SPECTATOR'S LIBRARY.
BIOGRAPHY, The Life and Correspondence of the Right Honourable Henry Addington, first Vis- count SIdmouth. By the Honourable George Pellew, D.D., Dean of Norwich. In
three volumes At . PHYSICAL Berm% The Gallery of Nature : a Pictorial and Descriptive Tour through Creation, illustra- tive of the Wonders of Astronomy, Physical Geography, and Geology. By the Reverend Thomas Milner, M.A., Author of "Astronomy and Scripture," are.
With numerous IllustraUens Orr and CO. FICTION,
Experiences of a Gaol Chaplain ; comprising Recollections of Ministerial Intercourse with Criminals of various classes, with their Confessions. In three volumes.
13enUey.
DR. PELLEW'S LIFE OF LORD SIDMOIITH.
AFTER the largest allowance is made for high personal respectability, for a calm firmness, and for considerable sagacity, Lord Sidmouth must be cited as one of those examples of fortune whose advancement is beyond' their own exhibited merit and exertion. He less achieved greatness than had it thrust upon him. Though born of a very respectable family, whose head was connected by professional and personal friendship with men of the highest rank, yet his father was only a physician ; and opinion in this country does not assign to the medical profession the same status , in public; life as the professors of law or divinity,—which Canning knew well enough when he made "the Doctor" the theme of his lampoons. Henry Addington, first Viscount Sidmouth, thus entered the world with , good connexions, but less perhaps as an equal than suffered or patronized; and he had not "devil" enough to subdue, or force, or quell mankind. He attained honours at Oxford ; and after the Coalition dissolution in 1784, was elected Member for Devizes, a borough apparently under the influence of his brother-in-law. In Ale House of Commons he was a steady follower and personal friend of Pitt, as his father, Dr. Addington, had been of Chatham ; but he spoke rarely, and without an approach to eloquence, though he was active in Committees and the business of the House. Yet in 1789 he was elected Speaker ; being then only thirty-two, an unknown man, not publicly distinguished for sayings or doings in any walk of life. For that advancement he was indebted to Pitt's friendship. In 1801, on the retirement of Pitt, he was selected by George the Third, for Premier, without having ever held any Government office. For this choice he was indebted to his "Protestant principles," and a personal de- votion to the Monarch.
Addington was unsuccessful as a Premier, through an unfortunate con- juncture of circumstances. He had no powers of speech; and, with Pitt and Fox as leaders, not to mention lesser men, the public had got a no- tion that eloquence was essential to a political chief,—as it is indeed necessary, in this country, to impress his policy. Addington's views of foreign politics were more quiet than Pitt's; and he lacked the character of the imposing schemer, to produce a grand-looking war plan. He was assailed by the wit and virulence of Canning, against which he had no defence of the same kind; nor could he compare in intellectual powers with any of his competitors. But a main source of his weakness was the falseness of his position. He did not assume power as the avowed head of any party or the representative of any principle : he came into office as the "King's friend," to favour the King's personal scruples.. Hence he had no real party of his own except his personal friends and , followers. When Pitt hinted faults and hesitated dislike, the discipline of Addington's troops was shaken ; when Pitt deserted the Minister he had undertaken to support, the morale of the Ministerial army was destroyed; when Pitt combined with the Opposition against the Government, its fate was sealed. Yet with oratorical power of attack and resolution to use it, the Addington Ministry might perhaps have stood : the Premier resigned with a majority of thirty-seven, and Pitt himself had to put up with twenty- nine soon after, upon the very question on which he excited the public against Addington—the defence of the country. Addington went out on the King's account. George was ready to go on and dissolve if neces- sary; but it was feared the excitement would be too much for him. The Minister resigned that the "closet might not be forced," and that the King might seem to choose his Ministry, for it was hoped that Pitt was as yet unpledged to the Opposition. An earldom and a pension were offered to the fallen statesman, but declined. In what light the man was then regarded by the Monarch, will be shown by two of his letters. This was written before he had formally retired. 4. Queen's Palace, 14th May 1804, 15 m. past seven a. m. "The King has signed and returns the warrants to his truly-beloved friend Mr. Addington; whose honour, truth, and personal attachment, will ever be a source of the greatest pleasure and comfort his Majesty can enjoy; as he only values those who view him as a man, and not those who reflect alone on the King, consequently are led by interest, not sentiments of friendship. the King will be highly gratified if Mr. Addington will call here at ten this forenoon.
" GEORGE B.
The next was in answer to Addington's note requesting an audience of leave before he went to "the Lodge in Richmond Park" by command of his Majesty.
"23d May 1804, Queen's Palace, 5 m. past seven, a. m. "The ring is ever glad to mark the high esteem and friendship he has for GO excellent a man as Mr. Addington, and will be truly gratified in seeing him this morning at ten o'clock, in his usual morning dress—the King trusts, in boots; RR he shall be glad to think Mr. Addington does not abstain from an exercise that is so conducive to his health; and will keep him in readiness, with Ibis Woodlt7 Yeomen, [a regiment of Volunteers, of which Addington was Colonel,] to join his Majesty, should Bonaparte or any of his savage followers dare to cross the Chan- nel. GEORGE B.
*
"This favourable opinion of Mr. Addington his Majesty had long entertained: as early as 1797 he had said, on meeting the Speaker one morning in the Park, and receiving from him an unsatisfactory reply to his inquiries respecting the debate of the preceding night, Whatever may happen, there are two persons upon whom I can rely; you Mr. Speaker, and myself.' On another occasion, whilst Mr. Addington was Minister, the King observed to him When I converse with you, I think aloud.' And again, in replying to Mr. him, letter of re- signation, on the 11th of May, his Majesty farther added, Mr. Addington has lthe best of hearts, and courage that has saved his King and country.' In truth, the perfect candour and integrity of Mr. Addington's character, in which there WAS not the most distant tendency to guile or double-dealing, were exactly adapted to captivate a monarch who said, be could never think favourably of one whose heart did not take the lead of his understanding.' 'Give me the man,' his Ma- emsty once observed, 'who is governed by principle, and not expediency. I always ow where to find the one, and never the other.'"
Though not holding his ground as a Premier Addington cannot be said to have failed. He negotiated the peace of Amiens with general approbation, and restored the finances. On the breaking out of the war, he improved the Property-tax ; introducing the principle of taxing income wherever it was found—as rent from the tenant, dividends from the Funds, instead of allowing annuitants to receive their money and then faking it from them. As far as circumstances would permit, he pro- ceeded on the principle of raising the year's expenditure within the year, so as to diminish the loan system as much as possible. He had also a definite war plan, not so buoy and showy as Pitt's, but quite as clear. He proposed to arm the country, to dispose its naval force against inva- sion, and to let Bonaparte come if he dared ; but to have no Continental projects till he saw the Continental Powers recovered from their pros- tration. He trusted by this means to disprove Napoleon's boasts, and so to discredit him as to injure his popularity in France ; at the same time taking advantage of any opportunity that turned up. This scheme, not greatly unlike Wellington's in the Peninsula, had too much of the game of patience for the public: it was not very pleasant to have "the grand army of invasion" threatening the coast for an indefinite period, whilst Government seemed to be doing nothing. Pitt, in fact, overthrew Adding- ton upon his plans for the defence of the country and the conduct of the war. Yet his own measures for defence were no better, if so good ; as
was unpalatably intimated in Parliament. By his subsidies Pitt roused Austria and Rings into a premature war, which diverted the grand army to Germany, to end in Ulm and Austerlitz. With the overthrow of his Ministry Addington's power passed away, but not his consideration and influence. Be was known to retain the King's friendship ; which procured him followers. Pitt's Parliamentary weakness, and the means which Addington's friends possessed of turning the scale on any occasions, rendered it highly desirable that Addington should join the new Ministry. Admiration of Pitt's powers, old asso- ciations, and the wishes of the King, were too strong for reason. He con- sented to become Viscount Sidmouth and President of the Council ; only to find out that events forbid a "true reconcilement" where "wounds of deadly hate have pierced so deep," even when personal feeling would permit it. Sidmouth took office on the 11th January 1805; on the 12th, the Speaker Abbott, saw Pitt and Sidmouth together, and thought "their manner cold and constrained" ; though Addington, in a private letter, strives to think that Pitt was not. In March, Lord Melville's business created heartburninga ; on April the 22d Sidmouth ten- dered his resignation, nominally about the Admiralty, but in reality, he says, for "many causes" (in three months!) ; but he was persuaded by Lord Hawkesbury to remain till July, when he was "driven" from the Government. The quarrel, however, was political, not personal: Pitt was affected at parting; and after a time there were gleams of Old friendship, when Sidmouth's eldest son lost his mind, and Pitt was smitten by his last illness : but former habits of intercourse were never revived, and in fact circumstances were too strong for feelings.
On the accession of All the Talents, Sidmouth came into office as the King's friend ; and he gives a much better account of the Whig and Grenville Ministry, both officially and personally, than they have yet received, especially of Grenville's manners and temper. On their break- ing up, Sidmouth refused office under the miserable medley of politi- cians called Ministries that succeeded; whom he seems to have held in as much contempt as he could hold any one : but though occasionally opposing, he declined to go into systematic opposition to the King's Government. On the termination of the Regent's restrictions, he joined Percival, as President of the Council ; and on Percival's assassination, became Secretary for the Herne Department, under Lord Liverpool. This office he held through the troubled period of Luddite outbreaks, Spafields riots, and other disturbances ; till he was succeeded, in 1822, by Sir Robert Peel, and really retired from public life, though nomi- nally retaining his seat in the Cabinet. Advancing years and the restora- tion of public tranquillity were the reasons assigned ; but the real cause was Canning's proposed recognition of the South American republics, and the growing ascendancy of Liberalism in the Cabinet. Sidmouth steadily opposed the settlement of the Catholic question and the Reform Bill ; but he had not the malice of Eldon, and remained friendly terms with his opponents. The close of his life was probably as happy as very advanced age permits humanity to be. His intellects were clear, his health no more affected than must be expected at fourscore years, and he was happy in his family and himself. But he lived to survive all the friends of his youth and the companions of his manhood : his first wife had died in 1811; and his second, a daughter of Lord Stowell, much younger than her husband, departed before him. He died in 1844, at the age of eighty-seven.
The name of Lord Sidmouth is most popularly known by the "Man- chester massacre," and the employment of "spies and informers " ; but his historical meridian was the Addington Ministry. All after was de- cline. "Put not your trust in primes.' There is reason to think that George the Third was not best pleased with Sidmouth's withdrawal from the _King's Government in 1805, little as his Majesty might love Pitt at that time. Scant efforts were made after the fall of All the Talents attract Sidmouth to office : in fact, he was slighted, if not affronted. But had he retained the Royal favour, the King's illness would soon have re- moved that source of strength. New circumstances in the ever-shifting currents of life weakened his band of followers ; and in truth he had not power to use his forces to advantage. As we have intimated already, the Want of fiery vigour was his vital defect,—want of vigour in speech, in
intellect, and in action. It was this that caused his downfall from power, and (coupled with his loyalty) prevented him from using the means he possessed when the deaths of Pitt and Fox had given him a clearer stage. But had he possessed that vigour, he might never have been the Speaker of Pitt or the Premier of George the Third, but have been left to struggle with fortune and steer his course as he could on the ocean of the world.
The volumes which have furnished the occasion for this review of Lord. Sidmonth's career contain a great mass of original materials, but not well put together or displayed to anything like advantage by Lord Sidmouth's son-in-law, the Reverend Dr. renew. The papers and reminiscences of the family are of course at the command of the biographer ; though, un- luckily, Lord Sidmouth destroyed many letters of the King, as well as" other documents, and no doubt the most curious. Dr. Pellew has also ha& access to other family archives; and Lord Colchester has allowed the free use of a very valuable diary kept by his father, Mr. Speaker Abbott. The result has been the bringing together of a number of interesting anec- dotes, and a large amount of valuable political information, especially from the time when the hero accepted the Premiership until he merged his political individuality by taking office under Lord Liverpool. We have here, in fact, another view of those times; differing from Malmes- bury's, which was the Canning faction with a leaning to Pitt; or Eldon's, which gave the sturdy unscrupulous Tory party aspect of the history ; Romilly's and several other Whig memorials, that presented of course their view, but rather an outside view,—and, strange to say, scarcely so favourable to the Whig character as the work before us, which is the Sidmouth-and-King view. But to profit by the volumes, the reader must come to them with a prepared mind ; and he mast exercise a good deal of patience in reading ; for the valuable texts are encumbered by indifferent commentary, and a rather tedious and diffuse narrative. Very often, too, they suggest more than they tell ; and unless the vacuum left be filled up by the reader, of course some emptiness must be felt. The view which we get now of the first ten years of the nineteenth century is by no means flattering to great people or high station. Whether it be that the necessities of large affairs, like toisety, "make men acquainted with strange bedfellows," or that the temptations of habitual power are too strong for a very lofty honour, the whole race cut but an .indifferent figure. The folly and want of foresight of the Whigs is very conspicuous : in political morality the Opposition appear better; but they are only seen occasionally, and their open conduct ii contrasted with the insidious or dubious behaviour of Pitt and others. The "Heaven-horn Minister" comes out damaged. His resignation in 1801 remains as mysterious as ever. The Catholic question was the avowed cause; but whether Pitt really pressed this forward himself,. or was influenced by Canning, Grenville,, Castlereagh, and Dundas, is not established : the King seemed to think the latter. That Pitt felt the ad- vantage of settling the question, may be conceded ; but be could not have thought it vital, since on the King's illness he agreed to waive it henceforward, and he finally came back to power stipulating not to moot it. Sheridan only gave expression to a prevailing opinion when he, charged him with resigning "as a convenient step to his own safety, in retiring from a situation he could no longer fill with honour." Yet the failure of his policy, which a peace implied, seems hardly to have driven him out; since, according to the following account in Speaker Abbott's Diary, he was no sooner out than he wanted to get in again, but met a something in Sidmouth he had not expected.
"15th March 1801.
*ring the last few days Mr. Dandas and his friends at Wimbledon have beerIndeavouring to represent that the King's illness has introduced a new state of things, so that the old Ministers might still retain their offices, and provide some great and eminent situation for Mr. Addington. For a time Mr. Pitt gave way to their instances, and authorized a message to the Duke of Portland, that if it should be the King's earnest wish, and also Mr. Addington's earnest wish, to have the former Administration restored, he was prepared to discuss the circum- stance. To this Mr. Addington answered, that it never was his wish to quit his former situation; that the late Ministers had declared their own irrevocabk de- termination to resign, and they had advised his accepting the Government as the only thing that could stand between the Crown and ruin; and that even now his own personal wish would be, to be restored to his family, and give them back the power they had resigned, if it could be done consistently with their own honour and the King's desire. That they might open the matter to the King if they pleased, but he would not propose it; and he trusted they would think fit previously to consult the King's physicians as to the effect such a proposition might have upon his Majesty in his present state of health. Mr. Pitt at length said he thought the project utterly improper, and that he would hold no intercourse with those who would not concur in a strenuous support of the new Administration; nor should he think those persons friends to himself who croaked about their instability."
This promise was very scantily fulfilled, and was withdrawn at the time when it was most wanted, under circumstances which seem to jus- tify Sberidan's sarcasm, "that having seduced him [Addington,] into that situation, [the Premiership,] he afterwards tapered off from a pro- minent support, when he saw that the Minister of his own choice was acquiring greater stability and popularity than he wished for." Lord Sidmonth always attributed Pitt's conduct to the influence of othera,— alluding to Canning and Grenville. That Canning was incessantly in- triguing, we know from Lord Malmesbury's Diary ; that he stuck at no attacks however personal, was always known from the lampoons upon "the Doctor "; but we much doubt whether Pitt was swayed by Can- ning or anybody else. So far as we can reason from what we know, Pitt rather used his friends as his tools, than was in anywise moved by them. A craving ambition was probably at the root of his oonducn, and drove him upon intrigue in private, as it impelled to something like unfairness in public. But it was not petty intrigue. There was no bust- ling to and fro to influence Peers or Commoners; no getting up of projects or writing manifestoes. When he began to attack Addington in Parlia- ment, he opened a private correspondence with the King through Eldon, with whom he had been previously in secret communication ; that at ho- nest lawyer being Addington's Chancellor all the time. The King was equally facile. To be sure, he had done the same thing to Pitt, (though with an underhand suggestion,) when he suspected that the Munster wag preparing to press him upon the Catholic question. Thus he wrote to Addington.
"Queen's House, .Tan. 29th, 1801.
'‘The Speaker of the House of Commons, I trust, is so sensible of the high regard I have for the uprightness of his private character, as well as of his ability and temper in the fulfilling his public trust, that he will not be surprised at my desire of communicating to him the very strong apprehensions, I conceive, that the most mischievous measure is in contemplation to be brought forward in the Snit session of the Parliament of the United Kingdom, and this by one styling himself a friend to Administration—I mean Lord Castlereagh: this is no less than the placing the Roman Catholics of the kingdom in an equal state of right to sit in both Houses of Parliament, and hold offices of trust and emolument, with those of the Established Church. It is suggested by those best informed, that Mr. Pitt favours this opinion. That Lord Grenville and Mr. Dundee do, I have the fullest proof: they have intimated as much to me; who have certainly not disguised to them my abhorrence of the idea, and my feeling it as a duty, should it ever be brought forward, publicly to express my disapprobation of it, and that no consideration could ever make me give my consent to what I look upon as the destruction of the Established Church; which, by the wisdom of Parliament, I, as well as my predecessors, have been obliged to take an oath at our coronations to support.
"This idea of giving equal rights to all Christian churches is contrary to the law of every form of government in Europe; for it is well known that no quiet could subsist in any country where there is not a church establishment
"I should be taking up the Speaker's time very uselessly if I said MOM, as I know we think alike on this great subject. I wish he would, from himself, open Mr. Pitt's eyes on the danger arising from the agitating this improper question; which may prevent his ever speaking to me on a subject on which I can scarcely keep my temper, and also his giving great apprehension to ever, true member of our Church; and, indeed, I should think [to] all those who with temper consider that such& change must inevitably unhinge our excellent and happy constitution, and be most exactly following the steps of the French Revolution.
"I have adopted this method of conveying my sentiments to the Speaker, as I thought he would not choose to be summoned by me when he could not have assigned the reason of it: but should this ill-judged measure still come forward, I shall then, from the notoriety of the case, think myself justified in setting all
etiquettes aside, and desiring the Speaker to come here. GEORGE R."
Addington went to Pitt, and thought he had persuaded him to abandon his project; which perhaps he would have done had the letter been shown,— for we suspect the true solution of the resignation is, that Pitt mistook his power, and thought he could override the King. This cursory notice of one point in the first decade of the present cen- tury may show the sort of information there is buried in these volumes, for those who will dig it up. But it must be dug out ; at least the metal must be extracted from the ore. The style of the author is diffuse; or rather, (for the defect is deeper than any form of composition,) his mind is incapable of extracting from details the result which they contain. The consequence is, that the reader is overwhelmed with amiable but trivial commonplace. Moreover, the biographer is deficient in judgment. Be draws no distinction between matter open to all the world in debates and newspapers, and that which is peculiar to the documents before him. Considering his family position, Dr. Pellew's judgment is very impartial, except upon the spy business ; (for though Lord Sidmouth, doubtless, did not engage men to get up conspiracies, he entered into terms with trea- cherous conspirators, and employed them to go on and report progress, which was sure to end in the same thing). Dr. Pellew, however, overrates the importance of his subject, and, as a consequence, unduly expands it. There is, further, an awkward intermingling of topics ; the mere correspondence interferes with the biography. The tone throughout is measured and amiable to a high degree ; animated by that old-fashioned feeling which shrunk from mentioning painful or even unpleasant truths. To such a length is this carried, that offences, at least by gentlemen, are banished from the book. All Pitt's double-dealing is rather a misfolitile than a fault; and not a word is said of Canning's anonymous libels; which Pitt must have permitted, if nothing more, and of which he reaped the profit. Those who remember the contentious times of some thirty years ago, will recollect that Canning's connexion with Castlereagh and Sidmenith—the meanness of him
"Who dubb'd him the Doctor,' he now calls his brother, And to get in his place took a shot at the other"—
was a fertile topic of party reclamation. How Canning managed with Castlereagh we do not know : this is the very creditable way in which Sidmouth healed the breach.
"The circumstances attending this reconciliation are so honourable to both par- ties, that it is with much satisfaction they are now presented to the reader, as ex- tracted from Miss Addington's notes of her father's conversations. On the 21st of July 1812, the Count d'Antraigues was murdered, by his own servant, at his lodgings at Barnes in Surrey; and as he had long been an object of political sus- picion to the Government, it became Lord Sidmouth's duty, as Secretary of State, to detain his papers for inspection. A day was accordingly appointed, on which the young Count d'Antraigues was to attend at the Home Office to witness the opening of his father's papers; and at his request, two friends of the deceased per- son, of high character and distinction, were also invited to be present The par- ties thus selected were Mr. Vansittart and Mr. Canning. The latter, arriving early on the day appointed, instead of being conducted at once into the apartment assigned for the examination of the papers, was, by mistake of the office-keeper, ushered into the anteroom to Lord Sidmouth's private apartment On hearing this circumstance, his Lordship immediately desired Mr. Canning might be shown in and on his entrance offered him his hand. Accident,' he said, has brought us together, and I gladly avail myself of the opportunity to say that it surely is not becoming us as gentlemen, not to mention our higher obligation as Christians, to be linable to meet in society without the recurrence of feelings distressing to our- selves and others. For Ins own part,' he added, 'he was anxious to declare his readiness to meet Mr. Canning on cordial terms; and that it only rested with him to remove all painful impression of the past !' Mr. Canning changed colour, and with much emotion took Lord Sidmouth's offered hand, saying My Lord, you have removed a great weight from my mind: I cannot express what I feel.' "
The following is Canning's account, given to the circle-celebrity Dean Cyril Jackson who reports it in a letter to Sidmouth.
I had two calls from Canning last year, when he was on a visit to Hnskisson, who lives about eight miles from this place. He talked over many things with me, as he generally does, very confidentially; but generally, they are things which are past. I get histories, therefore, and I believe too, in the main, (as I judge from comparing them with what I hear through other channels,) not unfaithful ones: nor does he spare himself, or refuse to be scolded, as he often is; but then, as I tell him, before he gives me the opportunity of scolding, the mischief is al- ready done. "We had talked over a certain negotiation, and, of course, had said something of many persons individually, .when he observed to me, on the sudden, and with much emotion, I must tell you something of Lord Sidmouth, though I know it will lead to a repetition of the scoldings I have often had.' He then mentioned to me the whole of your Lordship's behaviour to him at your own office: the whole,' he said, was done with complete dignity, complete goodness of heart, and,' he added too, 'in the best possible augury,' (an odd. expression, but I understand its meaning). 'I never,' he went on, was so thoroughly, overcome—I do not know how I behaved, and scarcely what I said. Do not do it in form, but if ever you have an opportunity, I would wish Lord S. to know from you that I felt as I ought.' I will not trouble your Lordship with a detail of the conversation which followed. You will easily judge what it was, if I say that it was a comment on some words of my own of which he himself fairly reminded me, that 'he would one day feel how unworthily you had been treated.'" Other historical points, and many anecdotes of an entertaining if not of a very striking kind, rise temptingly before us; but Parliament and space press with a more powerfully restraining force, and we must quit• this valuable mine of political ore, regretting that it had not been better smelted and prepared for the public.