsonby'e book-pleading for the democratic- control of foreign policy may ; be fore- casted by those who-read- his interesting pamphlet on The Foreign Policy of .AS'lr ,Bciwitrti Grey. His. answer to Mr. Ponsonby -is excellently pmt in --the following passage :-- • . " Undesirable as secrecy is on a multitude of grounds, I Cannot see that perpetual publicity, as such, is any safe road to the keeping of peace. I grant, of course, fully. that, in foreign affairs as in all the rest of politics, the will of the people must be supreme, and the ultimate control Must be with the citizens of the country, acting through Parliament. But Ido not believe that increased democracy will serve as a substitute for character and wisdom, any, more than an artificially restricted 'franchise will. Our foreign politics Are not "below the average standard_ of the nation ; I believe myself that -they have been well 'above it: I -believe that, under the present Foreign Secretary, . our foreign policy has been conducted with ea great care and prudence and with more than as great high-mindedness and resolute honesty, of purpose, as that of any, nation in modern history. But, if we -arc ever to rise to a foreign policy which shall be still higher, more daring and idealist, more ready to. run risks for great ends,.and more brilliant in meeting perils as yet far off and scarcely-diecerniblei, it will not be by any mere democratisation of machinery; it .will only be by sonic enormous. change of heart, in which the masses of the nation must take part.fully as much as their rulers."

Professor Alearnshaw in the National Review writes on the origin, the development, and the " double life " of- the Union of Democratic Control, which he considers to be the most dangerour,, ," because it is at once powerful and specious, malignant and hypocritical, bold and -secretive," of all the deleterious organi- zations let loose on society by the abnormal conditions generated by the- great conflict. His conclusion is that the country ,does not want this sort of thing, and that the best way to safeguard itself against the U,D.C. conspiracy is to insist that the four

Cardinal points which the U.D.C. would apply to foreign affairs ;shall be applied- to the U.D.C. itself : viz., the principles of Consent, publicity, control, and disarmament.—In . " A National Policy" Mr. Ian Colvin describes the commercial " penetration " effected -by the Germans in England.. As a foundation of our national policy, he urges that we .shouldstrive

to have all vital industries, and as many others as we can secure; Worked, .financed, ..and. managed in Great Britain—or in the British Empire—with - British labour and British.. capital. Incidentally, he maintains that there was a natural :alliance between the Free-Trade Party and the German interest-. in.. this Country.—The editor in " Clear Thinking at the Back—and the. Front" deals-with Sir Ian Hamilton's Dardanelles despatch, and reprints thii- White- Paper relating- to the -• Baralong ' case as well as the maxims of Napoleon recently-collected by theDuily Mail. He also.associates himself with the -demand for " Younger Men at the top," and applauds the "public spirit" shown -by Mr. Pemberton-Billing in his Mile End candidature. For the rest, we may.note his reiterated. warning against " side-shows " and his saying that -" Too, late " is the -natural and -inevitable apotheosis of ." Wait and see."—The article on:" The False Dlockide," by ca Naval -Correspondent, was written before Sir 'Edward Greys statement un -the House, not that any $Foreign Office statement -would :be likely .to modify the views- of -the writer.---The editor prints • a letter, remarkable. for its prescience, written to the Head-Masters of our Publie-Schools in 1910 by ,Mr.. J. S: Norman, appealing to them, as responsible for the education of -the future-officer, to co-operate with -the

brains-of the Aimy..with • a view to ensuring,united action with the directors of military education.—The number also-contains a coloured map of . Egypt and the Suez. Canal, and . some spirited " Verses from the Grand Fleet " by " T. B. -D."

Dr. Dillon in the _Fortnightly , continues • his- dentmciation of the policy of 4ho Allies in-general, and of England in particular. His theme is. the amateurism which controls all the-Departments

of Government. In- the absence, of a genius, we should hairs internal organization controlled by -skilled. people.. Instead:Ivo have improvisations patched up during the war. The Italians are praised for having a coherent policy. They have never swerved from the aim with which they set out at their entrance into the struggle. The reason of our failure to have a proper internal equipment comes, Dr. Dillon believes, from the domi- nant characteristics of the reign of King Edward, which he regards as a timo of good sense, healthy animalism, and humanity, but all controlled by the ideal of comfort. " In every branch of politics and some departments of science it was an age of amateurism." Dr. Dillon denounces France and England for making public early in the war the fact that they would assist Russia to obtain Constantinople. This, he holds, set the Balkan peoples against us, for they all believed that sooner or later Russia would desire a land connexion between her territory and the new acquisition. Dr. Dillon does not face the difficulty of the situation fairly. He says that our course was to " acquiesce in Russia's arguments, but resolutely to eschew everything in the nature of a definitive settlement and leave the practical aspects of the matter in abeyance until after the close of the war." This amounts to telling Russia that she was to gO to Constantinople and pretending to the Balkan States that nothing was settled—a piece of statecraft as little likely to succeed with the astute Balkan diplomatists as it was dishonest. We have much more sympathy with Dr. Dillon when he says :- " The significance of the crisis is everywhere underrated. An issue which involves, besides the highest ideals of European civiliza- tion, the very existence of the British Empire, is being constantly gauged by such irrelevant questions as whether compulsory military service would shatter the confidence of the Radical Party in the Cabinet, whether more drastic methods of waging war would arouse the resentment of neutrals, or whether the adoption of a tariff would constitute the surrender of a fundamental principle of Liberalism."

The presence lately of M. Briand in London is looked on as a sign that co-ordination among the Allies is to be increased, but Dr. Dillon feels no confidence in our amateurs doing anything to hasten our movements. The Navy will save us from defeat, but not from an inconclusive peace ending in further wars " Auditor Tantum," writing of " The House and the Pledge," calls attention to the unedifying spectacle presented by the professional politicians and the professional Trade Unionists, with their pleas of principle, and by the capitulation to the Irish. One of the few consoling things has been the attitude of Colonel John Ward, who in his speech swept away the small sophistries of Sir John Simon and the Socialists and pacificists, and declared that we must win whatever the cost. Mr. Barnes, too, saw the real issue clearly, as did Mr. Stanton, who confessed that the war had given him a new conception of pitriotism.

But the puzzle remains, did not these Members' constituents also help to elect the delegates to Trade Union Conferences ?

Mr. Archibald Hurd writes on the past history of the Admiralty, and dwells on the fact that " since the middle of the eighteenth century, though a lawyer has always sat on the Woolsack, and clergymen have been raised in unbroken succession to the episcopal thrones at Canterbury and York, only on seven occasions have sailors presided over the Board of Admiralty, and of the seamen, Lord Barham, who was First LOrd in the year of Trafalgar, was the last."—" A Serbian Officer " describes the fall of Belgrade, and a lurid picture it is, but one highly creditable to the Serbians. The writer ends his article by saying : " We Serbians feel as never before that we are not going to be left in the lurch, and that our allies are able and determined to put things right for us before the end."

Was it accident or design which placed together the two

opening articles in Blackwood ? The first describes the disaster of the Dardanelles, the second the perfect accomplishment of the battle of the Falkland Islands. In both cases a stroke

was planned to be struck at a distance, but with what different results ! In the description of the attempt to capture the Gallipoli Peninsula we are made to feel that every opportunity was missed, and that the failure of the planning was only prevented from being a disaster of the first magnitude by the wonderful qualities of the men who had to carry out the plan. What are we to think of the transports arriving at Lemnos, and then being sent back to Egypt to reload, thereby rendering all surprise a farce ? The writer gives a curious account of the American sailors at Alexandria, who used to express strong pro-German sentiments in the hearing of our

'soldiers, gaining for themselves broken heads. The American officers, it seems, disclaimed such sentiments, but a good deal of unpleasantness was caused. The writer—an officer—holds that all the attacks on the peninsula were made with too few men, and quotes the saying of one of eighty men left alive from a battalion after the attack : " `Ah believe,' said he, ' properly reinforced in the rear, we could 'a taken Achi

Baba by 12 noon on the day o' the landin'.' " In the description of the landing at Anzac it is said " that at one period all the transports were called up and ordered to prepare to re-embark troops." It was the amazing bravery of the troops which saved the situation. The failure of the Suvla Bay landing is attributed to the naval transports not bringing up the supplies, and especially the water, which would have made an advance possible. A waterless country stopped our men, not the enemy.—From this record of heroic disaster it is a relief to turn to one of the few quite satisfactory episodes of the war.

" A Naval Digression," it is called. From the deck of the ' Invincible ' is narrated the manner in which a perfectly made plan was carried out without faltering and without hitch. This, at any rate, was not a case of averting a catastrophe by a magnificent retreat, of which we have had so many. Here was a movement in which we took the initiative, and succeeded.

The naval writer, " G. F.," describes the remoteness of long-range fire at sea in the following striking passage :-

" It is truly difficult to give any idea of a naval action ; the whole affair seems somehow so impersonal, so detached. Right away on the horizon can be seen the enemy—to the naked eye just pigmies belching out clouds and clouds of smoke. On board our own ship the noise is simply deafening, as round after round leaves the muzzles of the hungry, sinister I2-inch guns. Up in the control position from time to time can be heard the cry of ' Six coming ! ' or ' Five coming ! ' as the case may be, as splashes of fire on the enemies' side announce that a salvo has been fired— at us. Seconds pass, and then come the whirr and shriek of the shells and the final huge woomph, woomph,' as they rain down in the ses just short or just over us. Perhaps some find their billet, and then there is a huge explosion, and for a space we ' waggle our tail,' just like a duck shaking water off its back. And then we go on firing, firing."

—" A Lady Worker " describes her experiences of munition.

making. She, with others, after learning the work of turning

shell-cases, relieved the regular women workers. The ladies, who went by the name of the " Miows," seem to have as good a turn-out as the much more experienced regular hands. This the " Lady Worker " attributes to the greater freshness of mind and body of those who only work for the week-end, as compared with those who work the week through. She also says that greater care in the ventilation of the workshop would improve the work. The off ect of the stuffiness on hard- worked women is to produce Mating, and this is a most catching

complaint.—" An Exchanged Officer " brings his experiences to an end. As the train took him nearer to the Dutch frontier

he found the Germans grow in politeness, till at the end a General who presided at the final Medical Board at Osnabruck made a speech to the party of English officers about to leave Germany, which he ended up by asking to have all complaints brought to him, because " we want you to be satisfied. You must go back to England contented." There were no complaints, -but the writer thought of the purposely inflicted hardships and insults he had endured. He noted that on his journey he was able to obtain good and cheap meals at the railway restaurants, a fact which made all the worse the description given him by four English soldiers, also to be exchanged, who travelled with him. They said that their food had been of the scantiest, and that prisoners who were willing to work to relieve the monotony were unable to do anything hard on account of insufficient nourishment. When the train arrived in Holland the voice of an Englishwoman bringing them comforts

" awoke the memory of all that England is, of kind human sym- pathy, of those qualities so little understood by Germans : it' meant to me that I was back among people who play the game,' and knowing this I knew how to sum up in a single phrase German insolence, German treachery, and German frightfulness. ' They ' in Germany do not play the game.. . Those of our party who were able went for a walk as free men in the streets of Flushing. They saw the arrival of German prisoners from England, and compared their well-fed appearance in smart clean uniforms with the ragged, miserable state of the unfortunate British soldiers."

The final touch makes one realize the isolation of the prisoner of war. The writer tells us that in the hospital train which took him to Charing Cross there was a gramophone playing a catching air. He asked the orderly what it was. The latter, with a look of suspicion and hesitation, said it was " A Long, Long Way to Tipperary " l=` W. J. C." writes a long and detailed article on Asia Minor from the point of view of its

possible assistance to Germany in men and material. His verdict is that no great help can be expected. The war in Yemen has absorbed hundreds of thousands, some, people going so far as to say that this drain " has prejudiced the whole future of the Osmanli race in competition with non-Moslems in Asia Minor." The country, too, is not sufficiently developed to afford material aid. The boast that cotton is coming up the Danube is not likely to be largely realized. Cotton is in uni- versal use by the population, and the high prices paid by the Germans probably stay in the pockets of the merchants, and are not spread abroad sufficiently to make it worth while for the people to part with their whole output.