EGYPT FOR THE EGYPTIANS.
(To THE EDITOR OF THE " SPECTATOR."]
SIR,—May an unknown but constant reader of your paper point out that the article " Egypt for the Egyptians," which appeared in your issue of February 26th, makes no mention of the promises made by the British Government when Egypt was occupied by British troops in 1882? As supporters of the Khedive Tewfik Pasha against his revolted subjects led b,y Araby Pasha, we then recognized the independence of Egypt, and promised that the occupation was to be temporary. These promises were renewed, and attempts were made to carry them into execution. The Drummond Wolff Convention was one of these attempts. I myself well remember seeing at that time a notice-board hanging up outside Kafir El Nil Barracks, and facing the road leading to Kasr El Nil Bridge, on which was painted in English: " These premises to let on account of approaching removal." A humorous Tommy thus expressed the general expectation of the approaching evacuation of Cairo. The Convention was not accepted by the Sultan of Turkey, and that attempt to keep our promises failed. During the early days of the occupation the ipsissima verba of the pledgee of the British Government were constantly published in large type on the first page of Le Bosphore Egyptien, the then leading French paper in Cairo, which was edited by Octave Borelli.
Evacuation has not been carried out; we have proclaimed a Protectorate. It seems to me that the redemption of public promises made by British Governments might be discussed in the Spectator. Then as regards the fellah, is the possible oppression of the fellah in the future by an Egyptian Govern- ment a valid ground for not carrying out our promises when Egypt has so unmistakably—by armed revolt in 1919—shown its desire to govern itself in its own way? Is the British taxpayer prepared to face the cost of a large army in order to maintain the present regime? It is doubtful whether the Egyptian Army, Police, and Civil Service, which are now, even in the higher ranks, largely composed of men of fellah extraction, would lend themselves to a policy of oppression directed against men of their own race. The monopoly of power enjoyed by Turks and Circassian, &c., which caused the military revolt
en February 1st, 1::1, when I was in Cairo, has now passed away. Nobody in Egypt can deny the immense material pro- gress made there since 1882. But men do not live by bread
alone. The desire for self-government is not solely inspired by
a love of loaves and fishes. There is besides a really sincere desire to serve their " Wotan" or " pays." The report of the Milner Mission shows how British pledges and British interests can be reconciled. Why not act, and act promptly? I am aware of the difficulties arising from a mixed European population and from the system of extra=territorial sovereignty known as the Capitulations, to which you allude. These facts constantly cropped up before me both when I was at the Bar and on the Egyptian Bench. But these and other difficulties are no valid ground for not accepting the recommendations of the Milner Mission.
There is an Arab proverb, "Justice is the foundation of power." By coming to an agreement with the inhabitants of Egypt Great Britain will immensely increase her power and prestige in all the lands of Islam, for the brotherhood existing between Moslems is. a real, living fact A permanently dis- contented Egypt, ruled by a large British Army, would be a• constant cause of trouble . to Great Britain in other lands besides Egypt.—I am, Sir, &c., WALTER MacGrotrost BOND.
Previous page
