Great Britain and India
The purpose of this page is to ventilate that moderate Indian opinion which, recognizing all the difficulties, yet believes in the continued association of Great Britain and India within the loose framework of the British Commonwealth of Nations. We hope to include contributions from leading figures of the various sections of responsible opinion, Hindu, Moslem, and the Indian States.
11Ve print this letter before the statement by the Viceroy of July 0th, which may or may uot fulfil the hope of the writer. Sir Phiroze Sellout, K.C.1.E., is a member of the Council of State and President of the All-India Liberal Federation.—ED. Spectator.] Sut,—Your attitude with regard to the Indian problem has been marked by such a sympathetic spirit that it has evoked widespread appreciation among all sections of Indian thought and opinion other than the extreme or the revolutionary. It IS impossible to solve the Indian problem permanently on peaceful lines unless both England and India cultivate the right spirit, and approach it from the proper angle of vision.
The British must do their best to get into the skins of the Indian people and to approach and solve the problem from the Indian point of view. On the other hand, the Indian people must be prepared to make due allowance, from the British point of view, for the sentiments and legitimate interests of the British people, and for the practical difficulties of the problem. The trouble at present is that only a small proportion of the people in both the countries realize that this is the proper spirit in which to face the problem.
After all, people in England must realize that the Indian movement is a patriotic, nationalist inurement, and every such movement seeks to express itself in one form or another along sentimental channels until it attains its fullest fulfil- ment. The cold and rigid standards of logic and reason may disapprove—and rightly disapprove—of some of these mani- festations. But unfortunately, polities, much less nationalist polities, are not governed by logic or reason, they are mainly and essentially psychological, and no attempt at settlement can afford to ignore or belittle this psychological factor which is in itself a matter of such high importance that to overlook it or to fail to recognize its due significance would be utterly unscientific. A due blend of reason and sentiment with a little preponderance of the latter can alone succeed in yielding the result that will put an end to the present deadlock in India.
It is satisfactory to note that the Secretary of State realizes that force is no remedy for the present situation, and that without the good will of the Indian people, force is bound to fail, and, indeed, to worsen the situation. Peace and order nmst be maintained by all proper and legal means. But what is more important is to realize the duty of satisfying the nationalist movement to the fullest extent possible. The Civil Disobedience campaign is open to various objections, and Mr. Gandhi has certainly- made a serious mistake in launching it. But a no less serious mistake will be made by the British Government and people if they do not realize its significance and inwardness.
These, however, are generalities, important and valuable though they are in themselves. The gravity of the situation calls for concrete proposals and specific action for the appre- ciation of sound fundamental principles. Leaving aside the diehards on both sides, the necessity and desirability of con- ciliation will be admitted by all thoughtful and sober people. Strictly speaking, the difference is slight. India wants the immediate establishment of full national responsible Govern. ment and Dominion Status. England thinks that this goal cannot be realized immediately. If the Viceroy or His Majesty's Government could have assured Mr. Gandhi of one thing, namely that following upon the deliberations of the Round Table Conference, if they were satisfied that full national responsible Government and Dominion Status could safely be established in India, they would be prepared to submit to Parliament proposals to that effect, subject only to such conditions and reservations as might be deemed essential to a period of transition, there would not have been the Civil Disobedience campaign and all the trouble that it has given rise to. I reerainize it would not have been constitutionally practicable to give the assurance, and Mr. Gandhi might have been wrong in demanding it and launching a revolutionary movement when it was not forthcoming, bat all this proves how small incidents give rise to big events, entailing misunder- standing, ill-feeling, misery and all sorts of evil and trouble. The conception of the Round Table Conference is no doubt excellent. What is wanted now is to do everything that will make it a thorough success. How can this be done Is it not yet possible to conciliate Mr. Gandhi and his Congress Party ? The deliberations of the Conference may not be successful without him or without the representatives of his party. His presence at the Conference or that of his nominees would certainly add to the weight and value of the decisions that may be reached therein. Such being the case, a fresh effort may well be made to find out the minimum terms on which his co-operation can be had and the more so when he appears to be in that frame of mind, to judge from the report of the interview which he gave to Mr. Slocombe of the Daily Herald.
Now that the constitutional obstacle represented by the Simon Commission's report is out of the way, it should not be difficult, constitutionally or otherwise, for His Majesty's Government to make another declaration to the effect that they would be pleased to submit to Parliament proposals for the establishment of full national responsible Government and Dominion Status, if the deliberations of the Conference should satisfy theni that such proposals might well be made. A declaration on these lines, supplementing the viceregal announcement of November last, will have highly conciliatory effects, and in all probability save the situation. Its moral effect will be great it will succeed in rallying round the Con- ference all parties and forces except the most extreme and revolutionary, and I venture to think that in that ease Mr. Gandhi will agree to take part in the Conference.
One thing is certain. There has been such a rising tide of nationalism in India that no coercion can check it. The best, wisest and safest course is to satisfy the insistent demands of Indian nationalistic and progressive political thought fully and unreservedly. Mere tinkering with the problem or half measures will unquestionably prove disastrous in the long run, and end in India becoming a Lost Dominion.—I am, Sir, &c., ProutozE
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