POSTSCRIPT.

SATURDAY NIGHT.

Innumerable rumours concerning the Ministerial crisis circulate, but there is very little real information. Yesterday, the daily papers published lists purporting to represent the probable formation of the Cabinet; but such conjectural reports are utterly unworthy of a moment's attention. Lord John Russell himself, we are told by the Morning Chronicle, (which has already assumed the much-moderated tone of an official organ,) has not yet accepted office-

" Lord John Russell has not yet so much as accepted the commission to form an Administration. Indeed, until he had consulted with his friends, it was clearly impossible that he could do so; and it was not until yesterday he had an oppm-- tunity of communicating with such of his former colleagues as have yet arrived in town. His Lordship will wait upon her Majesty at Windsor Castle today; and, until his return, it is impossible to say whether or not he will feel himself justi- fied in undertaking the duty offormzng am Administration."

We must go back to relate some of the few facts that are known. Lord John Russell arrived at Osborne House on Thursday afternoon ; staid till yesterday morning; and departed in one of the Queen's carriages. On his return to town, lie was closeted successively with the Marquis of Lans- downe, Viscount Palmerston, and some other Whig leaders. A conference was held at the residence of Lord Monteagle, and it did not break up till nearly one o'clock this morning. The Earl of Clarendon, the Earl of Auckland, and others, were expected in town last night. Viscount Morpeth has been written to; and so has the Marquis of Normanby, who is at Florence. No mention is made of Earl Grey! It is said, with probability, that Viscount Melbourne does not intend to join the Cabinet, on account of his health—and something more, perhaps.

Among the more gossip, a few points are curious. It was said that, in his hasty passage through London to the Isle of Wight, Lord John Russell had an interview with Sir Robert Peel: this is contradicted both by the Herakl and the Chronicle. The Herald also contradicts a report that Sir Robert Peel advised the Queen to send for Lord John Russell: such advice, would have been "officious and unconstitutional." Another report, un- contradicted, is, that on his way from Edinburgh, Lord John Russell had a meeting with Mr. Cobden and Mr. Bright, also on their travels, in a halt at Normanton station.

Nothing, then, is settled. Speculation is still at play. Many, we hear, even among the Whig party, doubt whether Lord John ought to accept office; or whether he ought not rather to leave to the Duke of Wellington the dubious task of "finishing his own work." Others think, that no Ministry could stand, or make any way, but one formed of the most efficient public men, without regard to party distinctions—a combination that IA ould bear down all obstacles—a special Ministry, for the work of the time.

Among those who assume that matters will proceed according to the commonplace routine, not a few are unpleasantly reminded by the con- jectural lists that Lord Palmerston is heir presumptive to some office: one list puts him down for the Foreign Office as before,—an alarming pro- spect; another gives him to the Colonial department,—which is accounted nearly as bad: for colonies have boundaries and boundary questions, and their own internal interests; and it is remembered that Lord Palmerston is an adept in Lord Stanley's talent of keeping perpetually open all vital questions and dangerous controversies.

The principal Whig and Tory eveniug papers add nothing very distinct to the foregoing statements. We take what we find. " We are enabled to state that nothing definite has yet been determined on with respect to the formation of a new Administration. The conference between Lord John Russell and the noble Lords and other members of the Whig Cabinet, held last evening, terminated without any thing being decided. Lord John Rus- sell left town this morning forWindsor, for the purpose of seeking an audience of the Queen. The opinion in well-informed quarters is, that the critical state to which the country is reduced, presents difficulties which are sufficiently formidable to justify the most calm deliberation before the responsibility of forming an Ad.- ministration is assumed by Lord John Russell."—Globe.

"Lord John Russell is expected to return this evening. Several confidential communications have been sent from Lord John Russell to Sir James Graham, last evening and this morning, but of course we are ignorant as to their intent and purport. Sir James Graham, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and several of the Ministers, had a meeting at the residence of Sir Robert Peel, this morning, in Whitehall Gardens. Various reports were in circulation at the West End respecting the probability of there being a coalition Ministry, but none of the rumours have obtained any degree of credit. In fact, nothing can be known until the return of Lord John Russell from Windsor Castle.—Standard.

A deputation from the merchants' bankers, and traders of London, in- cluding Mr. J. Pattison, one of the Members for the City, and Sir George Larpent, Chairman, had an interview with Sir Robert Peel yesterday, in Downing Street.

Stockport had its Free-trade meeting on Thursday evening: four or five thousand persons are said to have been present; Sir Ralph Pendlebury presided; and speeches were delivered by Mr. Cobden and Mr. Marsland, the Members for the borough, and Mr. Bright. The resignation of the Ministry was announced, and Mr. Cobden fiercely exulted-

" In 1841, at the very time this borough was in the condition I have just described to you; whilst famine, pestilence, and death, were stalking through your dwellings; this very Sir Robert Peel—a man sprung from amongst you—a man whose proudest boast ought to have been that he was a Lancashire man— one whose wealth has sprung from trade, who owes all he has in the world to the enterprise and skill of these districts—he it was who headed that gang of .planderers and monopolists: he forced himself into the Queen's Council, knowing right well, as I believe from my heart he does as well u

anybody in this assemblys-feeling as strongly as I do the truth of what goiug to say—knowing that the very cause of the misery in this district was the cause which he came into power to uphold. • • * I

member in the spring of 1842, in February or March 1 laid before the House a statement of the misery and starvation which existed in this district, those simple facts which intelligent men of this borough surnished me with; and no powers of eloquence, not even that of Demosthenes, could have added to the force of those facts. I then saw Sir Robert Peel sitting in his place, the muscles of his face distorted, his neck and cheeks actually writhing with emotion feeling as he did the acuteness and extent of those sufferings which I described. But it seas not from any regret, I firmly believe, at your sufferings, or apprehension of the consequences, except that it made him fear lest he should [not] be able to hold office at the head of the Monopolists in the face of the evils impending over the country in consequence of your distress. I give him no credit, for I have seen too much of him, for any feeling of remorse on account of the injury his system has inffictel upon the country. Sir Robert Peel felt for Sir Robert Peel, and not for you. 'Verily they have their reward,' this Monopolist Ministry. * * • But we don't exult in the spirit of vengeance over the fallen Monopolist leader. No; what we wish to do is this—to let his example be a warning to his successors."

Mr. Marshuid [a stanch "Whig and something more "] spoke in a very different sense— Ile did not rejoice at Sir Robert Peel's resignation. He knew not who might come in. He believed that, emancipated from the party by whom, on account of early ties, he was enthralled, Peel would be determined to do that which, clear- sighted as he was, he knew to be necessary for the safety of the country. Mr. Marsland could not forget, either, that he had been in Parliament under a Mi- nistry who could have done much but would do little for the people—who were only aroused from their political apathy when political power receded from them— and who never made an improvement or carried through a reform not forced upon them by their own party. They were behind the age—behind their party Lately, indeed, the world had seen some very sudden conversions—he put little faith in them. He disliked to see the awakening of those who slumbered fastest when their exertions were most needed. However, one point was undoubtedly gained—they had at last nailed some of their political leaders to Free Trade, be- ore they were in possession of power.

A great meeting of the Essex Agricultural Protection Society was held yesterday, in the principal inn at Chelmsford. Mr. Robert Baker, of Writtle, presided; several Members and influential country gentlemen attended; and the whole company, landowners and farmers, is estimated at six or eight hundred. All the speakers breathed indignation against Sir Robert Peel, and showed a front of defiance against further aggression on the principle of Protection. Mr. Baker said that the resignation of the Premier had come like a thnnderstroke on the farmers of Essex. Mr. Bramston, who had given in Parliament his assent to the last change in the Corn-laws, as final, declared such treachery unprecedented. Sir John Tyrell saw the present state of things and Sir Robert Peel's resignation with great satisfaction. The reign of humbug was over; the "organized hypocrisy" was no more— He had of late, within the last forty-eight hours, spent some time at the Carl- ton Club, and he was delighted with all he had there witnessed. There was not an attendant there who was not loud in his condemnation of Sir Robert Peel. The general remark there was, that Sir Robert had betrayed the interests of the agricul- turists of the United Kingdom. Let them pause, and let them consider to whom they were indebted for the resignation of Sir Robert. To Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington. Nor was he alone on their side: he cculd tell them that the agri- culturists had with them Lords Stanley and Wharncliffe, Lord Granville Somer- set, and the Honourable Sidney Herbert He had had this from the best au- thority. Resolutions, which passed unanimously, asserted the necessity of main- taining intact the principle of Protection; urged the members of the Society and inhabitants of the county to untiring exertions; and placed 2,000/. in the hands of the managing committee, to be used in any way that they sight deem essential to the interests of the Society.

Sir Thomas Lethbridge has addressed a letter of advice to the Duke of Richmond, as the representative of the Protectionists. The venerable country gentleman conveys sound sense with his usual blunt heartiness— Alluding to the late meeting in Bond Street, he tells the Duke, that he and Mr. Wiles, like the chicken sliding in its egg down the Irishman's throat, have spoken too late. At one time they might have secured a fixed duty ; now that hope is gone. In the Agricultural Committees of 1821 and 1822, Mr. Iluskisson and other authorities of the day warned the landed interest that if it did not then agree to a fixed duty the day would come when the ports would be open with no duty at all. "The year 1845 or 1846 will most probably verify that saying; and what then ? Are the landowners and occupiers lost? Are they to lay down their arms, and say there is no retreat, no future safety ? Far from it, my Lord Duke ! They will rather put their shoulders to the wheel, and see if they cannot undersell the foreign grower in the home market. Your Protection Society may cry out, 'A vain hope!' but I deny it. lacy, if the Corn-laws are repealed, you will, with justice on your side, demand an entire and complete revision of the taxation of the country. You can then show, that the land can no longer he called upon to pay the tithe rent-charge, two-thirds of the poor-rates, the land-tax, the church- rates, the parochial highway-rates, the county-rates, nor can it longer suffer the inquisitorial malt-tax. • * * This is no farmer's question. lt is the ques- tion of justice or injustice to the landowners and to the consumers of the general food of man. Let food come in at all times, from all quarters—we shall want it; and if a duty on it can't be kept up—which certainly looks very anti to the just and merciful laws of the Creator—then readjust the taxes with a view to their equalization. This will be something worth struggling for; and will be done easier than some persons will allow—if not all at once, by degrees; and land- owners and occupiers will never have cause to regret that they gave up undue protection for just and equal taxation."

Mr. Vernon Smith has come out as one of the Whig letter-writers against the Corn-laws. Excusing his absence from a meeting to be held in North- ampton, he says that he has supported Mr. Villiers's motion for the last three years, besides similar acts previously. He closes his letter with this remark— "My OWE opinion may sound a paradox, but it is—that of late years the con- duct of the 1 ories has advanced the repeal of the Corn-laws, and the violence and abase of the Anti-Corn-law League has retarded it."