South Africa and the Native BY PROFESSOR W. M. MACMILLAN.
SUCH is the unanimity established in South Africa, and such the completeness of the reconciliation achieved between the two Generals who lead the hitherto opposing parties, that the results of next week's General Election concern only a few individuals. The majority are already returned unopposed. The new alliance is perhaps not such a revolution as would appear on the face of it. Observers have long noted that in their essential conservatism there is little to choose between the Nationalists and the South African Party Oppo- sition. The emergence of Mr. Roos at a time of crisis as the leader of a rather radical group was really dis- concerting to both official parties, even if—perhaps because—it raised new hopes in the country at large. He has long been an idol, and an ardent if rather irrespon- sible champion, of the poor whites. He is in fact the natural leader of a White Labour group, predominantly Nationalist and Dutch, whereas the official Labour Party, British and trade unionist, has made no appeal to the country at large. This radicalism is strong meat • for the ordinary Nationalist farmer, and some of his leaders were probably not sorry when Mr. Roos left politics for the bench in 1929. At the same time Mr. Roos is almost embarrassingly anti-black, and the S.A.P., which includes at least a handful of genuine Liberals, has also a very strong interest in what remains of the 'influence of the Cape Native vote.
- The final bargaining between parties seems to have raised the same issues as that with Mr. Roos—the Nationalists showing preoccupation with white interests', the S.A.P. a little less unaware of the circumstance, more obvious to outsiders, that the great majority of the inhabitants of South Africa are rightless Natives. As one inspired communiqué put it ; "the negotiations "almost broke down over the Native question : but it was eventually decided that the economic position of the country was so serious that the Native Bills could stand over till some future date." It seems as if in the end Generals Hertzog and Smuts felt it necessary to combine, not only to face the present emergency, but against Mr. Roos's expression of new ideas of economic discontent disturbing to all the old interests.
The terms of the Coalition agreement seem to make a fair division of political shadow and substance. The Nationalists are promised basic acceptance of their most cherished achievements—national independence, and the national flag—while the new Cabinet is also pledged to support "white civilization," and its chosen instrument the " civilized labour policy." The Opposition, however, take -the key portfolios of the Interior (Home Office), Mines and Industries, and Justice. Though the Prime Minister, General Hertzog, may, as he -told his con- stituents, have the whip-hand (" in- the last resort," he assured them, "the Premier rules ")—yet the alliance may have merits if it only gives time for some calm thinking, as a change from rash action, about the position of the Natives.
The essence of the "Native Question" in South Africa can be put in two sentences. Things have drifted so far that there is devastating competition for unskilled employ- ment between the overflow from crowded Native " Reserves " and landless poor whites ; reform or remedy depends on an exclusively European Parliament domi- nated by the vote of the poor whites who have chief reason to fear wage-cutting black competition. In these condi- tions the Natives have some justification for believing that official "Native policy" seeks only, as one of their papers put it, to "bolster up the Whites and depress the Blacks."
To any impartial observer it is obvious that, for what the existing inadequate Reserves are worth, they are sorely neglected; consequently that, to relieve the pressure which is forcing Natives into the labour market, construc- tive efforts should be made to develop their resources. This was the view of the recent, predominantly National- ist, Native Economic Commission—though this Commis- sion is less helpful either about the financing of such development or about the homeless and helpless Natives, approaching two millions in number, residing on European farms. In either case it is hopelessly bad "polities," though only elementary common sense, for any political party to press the remedy of enlarging the Reserves, since this would seem to necessitate the expropriation of white farmers.
South African political circles, therefore, are in fact predominantly concerned- about the Native Problem, not as a fundamental issue of economics and land, but rather 'because in the old Cape Colony something fewer than 15,000 blacks still have votes, to balance about 900,000 Europeans. The 15,-000, it is contended, hold, or held, the balance in perhaps a dozen "S.A.P." seats, and this —according to Nationalists—" threatens white civiliza- tion." I say advisedly " held " ; for, foiled in a frontal attack on the Cape franchise, the late Government has 'cleverly circumvented it While lowering the qualifica- tions for European males it has made the registration of Natives more difficult, and at the same time swamped the Native vote in doubtful constituencies by doubling the White vote—this being effected by the enfranchisement of European women. Thus fortified in their position, the European diehards can afford to "let the Native Bills stand over" and; failing -the " agreement postulated -for any change, the new Government is likely to give the Native question a rest. Even such respite will be real relief after the Nationalist Government's long series of actively repressive measures. It is true that the "civi- lized labour policy" still stands—the device, that is, of displacing blacks by white labourers, subsidized in part by Native contributions to general revenue. Nor is there any promise to amend any of the bitterly resented Acts of the list two Parliaments. But the liberal elements in the new Cabinet are probably strong enough to ease the downward pressure, and a good deal can be done by more sympathetic administration.
It is possibly also to the good that the at least partial eclipse of Mr. Roos weakens, if only temporarily, the most vociferous champions of white labour. The S.A.P. moderates now come in to balance in some measure the definitely anti-Native prejudices of the old Nationalist- Labour " pact," and this at a time when, however slowly, enlightenment is spreading. _ In places a growing number of Europeans are being forced by a better presen- tation of the facts to accept the Africans as human beings, with interests bound up with those of the country as a whole. Delay, therefore, gives a hope that General Hertzog's Natiye Bills will be mellowed into something more liberal and statesmanlike. Last year, indeed, an eminent visitor to South Africa made the private comment that there was no hope for the repressed African till, like Irish and Indians, he " learnt to make himself a nuisance." The last Government did its best to teach him that lesson. Even now, if better times come—good rains, and a return of the hitherto almost normal short- age of Native Labour—the blacks may learn to make themselves felt sooner than most people expect. The better minds in the new Cabinet may, therefore, walk more warily and think ahead.
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