Debates anti Vroctebings in parliament.

Heasnans FOR IRELAND.

In the House of Commons, on Monday, the order of the day for going into Committee on the Destitute Persons (Ireland) Bill having been read, Mr. O'Corarau, rose and expressed approval of the bills before the House; strongly urging despatch. He declared, in the name of Ireland, that 2,000,000 of the population would perish unless the House came forward with efficient relief. The Poor Inquiry Commissioners had stated, that in ordinary years 2,500,000 of the population were in a state of destitution ; but according to another report, of a later date, the number has increased to 4,000,000. The great mass of the people have been on the borders of starvation ever since the union with England—ever since the people came into contact with the power and wealth of England. Having lost their potato crop, they are now starving in shoals. He had no objection that measures should be taken to compel the landlords to do their duty. He would

Diet. The exceptions are sufficiently sweeping : they are cus- Farm Government with unlimited discretionary power, under which the' toms-duties of all sorts, and taxes needed in time of war ; the might appoint commissioners to levy ren moome,tax on the Insh landlords. eight of imposing which is reserved to the Soirereign, under pledge It would, however, be impossible to levy rates generally in the present state of subsequent explanation to the Diet. On all other subjects of of &hold: it wonld drive the people to madness and despair. The Legbs- internal polity, besides titration, the Diet may give its " counsel" lature/must proceed in the mean time by way of loans. —when asked and when not asked, it may " petition." The Ait extremely desultory debate, repeating many of the positions already Nobles will sit separately, except when the Diet votes on any eltalsbed, ensiled. Sir /3inixamist HALL dada* that the landlords of Ireland were labqpring under a fearful reSfonsibility. He denounced the financial measure, and then the sitting will be joint. Regula- landowners of Castlebar for riot paying rates; and observed that when tions for the conduct of business must be submitted for the King's there is a talk of loans for Ireland, the House ought not to forget the dis- approval. Let us see, then, what are the rights of the new Prtis- tress in this country. In St. Pancras alone, out of a population of 130,000 sian Parliament. The Parliament or its Committee is to meet at inhabitants, 8,000 are receiving out-door relief, and 2,000 in-door reliei. least once in four years after its prorogation': it is excluded from Mr. Mowewrosr MILNES deprecated these untimely digressions to the legislating on all subjects of foreign policy, or on any internal general Poor-law question. subjects excepting money matters ; it is excluded from dealing Mr. POHL= Senora insisted npon.the necessity of an efficient system With frontier duties, or war-taxes ; its positive rights are limited of compulsory relief in Ireland, to relieve the English people against peri- to the particular class of money bills relating to internal taxes ; adieu' demands for the subsistence of the Irish. and when it votes on those bills, its House of Lords will come in Lord DUNCAN corroborated Mr. Roebuck's accounts respecting the state So dilute the Commons : its sole positive right is to vote part of of poverty in Bath; and, by way of contrast with the repudiating land- , th lords of Castlebar, mentioned that at Paisley, in addition to a poor-rate of e national taxes for the King, or to refuse to vote that part or

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the national taxes. Should it "atop the supplies," the King in the pound, a subscription was raised of 1001. a week.Mr. OSBORNE explained the repudiation at Castlebar. The rate-books will have the alternative of falling back on his customs-duties— are so ill kept in Ireland, that the landlords are continually made charge- which fall within the control of the Zollverein ; or he may pick able when they are not so by law. In the Westport Union, Lord Lucan a quarrel with any convenient neighbour, go to war, and impose had discovered that he was charged in a hundred instances where the rate taxes quite constitutionally, properly fell on the tenant. Lord Lucan kept open the Ceetlebar Work- The Parliamentary privileges conceded to the Prussians, after house at his own expense, and the Marquis of Sligo is at this moment keep the thirty years' waiting, are fined down to the smallest amount lug open the Westport Workhouse. As to Paisley, the honourable Mein- compatible with bare existence. The extent and potency of the her for Paisley often objurgated the Irish landlords in private conversa- retracting modifications which accompany the gift might suggest tion: he dared not stand up in his place and do so. &suspicion that it is merely a counterfeit given to save appear- On this challenge Mr. H&STIE rose, and, rebuking Mr. Osborne fbr allu- traces. We incline, however, to the conjecture that King Frede- cling to private conversations, distinctly charged the Irish landlords with grossly violating their duties. When the potato crop failed, last year, in- rick William is acting bon4 fide, and that on the hen-and-duck- stead of meeting to concert measures, they did nothing but sit down and Slags principle he is really allowing his beloved subjects to launch howl for English money. When the property of Irish landlords is equally as freely into the new element as he can find it in his heart to taxed with that of English landlords for the support of the poor, then and permit. It is to be anticipated that the same spirit of good in- then only, would they have a right to demand assistance in time of need. tention and faint heart will preside over the administration of this Sir DENHAM Noitaars declared that Irish landlords had met last callow constitution, and that the working will be cramped by year- it was in consequence of their report that the Labour-rate Act was further attempts at retracting modifications. It will lie with the passed; and he charged Sir Benjamin Hall with pandering to -a feeling representatives of the people to permit or to resist such attempts. very prevalent in England. At all events, a beginning has been made : Prussia is no longer Sir HENRY BARRON declared it disgraceful in those who know nothing a mere territorial monarchy, but a nation endowed with a share of the country, to bring forward mendacious charges against the Irish land- of self-government : a consolidated people is established on the lords—

The Irish landlords were to be hunted to death and destruction, in order that

the reactions of despotism, now further and further driven to the the English capitalists might step in, buy up their estates, and so invest their money in Irish land. (Cries o " Oh, olit") Yes, that was the real truth: remote regions of the North, but it facilitates the filling up of the The clamour, the calumnious moor, was raised by that portion of the press intermediate space With free institutions, which was known to be the great organ of what was called "the monied interest" of London. He could trace it perfectly well to a low cunning; to the sordid hope of crushing the landlords; to a wish of showing them up as in the wrong before the country, in order that money might be made out of them—in order that the estates might be sold, and that the city of London might pocket the proceeds. (Laughter.) The people of Ireland could not pay the rates for they had not the means. ("Hear hear ! ") Why, how ignorant must the House be of Ireland if they an- ticipated anything else—if they expected the people there to be 88 regular in their payments as the inhabitants of the parish of Marylebone. They could not hope that they would pay in Ireland. (ughter.) It was only from such ig- norance that such debates could proceed. Lord Jour; RUSSELL recalled the House to the business before it; but said a few words in reply to the attacks upon gentlemen "who are, as they ought to be, very dear to him," his constituents of the city of London— "The honourable Baronet who last spoke says it is owing to the monied interest of London that the Irish landlords have been blamed and traduced. (Laughter.) He believes it is some low cunning of that monied interest, inducing a wish to get hold of the Irish estates. (Great laughter.) Now, this is a very general state- ment upon this point; but I may te,11 my honourable friend, that, about a month ago, some dozen gentlemen belonging to the city of London—having no connexion with Ireland, having no property, and, as I think, entertaining no wish to hold property there—(A /augh)—desiring to carry on no business but their own— met for the purpose of heading a subscription to raise a large sum, several patting down 1,0001. each, to be applied to the relief of distress in Ireland. (Cheers.) And they were not satisfied with doing this, but, occupied as they were from morning till four o'clock in the afternoon, they met every afternoon at that hour, when business was over, to receive subscriptions, to conduct correspondence, and daily to transmit the funds in the way likely to be most useful to the people of Ireland. (Cheering.) With regard to the public funds and to the exchequer, when my hcmourable friend calls upon us to make liberal grants, I would beg him to recollect—whether the sum was rightly applied or not, whether the act was beneficial or not, whether the money be properly administered or not—there is this fact on record, that within the last month not less than 1,000,0001. has gone from the Imperial Exchequer for the alleviation of Irish distress." There was a little more conversation much to the same effect. In the course of it, Mr. Susumu/ CRAWFORD endeavoured to remove the im- pression that the Irish people cannot pay their rates: they ought to be compelled to pay them.

The House went into Committee; and took up the consideration of the bill at the 12th clause, which authorizes an extension of rating for the temporary purposes of the act. Mr. STAFFORD O'Bsuax objected to this de- parture from the existing law. It was, however, supported, among others, by Mr. Moan O'FF.Eresii. and Sir JAMES GRAHAM as a temporary ex.- pedient to mitigate the pressure of the burden; and Mr. O'Brien's motion was withdrawn.

Some discussion arose on clause 13th, making loans to Ireland payable out of the rates.

Lord CLEMENTS was of opinion, that if it was intended the landlords of Ireland should repay these loans, the Government must give them the means of doing so. (Laughter.) He was not one of those.who asked for money. He asked for legislative means; and he said, that unless the landlords of those means they could not repay these loans. He looked with contempt on the abuse which' had been levelled against the Irish landlords; but he also, with some few exceptions, looked with equal con- tempt on the means that had been taken to defend them. (Laughter.) The landlords had insuperable difficulties to contend with in dealing with their pro- perty at present. There were nearly 2,000,000 acres in Ireland held injoint tenancy on the old pastoral system, under which it was never intended that there should be any tillage at all. These and many other circumstances connected with

Property in Ireland rendered it impossible that the landlords should repay these loans unless Parliament gave them power over their property.

Mr. ROEBUCK here called on Government to deal with the House as the souse had been accustomed to be dealt with—

They had now come to the money question, but were kept totally in the dark. Had it occurred within the recollection of the oldest Member of the House—of Mr. Hume or Sir Robert Peel—that the Chancellor of the Exchequer ever before came down on a great occasion to demand money from the House without first offering at least a rough estimate of what he would want and what he demanded; and next informing the House as to the mode in which he was about to raise the money so demanded? This was a most important question. He knew, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer knew, that if he were to say in the next ten mi- nutes that he would propose to increase the Income-tax, the announcement would

raise a flame from one end of the country to the other. [Hr. Shaw here ex- pressed dissent.] It might not in Ireland, where the Income-tax was not paid— (Cheers and laughter)—but throughout England and Scotland it would. He demanded explicit information. They had talked about the evils of Ireland; but nobody had yet been able to get from the Chancellor of the Exchequer what would be the cost to England of remedying those evils. Sir CHARLES WOOD said, the question had been asked in so unusual and pointed a way, that if be had refused to answer it he should have been justified. Nevertheless, he would repeat what he believed had been stated on a former occasion— There had been advanced in the whole about 2,000,0001. sterling since Sep- tember up to the 1st of January. The advances for the Grand Jury presentments, from the 1st of January 1846 up to the let of September, were 125,800/. The pre- sentments from the 1st of September were 1,872,0001.; of which 463,0001. had been sanctioned by the Treasury up to the 30th of January. The presentments under the 9th and 10th of Victoria amounted to 6,127,0001., to be levied in Ireland, being presented by the gentry of Ireland themselves-' and the amount that had been accepted by the Treasury was 2,500,0001. As he had already stated, 2,000,0001. had been used from September to the 1st of January. What sum further would be wanted, it was impossible to say,. It clearly would be necessary to advance some millions of money. During the last month 1,000,0001 sterling had been expended. He believed that the introduction of the new system in place of that of the Labour-rate Act would effect a saving of a great amount of money; for under it, his belief was, a much less sum of money would go further than under the Labour-rate Act. The sum that would be required under this bill, and what the House would be pledged to under it, would not exceed 800,0001. So far as this bill was concerned, the House was pledged to that extent and no more.

Mr. ROEBUCK observed, that the terms standing in the bill were " any sum or sums of money"; and he still wanted to know, as a matter of cal- culation, what was the probable expenditure which the people of this country would be called upon to pay to maintain the people of Ireland so long as this bill was in operation?

Sir CHA.RLES WOOD replied, that he was going to bring up one clause to limit the advances out of the Consolidated Fund for the present bill to 300,0001., the sum already voted; and that by a second clause about to be brought up, the Commissioners would be enabled to appropriate any monies which, by a vote of the House of Commons in Committee of Supply, should from time to time be granted.

Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN wanted to know, as well as Mr. Roebuck, what was to be the end of the unproductive expenditure; for, by the present bill, there would not be eleemosynary relief to last beyond a fortnight. He saw nothing in the proceedings of the Government why this system should not go on next year as it had done this; and if this were the case, it must drain the resources of both countries.

Mr. EveLvar Desnsore put another question. Before voting the public money, he wished to ask whether the Poor-law Bill was to receive the sub- stantial support of her Majesty's Government, and to be carried into effect in its integrity?

Sir GEORGE GREY said, the honourable Member had asked a very ex- traordinary question-- He had asked whether a bill would receive the support of her Majesty's Govern- ment, when it had been brought in by the noble Lord the First Lord of the Trea- sury, by the Secretary for Ireland, and by himself. He assured the honourable Member, that the bill would be taken in Committee at as early a day as the busi- ness of the House would allow, and that it would be proceeded with. nil his honourable friend had asked the question, he had not heard even a surmise that the bill was to be given up. Mr. Saevr would put a question to Mr. Roebuck: because the Irish landlords were bad, were the people to starve? The landlords had voted 6,000,0001. more than in common prudence they ought.

Mr. ROEBUCK replied— Mr. Shaw was a judge' and therefore knew how to ask a question with an innendo. It was insinuated that he, Mr. Roebuck, intended that Government should allow the people to starve. (" Hear, hear!" and" Year) One honourable Member cried " Hear, hear!" and another cried " Yes!" Now he would tell them what he wanted the Government to do. He wanted the Government of England

to provide effectual means to prevent the le of Ireland from starving; but in dom,g so, to pledge all the property of Ire to the repayment of the:debt. Mr. Shaw talked of "common prudence." It seemed to him that the gentle- men of Ireland had shown uncommon prudence in presenting 6,000,0001., and borrowing from this country to pay it; just as if he should say to a man, "Lend me 500,0001.; but I have not one-tenth of the property to pay it, and common prudence does not suggest that I should present to you that demand." He said it was unfair to this country. He was standing up for the people of this country; and they knew it fully out of doors that he was standing up for the -honest and industrious artisans of England, as opposed to the landlords of Ireland. After some more bickering of a similar nature, Mr. POULETT Seaoen repeated Mr. Denison's question. He hoped the Governmentwould give some pledge that the Irish Poor-law Bill should not suffer any material diminu- tion in its efficacy in its passage through Parliament. Mr. LABOLiCHERE said it was the full intention of the Government to carry through the bill in its full integrity.

The clause was agreed to, as well as the remaining clauses.

Mr. EVELYN DENISON proposed an addition to clause 17th, limiting the Treasury advances to the amount of any rate or voluntary contribu- tion raised within any district. Mr. Lanoucanart declined to accept the advantage which such a restriction would really be to Government..

The amendment was withdrawn, and the House resumed.

In the House of Lords, on Monday, Earl Freewitmere moved for an amount of all monies advanced by way of loan from the Imperial treasury for public works and other purposes in Ireland since the Union; his object being to remove a very unfounded impression that money lent to Ireland was never returned.

This gave rise to a very scattered conversation; in the course of which Lord BROUGHAM stated, that in three days 5,400 additional paupers bad come over to Liverpool from Ireland. They come over not to work but beg. Something must be done, by way of a poor-law for instance, whioh would prevent any population, during temporary distress, from sending ova its myriads to feed on the industrious poor of this country. Lord MorereaotE admitted the mischief of such immigration into Eng- land; but reminded the House, that at harvest-time Irish immigration is decidedly beneficial to this country : the proper check is to raise the con- dition of Ireland. He cited the report of the late Mr. Drummond in fa- vour of some great railway project; expressed approval of Lord George Brmtinck's plan; and commended Government for having, within a very short period, sanctioned a loan for the completion of the communication be- tween Waterford and the West of Ireland.

The Marquis of WESTMEATH reminded the House, that paupers from Ireland might be sent back, the expense being defrayed by the parishes who removed them. He did not suggest that such a step should be taken now; but if the immigration to which Lord Brougham had referred still went on, Parliament must interfere in some way. The Marquis advocated emigration.

The return having been ordered, the Earl of MourrrcastrEL moved for another, from the Office for Registering Judgments in Ireland, intended -t show the amount of debts under which Irish landlords labour— U a former occasion he had estimated the amount of the indebtedness upon

the d of Ireland at 100,000,0001.; the interest paid by the Irish proprietors' upon which amounted to 10,000,0001. If it were now proposed to lend them some additional millions, and to expect them to be repaid, they would crush the land- lords of Ireland, and with them the country too. The LORD CHANCELLOR said that correct information on the subject wa unattainable, and that the returns would only mislead. For instance, the judgment is recorded, but no memorandum to show the paying off of the mortgage.

The motion was withdrawn.

LORD GEORGE BENTINCH AND THE MINISTERS.

On Thursday, Lord Joule Russet'. moved that the order of the day for the second reading of the Railways (Ireland) Bill be read.

Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN rose and made an appeal to Lord George Ben- tinck to postpone the second reading, in order that the temporary mea- sures advanced by Government for relief of the starving Irish might be safely disposed of. Had Government brought forward a rival railway plan, Mr. O'Brien should have felt bound to support it in order to save a change of Ministry; but in the absence of such a plan he should give his support to Lord George,—only asking him to postpone his bill for a few days. Mr. SHAW entirely concurred in what Mr. O'Brien said. Mr. GRATTAN interposed a characteristla speech, vehemently advocating Lord George's plan' and touching upon the Ministerial modes of action as ineffective. What had been done to check the spread of fever ?— Military officers had been sent over to Ireland, with long spurs and long moulds- chios, to open soup-kitchens. (A laugh.) But he was too old a soldier to be imposed upon. He did not, for his own part, believe that they had been sent over to pro- vide soup for the people, but to survey with a military view the lakes, the moan- tains, and the woods of Ireland. ("Hear!" and a laugh.) As to the Irish aristocracy, as far as they could go they had gone—

lie knew one case where a party having an income of 7,0001 a year paid 6,0001.. out of it for interest ; another who paid for interest as much as 20,000!.; and a third who could not cut down a tree without applying for permission to the attor- ney of the mortgagee. That was the situation to which the aristocracy of Ireland was reduced ; and why ? Because they had been brought over to this country in a body, and led into expense. (A laugh.) The Union should be repealed, and he thought it would be. He thought they could not hold by it, and that Eng- land would do well to send back the Irish .Members to make laws for themselves. (A laugh.) Lord Joust RUSSELL preferred a prayer the reverse of Mr. O'Brien's and Mr. Shaw's : he asked Lord George Bentinok to go on at once ; and if it were too late then, he would give Lord George priority fbr the next evening. That to which he did object was that the bill should be postponed, leaving the whole matter in suspense and uncertainty, without its being known what course Parliament would adopt, or to what course the Government of the country would be pledged. He and Lord George had acted quite inde- pendently of party feeling : but he could not accept the proposed scheme of railways as a wise measure ; it could not be made consistent with the course of financial policy which Ministers had deemed it their duty to adopt ; and Lord John thought that it ought to be rejected. Let no Mem- ber vote under the impression that Government would advance some other scheme involving large expenditure : they would not have the power. Let Lord George therefore either abandon his bill, or press it at once. Lord George was urged to go on, by Mr. OsnonsrE, and another Member of name unknown; to postpone his motion, by Mr. PEIRSE BUTLER and Mr Mormarr Joni; O'Cornsztt.

Lord GEORGE BENTINCK felt in a very embarrassing situation. At four o'clock that day he received a deputation from the meeting of Irish Mem- bers in Palace Yard, asking him to postpone the motion. He felt the deep- est pain at the request, as he thought no measure would be more effectual in relieving the people of Ireland and the finances of the country. His friends had come from all quarters—from distant quarters of England and Scotland, and from foreign parts—to support him: but they would not set their convenience against that of the Irish people; and he should have been quite willing to postpone the motion. He had heard with the deepest re- gret Lord John Russell's announcement that the fate of the Ministry was to be staked on the issue of the motion. He had promised not to make Ireland the battle-field of party; but, challenged by the First Minister of the Crown and told that it would not be for the advantage of the country to delay, Lord George felt that he should be wanting in duty to her Majesty as well as to the country if he were to hesitate to proceed. If they could not approach the subject free from all party feeling—if Lord John was de- termined to desert the helm in the present difficulties of Ireland—Lord George and his friends were not appalled by those difficulties, and would not shrink from any responsibility that might devolve upon them.

Mr. Rortuncn rebuked Lord George for unjustly attempting to fasten on Lord John the imputation of taking a party course— Supposing the noble Lord to be successful, is not the noble Lord at the head of the Government celled on in justice to himself, when he is made to bear the responsibility of a measure added to and overriding and overbearing his own, to say that, if the House of Commons compels the passing of such a mea- sure he will not accept the responsibility of carrying it out ? Is that making it a party question ? 113 not that the plain common sense view which every man is bound to take of the meaning of responsibility in this House? And let me nil the noble Lord the Member for Lynn, that if there are any parties to this dime-

who can he, and who are, accused of making it a party question, it is himself those who act with him. (Cheers.) I call to mind also that the noble the Member for Newark (Lord John Manners) made a very similar state- ment as to this question; and that when opportunity offered he has made appeals to the gentlemen of Ireland, as thus—' Now, you see, it is not we the Tories, 9of old historical renown, who are the opponents of such proceedings as these 'towards Ireland.' "

The principal measure for relief of the Irish poor only wanted its third reading— "But there are other measures before the House besides that, and there is one in particular which affects the Irish landlords. Now it seems to me, that the phrase 'the convenience of the Irish landlords ' signifies that the passing of the one measure will enable them to get as much as they can from this side of the House; and when they have squeezed the noble Lord at the head of the Go- vernment as far as they can, they will then try to bring in the noble Lord the Member for Lynn, and get something more from him."

Lord George talked of "his party "—

"He calls it my party i'—(A laugh)—a. 'great party,' called together from the four quarters of the globe for this occasion—( Cheers and laughter)—haring no regard to their private convenience': but then, is it not an Irish party, called together to settle this question, which affects the whole of the financial and mercantile concerns of this empire ? Sir, there is not a man of all who are con- nected with the monetary system of this country but will tell you, that it is of vital importance that this great .question, affecting 16,000,000/. of money, should not be kept hanging over their heads. (Cheers.) And therefore I for one, who feel an interest in the wellbeing of my country, say it is the duty of the noble Lord to bring this matter to an issue at once; and glad I am, that in spite of Irish convenience,' the noble Lord is forced to bring it to an immediate decision."

The order of the day was read; but the debate on the second reading of the bill was postponed till Friday.

LAWS OF LANDLORD AND TENANT IN IRELAND.

On Thursday, Mr. SHARMAN CRAWFORD moved the following resolu- tion—

" That it appears to this House, from the reports of various Committees and Commissions, that the system generally adopted in times past in the letting and management of landed property in Ireland has been one of the main causes of the present distressed state of that country and the disordered state of its social relations; and that no measures can be effectual in producing a demand for labour, or improving the condition of the people, which shall not include such an amendment of the laws of landlord and tenant as shall give to the improving tenant in occupation a sufficient permanency of tenure, or else establish the tenant's right to claim by law fall compensation for all benefits created by the expenditure of his labour and capital on the premises in his occupation.."

The question is often raised, what are the causes of Irish misery? but it is never answered; and the present is of all times that in which it most de- mands an answer,—when the Irish are starving, when so much money is needed to aid them, when they hear Irish landlords declaring in the House of Commons that rates in Ireland cannot be paid, and see Irish Peers headed by Lord Monteagle signing declarations against a poor-law. It seemed to him that the Irish landlords were trying to throw off the re- sponsibility that ought to be imposed upon them. They imputed the ex- isting evils to the conduct of former landed proprietors: but those who in- herit property inherit also its liabilities. Mr. Crawford quoted extracts from the evidence of the Land Commissioners on the subject. They trace neglectful habits to the confiscations which throw large possessions into the hands of English proprietors, who having larger estates in England were indifferent to their new ones. The strictly Irish landlords look too exclusively to the amount of rent tendered by those who offer themselves as tenants; to augment rents paid by the poorest class of tenants, they saf- fer:the land to be subdivided, and create a class of middlemen to col- lect the rents from the poor. Hence the excessive poverty of the people and their bad systems—

It appeared that even when the people were suffering such privations, and some of them actually starved, in the first eleven months of the year 1846, there were exported 1,776,000 quarters of corn, while the Government had only imported 180,000 quarters. There was 13,000,000/. a year drawn in rents from the peo- ple; yet no profitable return was circulated amongst them, and thousands were reduced to starvation. The proprietors did not find employment for the farmers; the occupiers did not employ the people; and the people did not work for them- selves, for they had no security that they could obtain a fair return for their labour.

Mr. Crawford quoted other official and Parliamentary documents illustrating the severity of the landlord pressure for rents: stringent laws enable landlords to accept insolvent tenants; and he cited cases in which people charitably employed on public works came for payment, with the " driver " by their side, to whom they paid the money for rent due; and other cases in which tenants' stock and produce had been impounded by five several claimants within the space of ten or fifteen days. He did not ascribe the evil, however, to subdivision of land, which is greater in prosperous Down than in wretched Limerick; but to the want of tenant- right—of security for the fruits of the tenant's industry: and as remedies, he urged a poor-law in conjunction with a tenant-right, for without that a poor-law would not work.

The motion was supported by Sir DENHAM NORREYS. Viscount Css- TLEBEAGH and Colonel CONOLLY objected to making tenant-right a matter of compulsion. Mr. Trars defended the Irish landlords.

Mr. LA.BOUCHERE objected to the resolution, on account of its vague and impractical character: had a bill been moved, he should not have opposed its introduction. Government, however, had in contemplation a measure to improve the relation between landlord and tenant: the requisite discus- sion of the whole subject would take place when that measure was before the House; and under the whole circumstances he should move "the previ- ous question."

Mr. SHARMAN CRAWFORD withdrew his motion; and said that as the Government gave but an uncertain prospect of a measure, he should give notice of a bill at a future day.

NAVIGATION-LAWS.

In the House of Commons, on Tuesday, Mr. Ricans:so moved for in- quiry into the operation of the Navigation-laws. The history of the laws is soon told. The Navigation Act was passed in 1651, and was confirmed in the twelfth year of Charles the Second. Until the year 1822, it was to be the perfection of human wisdom. In 1815, circumstances iikit4skervernment to relax the law with respect to the United -shoktly afterwards in favour of Portugal. In 1822, Mr. ht forsvard various bills "to amend and explain "; and in n passed his famous Reciprocity Act, which enabled uncil to allow the entrance of foreign ships into our ports terms as those on which British ships were permitted to enter foreign ports. Several trifling alterations were subsequently made in the Navigation-laws.

Mr. Ricardo did not mean to propose repeal, but inquiry. In 1844, a Committee was appointed, in the Conservative interest, to inquire into the state and condition of the commercial marine: in consequence of the late- ness of the session they found it impossible to complete the inquiry, or to report, and they recommended their own reappointment; but the Com- mittee was not reappointed next session. It would only be fair to take up the investigation where they dropped it. He would cite the evidence of two witnesses before that Committee. The late Mr. Somes, the great ship- owner, distinctly admitted, that, looking at the question in a commerciel point of view, the Navigation-laws operated prejudicially to the merchant and shipowner; but he added, he thought those laws were useful for the purpose of keeping up our commercial marine. Mr. George Frederick Young gave similar evidence. The effect of the Navigation-laws there- fore is, that a loss is inflicted on the merchant, the manufacturer loses his profit, the workman his wages, the revenue a proportionate amount of duty. Mr. Ricardo cited an actual case in which American produce from Mar- seilles brought in a French ship was refused admission.

Serious inroads have been made upon the principle of the Navigation Act. We maintain lighthouses at a cost of 600,0001. a year, but find it necessary to exempt foreign vessels from the dues. By the new bill as re- spects sugar the Navigation-laws are annulled. The direct effect of the law is to raise freights : say that it raises them only 10s. a ton. In 1843, on 7,181,789 tons British, the country paid a tax of 3,590,3941. for the pro- tection of shipping; in 1845, on the like data, the tax exceeded 4,000,0001. The Navigation-laws used to be upheld as the complement of the Colonial system: that has been broken down by free trade, and the Navigation- laws must follow.

Mr. Ricardo cited a number of statistical figures, which showed that the

excess of British shipping over foreign shipping increased from 690,961 tons in 1814 to 1,037,779 tons in 1824, and 2,575,560 tons in 1845; an increase which he imputed to the removal of fiscal restrictions and the re laxation of the Navigation-laws. Another calculation showed that the amount of protected (British and Colonial) tonnage, inwards and outwards, increased from 1,778,879 in 1826 to 3,012,133 in 1844, or 69.32 per cent; the amount of unprotected (Foreign) tonnage increased from 1,909,176 in 1826 to 4,448,152 in 1844, or 137.07 per cent. If the commercial marine is "the nursery of the Navy," what is the nursery of the commercial ma- rine? Commerce; which to be vigorous must be free; and Mr. Ricardo produced further statistics showing how sensibly the shipping interest had been affected by Sir Robert Peel's relaxations. The North American tim- ber-ships increased from 689,731 tons in 1843 to 964,276 tons in 1845. The ships in the China trade increased from 56,645 tons in 1835 to 86,198 tons in 1845. In the five years ending 1839, the increase of shipping in the Foreign and Colonial trade was 1,503,673 tons; in the five years end- ing 1845, the increase was 2,055,605 tons.

Mr. Ricardo concluded by moving for the appointment of a Select Com- mittee.

Mr. MILNER GIBSON, referring to the Committee of 1844, said that the Committee proposed would be but the continuation of very useful inquiries: the alteration in the Corn and Sugar duties has also effected a material change in our commercial relations, and has rendered inquiry into the Na- vigation-laws very suitable. On the part of Government, without pre- judging the question, he earnestly recommended that the Committee be ap- pointed.

Mr. H. T. LIDDELL opposed the motion. He regarded with suspicion

the quarter whence the motion for inquiry emanated. Ever since the Re ciprocity Act the shipping interest has complained of continued decline. The author of that act, Mr. Huskisson, said, that so long as we desire to uphold our commercial marine we must pursue the twofold objects of the Navigation Act,—" first, to create and maintain the great commercial ma- rine of this country for the purposes of national defence; and secondly, (an object not less important in the eyes of statesmen,) to prevent any one other nation from engrossing too large a proportion of the navigation of the world." Mr. Liddell totally objected to this disturbance of a fundamental principle in our commercial policy. One effect of a change, he said, would be, to reduce the wages in the shipbuilding trade to the Continental level. He also read statistics, to show that under protection the country has increas- ing advantages. These figures show the result of a progressive increase in the number of ships—

Year. British Ships. Foreign Ships.

1182251 2,819 6,358

8 5,186 7,974

Ships that passed the Sound—

British Ships.Total Ships. Proportion of British Ships. 2 1835 No. Tons. No. Tons. ,472 470,727 10,255 1,594,202 0.295 1844 4,424 818,440 17,332 2,521,098 0.324 An enormously increased trade in the timber which had been exported from those ports; and that would have been the means of giving employ- ment to a much larger proportion of British ships, had it not been for the great competition to which they were exposed. With the enormous in- crease of our imports, had the Navigation-laws been maintained the com- mercial marine would have more than trebled since the peace. Mr. Lid- dell quoted the report of the Shipowners Society, representing that at least before the repeal of the Navigation-laws restrictions and disqualifying burdens which press upon the British shipowners should be abolished. He closed with a peroration against the danger of sacrificing everything to trade; warning the House not to look for recruiting the Army and Navy from the stunted population of the factory districts, and exhorting it not to fritter away the great interests committed to its charge. The motion was supported by Mr. Huse, Sir WALTER JAMES, Mr. BRIGHT, Mr. LABOUCHERE, Mr. MITCHELL, Mr. TWIZELL WAWN, and Mr. HUTT; opposed by Alderman Tnomrsow, Captain HARRIS, Lord GEORGE BENTINCK, and Mr. HUDSON. Lord SANDON objected that the inquiry ought to be instituted on the motion of a Minister; but he would not vote against the Government. [In fact, he voted for the motion.] Sir ROBERT PEEL thought there could be no reason for refusing inquiry

into the operation and effect of the Navigation-laws—into their necessity as respects the interests of British commerce and shipping, or the maritime supremacy of the country. He understood the Navigation-laws to be much older than the Protectorate; to be almost simultaneous in origin with the commercial and military marine though the principle was first distinctly embodied in the time of the Protectorate. They have been re- laxed on no speculative grounds. The United States adopted the prim-

hiple, and retaliated; and 1n11815 this country had to choose between exclu- sion of its commerce from American ports or the relaxing of its Navigation- laws. In 1826, Mr. Huskisson distinctly stated his motive for signing the first reciprocity treaty, that with Prussia, in 1824: it was, that Prussia was preparing to act on the example of the United States. Thus there has been a great change in our commercial system, and inquiry is desir- able: it is for the Government to secure that the inquiry should be delibe- rate and dispassionate.

Mr. Dismal= objected to Sir Robert Peel's starting-point—that he would not resist inquiry upon any subject whatever; a novel and dangerous prin- ciple. Mr. Disraeli should vote not for or against the Navigation-laws, but against the attempt by a private Member to disturb a law which had been deemed of a constitutional character.

Lord Jonw RUSSELL denied that the Navigation Act bears that charac- ter. The general assent given to the successive alterations in its working establishes the proposition that such changes were wise when they varied with the circumstances of the country; and though he should not have pro- posed the Committee himself; he thought that great advantage would be derived from it.

• The House divided; and the motion was carried, by 155 to 61.

SHORT TINE.

At the early sitting of the Commons, on Wednesday, Mr. FIELDEN moved the second reading of the Factories Bill, without any observation.

There was a pause, it being expected that some member of the Govern- ment would rise; but all remaining seated, Mr. Huma stood up, and made a long speech against the bill, as opposed to the principles of political eco- nomy. After having acted for three hundred years on the principle of protection, the House had found it work so ill that it had set about the task of mending the system, which this bill would tend to renew. It would interfere with the application of the capital that employs the immense mass of labour in factories; injuring the community by the loss of production, and the working classes by the diminution of employment; diminishing trade by raising the prices of articles which depend for exportation on their cheapness, and crippling the means of this country to endure its burdens. Be cautioned the House to beware how it sanctioned rash experiments of this kind, especially when Ireland is suffering from want of employment; and he called upon Ministers, particularly the Vice-President of the Board of Trade, to prevent such injurious interference with commerce. He moved that the bill be read a second time that day six months.

Mr. Ilume's marked appeal called up Sir GEORGE GREY; who apolo- gized for the absence of Lord John Russell, on the plea of indispensable haziness; but he would be there as soon as possible. After what had passed at the close of last session, the House would not expect that the members of the Government could take a united course on the subject. There were Sir George said, no new arguments to consider. The only new point for consideration was the present feeling of the public mind. He had once hoped that the object would be attained by a mutual arrange- ment between the employers and the employed; but he had been dis- appointed. He would be no party to the delusion that a reduction of the hours of labour would not affect the rate of wages: but it is just one of those cases in which advantages are to be gamed by individuals from breaking voluntary engagements; such voluntary engagements are thus frustrated,—as in the case of Sunday trading, and the early closing of shops. Reviewing the chief arguments against the measure, he found that they all resolved into mere predictions of the loss and ruin and misery which would follow its adoption. Various laws, however, going upon the same principle as this bill, and restricting the labour of children, had been passed and had been in operation without any of the deplorable results which had been predicted. Parliament has legislated with advantage for the class called " children " in the Factory Acts. The Inspectors report that the condition of children is greatly improved, and that the character of their education is rapidly advancing. He thought that the Legislature had failed to secure proportionate advantage for the class called "young persons "; and he could not satisfy himself but what the predictions of injury and the calculations of loss in the present case, as in the previous cases, had been very much exaggerated. With respect to women also, he thought that their total removal from home except in the hours of sleep was very injurious. He differed from Mr. Fielden as to the causes of the mortality to which he had alluded in factory towns; and Sir George quoted further extracts from the report of the Registrar-General to show that the mortality belongs rather to the incidents of all large towns than to the peculiar kind of employment in factories. He re- curred to Lord John Russell's declaration at the end of last session, in reply to Mr. Thomas Duncombe, that he should be prepared to support an eleven- hours bill; and also that the measure, involving no new principle, but only a matter of detail, should be an open question in the Cabinet. In those views Sir George Grey concurred. He should vote for the second reading of the bill, and for the clause which restricted the hours of labour to eleven instead of twelve; but should oppose that clause which went further to restrict the hears at the end of the year to ten.

The debate was continued with a tolerably even alternation of speakers for and against the measure, but Without a variety of argument correspond- ing with the number of speeches. Mr. BANHES replied to Sir George Grey; and was followed at stated intervals by Lord Jostle MANNERS, the Marquis of GRANBY Mr. PHILIP HOWARD, and Mr. MUNTZ. The princi- pal of these speeches was delivered by Lord JOHN MANNERS. He con- tended that the present time would 1-e very suitable for the change, inas- much as the mills are already working short time on account of depression in trade; and were the bill passed, it would prevent that wild and injuri- ous reaction which has hitherto attended the recurrence of prosperity in manufacturing districts; a reaction which has already commenced without apparent cause or reasons, as he learned from the monthly circular of Messrs. Ferguson and Taylor. In reply to Sir George Grey's remarks about the mortality, Lord John read a long extract of a letter from Mr. Fletcher, the well-known surgeon of Bury, stating the results of careful examinations which he and a friend had made into the registrations in va- rious towns. Mr. Fletcher gave specimens of the results at which he arrived in detaiL The following passages show the gross results- " In calculating the average age at death in the better and worse conditioned localities, I carefully distinguished the factory operatives from the other working classes. The result proved the average age attained by the factory workers and their infants to be somewhat less than one half that of the other operatives in the same districts." "An explanation of this remarkable result appeared in the fact, that of every 100 deaths a fraction over 61 are infants under the age of two years, while of the other operative classes, in the same locality, the deaths under two years are a fraction less than 33 in 100. I give below the average age at death, and the deaths under two years of factory and other operatives, in three districts. which, differing materially in their sanatory condition, and containing a large proportion of factory people, afford a fair comparison."

Lord John wound up his speech with a declaration that the people would continue their endeavours for short time, " animated by the gratifying con- viction that the Tory gentlemen of England had maintained their just and their historical position fighting the fight of the poor a;gainst the rich."

Replying to that announcement, Sir CHARLES WOOD declared, on the contrary, that he and the other opponents of the bill were the true friends of the people. It is to be observed that this is a bill limiting the labour of adults to ten hours a day; and there was one argument which he never seen fairly met- " If you diminish the hours of labour, you [increase the cost of production. If you reduce the time of labour in the production of articles of manufacture, the amount of fixed capital employed in the factory must be increased; and either the cost of the article must be augmented, or the additional expense must fall either on the profits of the manufacturer or on the wages of the labourer, or it must be divided between them. I have never heard this argument met: and if it be so, and if foreign competition presses us, as the noble Lord says it does, and the price of the article is increased, our trade will be driven from the foreign markets.

fhis, therefore, is a most important point" Sir Charles's own conviction was, that the working men, if they chose, could shorten the hours of labour; but that they would not do so freely, because they did not choose to incur the corresponding reduction of wages. He stated the results of actual experience on this point in the town which be represents, Halifax; where he had used endeavours to procure a fair trial of the plan. Some of the millowners announced that they would work short time unless their people themselves desired to work long time•, and Sir Charles Wood stated the results, specifying the separate mills and the number of workmen who acceded to one course or the other. The general result was, that the vast majority declared for the long hours and undimin- ished wages; and that even those who were at first for reduced hours, in most instances desired to return to the old plan.

Similar views were supported by Mr. MARK PHILIPS, Dr. Bowniwo,

and Mr. BRIGHT. Mr. Bright had been alluded to in a very pointed man- ner, and be spoke with great zeal against restrictions on labour un- der the name of "protection." His experience had taught him that the working classes were uniformly delighted to work additional time for ad- ditional wages; and that they would not have acceded to the present pro- position if they had not been misled into the belief that the hours of labour might be reduced without a corresponding reduction in wages. Mr. Bright sharply rebuked Ministers ffir their vacillation: he was astonished and con- founded at their condute. if they thought the principle of so important a measure just, the Premier should have taken it up manfully, and have staked the existence of the Cabinet upon it.

Lord Jona RUSSELL briefly replied to this attack. He could not con-

ceive that any principle was at issue. The Legislature had already estab- lished the principle of interference; the fact being so, the only question now was one of degree; and in that view he thought that the present dura- tion of labour for 'young persons" too much for their bodily health, for their mental and moral cultivation. He was not to be deterred from that opinion by the threat of foreign competition, and by the renewal of predic- tions made on previous occasions, and falsified as often as they were made.

At six o'clock in the evening the debate was adjourned, and the House rose.

RAILWAY LEGISLATION.

On Thursday, Mr. Srittar introduced a bill to regulate the proceedings of the new Railway Commission. By the bill of last session, the powers of the old Railway Department of the Board of Trade were transferred to the new Commission, and the present measure of detail was then promised. Mr. Strutt explained it; describing the course of a railway bill under the administration of the Commissioners —

His plan involved a bill and alterations of the Standing Orders of the two Houses of Parliament: the bill would regulate the functions of the Commissioners; each House would adopt corresponding regulations of its own action by alterations of the Standing Orders.

The first proceeding with a projected railway is to make a survey of the ground

over which the railway is to pass. The law requires the promoters to prepare plans and lodge them officially, but gives no powers to make the surreys; which have actually bcen resisted in some cases. 111e Commissioners will issue war- rants for the survey of any line. The promoters of the railway will previously deposite a sum of money with the Commissioners: if any damage be committed in the survey, the promoters will be expected to pay it; or in default, the Com- missioners will pay it out of the money lodged with them. --Owners and occupiers of land, especially farmers and people of a similar class, Eve felt difficulty in understanding the technical plans of surveyors, so as to know how the property traversed will be affected: promoters of a railway will be re- quired to mark out the line distinctly throughout, so that proprietors and occu- pants will see the ground needed for the line. A surveyor will be sent down by the Commissioners to make a local survey, and to receive suggestions from landowners as to the effect of the line on private in- terests, and as to modifications of it. If the proposed changes' are of a kind that the promoters can at once adopt, the Commissioners will empower them to do so: if not plans and statements on both sides will be laid before the Commis- sioners, who will decide. The railway bill being brought in it is now referred to " Examiners," to see that the Standing Orders have been 'n observed. The only effectual test is sop- plied in the objections made by opponents of the bill: if there is no opposition,

there is no certainty H

of due compliance. Henceforward, the examination will be made by the Commissioners or their officers, who will have fuller information. Then come the merits of the bill. In reference to these, the Commissioners will examine the site, plans, surveyors, engineers, &e.; being endowed with full powers to obtain information, and fall discretion as to the mode of pursuing the in- quiry. Counsel will not be heard, as that would occasion delay and expense; but there will be no yrivate hearings exparte.

The Commissioners will report to Parliament; the report to be received prima

facie as conclusive on all matters of engineering. The Committee on the bill, however, will have power, for its own satisfaction, to call on the Board for fuller information, and the parties interested may adduce counter-statements and evi- dence as to matters of fact; with the liability, however, of paying for the ex- pense of the further examination thus occasioned, if the charge of error be not substantiated. The Board will annually make comprehensive and (as we understand it) sepa- rate reports on the subject of fares and tolls, which are to he revised every ten years; on the borrowing of money, amalgamation, and charges for services on ac- count of the Post-office.

Fares are not to be altered without notice to the public and to the Commis- sioners, stating reasons for the alteration. To promote punctuality, tables are to be kept on every railway, showing the hours of despatch and arraval: to be exhibited at the stations to challenge public untradiction; and then to be forwarded to the Commissioners.

Cheap trains are to go at a regulated speed—not rapidly, with long stoppages. i

A light to be kept n every carriage at night. A statement of the number admissible in each carriage to be conspicuously placed outside the carriage. Time of running trains on lines which join, but belong to separate com- panies, to be regulated so as to suit public convenience, and prevent perverse re- fuels to coOperate under feelings of jealousy. Magistrates to be empowered to compel the appointment of policemen on any railway in sufficient numbers by the proprietary. Several questions were put, and suggestions made. In reply, Mr.

atirr stated, that the new plan would not take effect on the bills of this session; as the Commission is not sufficiently organized, and the bills are too far advanced. But, in answer to Mr. Eraaca, Sir CsanaEs ',WOOD undertook that the Commission should be empowered to make a uport on the financial bearings of the several schemes; which Mr. Ellice estimates, in the aggregate, to involve capital to the extent of 40,000,0001.

Mr. Strutt's motion was affirmed. Subsequently the bill was brought ia, and read a first time.

• DEANERY OF MANCHESTER.

In the House of Lords, on Tuesday, Lord STANLEY presented a petition from the Churchwardens of the pariah of Manchester, alleging a grievance in the conduct of the Dean and Fellows of the Collegiate Church. The petition stated that the parish contains 400,000 persons; the rectorial re- venues were set down at 5,0001. a year, but Lord Stanley believed that they exceed 6,0001.; the Dean and Fellows claim to be exempt from resi- dence and the care of souls. The rectory of Manchester continued to be corporation sole with the cure of souls until the year 1421; when Thomas Delaware, the Rector, built the Collegiate Church, which was en- dowed by the parishioners; and an arrangement was made for the daily oelebration of Divine worship. The church was chartered in the reign of Elizabeth, and again in that of Charles the Second. Under the latter charter, the whole income of the College was to be divided thus: each Warden to have two shares, each Fellow one, each Chaplain one half—at Mut time equivalent, respectively, to 701., 351., and 171. 10s. The Warden end Fellows were to reside, under a penalty for absence of ls. dd. a day, or about 201. a year—at that time more than half the income of a Fellow. At the present time there are forty-nine district-churches in Manchester, with a clergyman attached to each, maintained by fees; but the whole of the rec- torial tithes are received by the Dean and Chapter. The parishioners de- sire that they who receive the emoluments should perform the duties. Mader the charter, Chaplains were to receive increase of salary according • be the "sound discretion" of the Warden [Dean] and Fellows; according to the "sound discretion," the Chaplains still receive the original sum of -.121. 102. It is not denied, however, that they also receive the usual fees.

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said, he had received a letter from the Ileverend Mr. Herbert, the Dean of Manchester; which he read to the House. It charged the petitioners with having inaccurately quoted the charter: for instance, they say " residere at visiktre," instead of " residere at vichtare," which means "to have bed and board." It is not true that the Dean and Fe/lows are bound to perpetual residence; but they are bound to reside, or pay a fine to the poor for each day of absence. The cure of souls is not vested in them; but by the charter of Charles the Second is dis- tinctly vested in the Chaplains: the charter says—" duo slut in perpetnum capelarii, sea vicarii qui segros visitabunt, sacramenta aliaque necessaria, et 'divine servitia in diet* collegio et in parochii. de Manchester celebrabunt." " The Dean and Canons are not ordered nor have authority to visit at all: they are required to pay a fine to the poor when absent 'so as not to be .able if requested to visit a sick person, and perform other acts of piety and charity in the parish.' The parishioners speak of a claim to exemptiom from that which was never imposed." Mr. Herbert appeals to all Man- chester to say whether he has ever declined to visit, to comfort, or to help the afflicted and distressed; and he describes very harassing labours on his part, in visiting the destitute, in collecting subscriptions, and in attending comnaittees to promote the education of the poor. The whole system of modern legislation and of episcopal regulation is opposed to the concurrent cure of souls; and a recent act has erected the districts of Manchester into parishes. As to the Chaplains, they make no oomplaint; and their income is comparatively better than that of the Dean and Fellows. In conclusion, Mr. Herbert remarked that there was no reason for placing the Dean and Chapter of Manchester on a different footing from that of any other cathedral. Having read this letter, the Marquis of Lansdowne bore testimony, on his own part, to Mr. Herbert's exertions in promoting education; and stated that the Bishop of the dio- eese in no respect acquiesced in the allegations of the petition.

The LORD CiaasicEnaon made a few remarks, tending to show that rec- torial properties, such as that of the Dean and Chapter, are held by a title as sound as that by which many of their Lordships hold impropriated tithes—.

In the neighbourhood in which he lived, there were four contiguous parishes in which a Dean and Chapter held the rectories. The income received by these ec- clesiastical Rectors in his own parish could not be less than 800/. a year; and the sum they allowed to the clergyman who performed the duty was 401. per annum. Lord CAMPBELL remarked, that the very existence of a penalty implied performance of the duty. He is not a good citizen who pays a penalty to evade a duty.

Lord BROUGHAM also thought that the grievance ought to have some legislative remedy; though he disclaimed any imputation on his honourable, reverend, and truly learned friend, Mr. Herbert, the Dean of Manchester.

The conversation dropped without result.

Tun Buoozt. On Monday, Lord JOHN Russaen gave notice, that, on that day fortnight, he should make the financial statement to the House of

CODIII101111.

• TENANT-RIGHT. On Tuesday, Mr. PUSEY obtained leave to introduce a bill H for the improvement of agricultural tenant-right."

Wasrs LANDS. On Thursday, Mr. AGLIONBY obtained leave to bring in a bill "further to amend the acts to facilitate the enclosure and improvement of commons, by providing that all waste or common lands, allotted by virtue of these acts, shall be held as freehold, and shall be allotted as such, without reference to the tenure of the ancient lands in respect of which such allotments shall be made." His object was to give in a general act the same powers that parties enclosing lands can now obtain only by private acts. IRISH POOR-LAws. Mr. SHARMAN CRAWFORD obtained leave, on Thtuv- day, to bring in a bill for the better securing of Irish poor-rates.

CATHOLIc DuiABILITIES. On Tuesday, ME. WATsoN reintroduced his Re.. man Catholic Relief Bill.

Joner-STocE COMPANIES. In reply to Mr. THORNELY, on Thursday, Mr. MILNER GIESoN stated that a bill to enable joint-stock companies to wind up their concerns was in preparation.

CORPORAL PUNISHMENT IN THE NAVY. On Tuesday, ME. HUME moved for returns specifying the cases of corporal punishment in the Navy during the last two years; his object being to check undue aeverity. The motion provoked a burst of objection from the professional Members in the House, on two grounds, —because it implied charges of undue severity against naval officers; and because it would interfere with their discretion. Mr. WARD, however, said that the Ad- miralty would not object to furnishing, prospectively, returns for the Navy similar to those which are furnished by the authorities of the Army,—that is to say, re- turns showing the cases of punishment in each ship, as the Army gives returns for each regiment, without specifying the names of officers. Sir ROBERT PEEL thought that prospective returns would be more objectionable than retrospective returns. He believed that all parties were desirous of abolishing corporal punish- ment, but that its retention is absolutely necessary for discipline; and that the returns would on the one hand induce officers to look to the House instead of to the Crown for approval of their conduct; and on the other, would betray the House into decisions upon the merits of particular cases. Ultimately, after a very long and animated conversation, in which others of the Ministers and ex-Ministers took part, Mr. Hums undertook to consult Mr. Ward in arranging a new return.

SALT MONOPOLY HI LNDLL. On Tuesday Sir JOHN HOBHOUSE stated that a despatch had been framed, and sent out to India on Monday, ordering the Go- vernment of India to cancel the existing regulations and give the importers of salt all the advantages which they had possessed previously to 1836, and from which they had subsequently been excluded.

PROGRESS OF RAILWAY BILLS IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Bums asap • man TIME. Monday, Feb. 8.--Saltsbury-and-Yeovli. London-and- North-western (Ormskirk and Rainford branches). London-and-North-westem (Ba- cot-and-Wolverhampton branch, he.) Great-Northern (Isle-of Axholme extension). Eastern-Counties (Cambridge-Royston-and-Ware line). Eastern-Counties extension (Cambridge to Bedtbrd, Ice)

Tuesday, Feb. 9.—Newport-Abergavenny-and-Hereford (extension to Taff-Vale Rail- way). Newport-Abergavenny-and-Hereford Deviations. Northern-Cotmtles-Union Railway Deviation. Midland-Great-Western of Ireland (extension from Athlone to Galway). Leeds-and-Thirsk (branch from Melmerby to Northallerton, Ice.). Exeter- and-E,xmouth. Leeds-and-Thirsk (Eagleseliff-and-Stillington extension). Leeds, and-Thirsk (Leeds-Durham-and-Newcastle extension, he.) Leeds-and-Think (Har- rogate-and-Pateley branch). Leeds-and-Thirsk (deviation of main line In Crimple Valley, Ice.) Leeds-and-Thirsk (Knaresborough-and-Boroughbridge branch).

Wednesday, Feb. 10.—Cheltenham-and-Oxford. Glasgow-Paisley.aud-Greenock (branches at Port Glasgow, and to the Caledonian Railway, and diversion of canal). Caledonian (Edinburgh station and branches to Granton, &c.) Liverpool-Manchester- and-Newcastle-upon-Tyne Junction and Northern-Counties-Union Railways Amalga- mation. Boston-Stamford-and-Birmingham (Peterborough-and-Thorney line). Lon- don-and-South western (Andover to the Basingstoke-and-Salisbury branch. he.) Thursday, Feb. 11.—Edinburgh-Leith-and-Granton (Leith extension). Edinburgh- Leith.and-Granton (Union Canal and Caledonian Railway junction).

Friday. Feb. 12.—Ambergate-Nottingham-and-Boston, and Ea.stern-Junction (alter- ation of line, and branches to Nottingham). Great-Northern (branch to King's Lynn). Ayrshire-and-Galloway (Smithstown to Dalmellington). Dundee-and-Perth (alteration and extension and Inchture-Polgavie-and-Inchmichael branches). Dundee-and-New- tyle. South-Stalibrdshire (Cannock, Wyrley, and Norton branches &c.) Eastern- Counties (Peterborough to Folkingham). Braintree-and-Halstead. Eastern counties (Spalding to Newark). Eastern-Counties (Wisbech to Spalding). Midland (Kreweak Valley, &c.) BILLS READ • SECOND TIRE AND COXIIITTED. Monday, Feb. FL—Midland (Syston- and-Peterborough Railway, deviation and approach to Manton station ) Aberdeen-and- Great-North-of-Scotland (amalgamation or leasing.) Arbroath-and Forfar and Scot. tish-Midland-Junction Railways connecting railway. Manchester-and-Leeds (branches extensions, deviation, alterations of levels, and other works). Clarence Railway and Leeds-and-Thirsk Railway amalgamation. Glasgow-Paisley-Kilmarnock-and-Ayr (No. 5). Midland (extension from near Leicester vitt Bedford to Hitchin and to Northamp- ton and to Northampton-and-Huntingdon, and enlargement of the Leicester station). Midland (Leicester-and-Swannington Railway, widening, deviations, and branches enlargement of Leicester station, and extending powers as to Ibstoek branch). Glou- cester-and-Dean-Forest (construction of Docks). West-Cornwall (branches to St. Ives and Norwayman's Wharf, and construction and enlargement of quays at Hayle). Eastern-Union (branch from Mtumingtree to Harwich). Ipswich-and-Bury St. Ed- mund's (NO. 2) (extension from Bury St. Edmunds to Newmarket and Ely). Had- dersileld-and-Manchester (deviation and alterations in Oldham branch, litc) ladders- field-and-Manchester Railway and Canal (branch from Oldham to Ashton and Guide Bridge). Manchester-and-Leeds (branch from the Hudderstleld-and-Sheffield Junction Railway to Barnsley, and extension of Holmfirth branch). Fleetwood-Preston-au& West-Riding Junction (Burnley and Colliery branches). London-and-North-western (lease and purchase of the Hudderstleld-and-Manchester Railway and Canal and the Leeds-Dewebary-and-Mtuichester Railway). Liverpool-Crosby-and•Southport Rafts/ and branch. Glasgow-and-Dumfries-and-Carlisle, and Glasgow-Paisley-Kilmarnock-and- Ayr. South-eastern (widening of the Greenwich Railway and arrangement and enlarge- ment of the London Bridge station). South-eastern (London Bridge station arrange- ment and enlargement). Leeds-Dewsbury-and-Manchester (extension to Wakefield and junction at Methley with the Wakefield-Pontefract-and-Goole and the York-and- North- Midland Railways). Manchesteer-and-Leeds (alterations of levels of Brighouse branch of the West-Riding-Union Railway, and new line into Leeds). Buckingham-and- Brackley Junction and Oxford-and-Bletchley Junction Railway Companies (amalgams. toin and extension of lines.) Southampton-and-Dorchester (New-Forest deviation and branches). Wilts-Somerset-and Weymouth (No. 2). Caledonian and Glasgow-Pais- ley-and Greenock Railways Amalgamation. Caledonian (lease or purchase of the Glasgow-Barrhead-and-Nellston Direct, and the Glasgow-Southern Terminal Rail- ways). Glasgow-Paisley-and Greenock (amendment and branches to the Glasgow- Paisley-Kibuarnock-and-Ays the Glasgow-Barrhead-and-Neilston, and the Glasgow- Strathaven-and-Lesmahagow Railways, and to Haugh Pits) Tuesday, Feb. 9.—Palaley-Barrhead-and-Ilurlet. Norfolk (branch from Norwich to Aylsham. with a branch to North Walsham). North-British (No. I). Southampton- and-Dorchester (Weymouth branch).

Wednesday, Feb. 10.—Newmarket-and-Chesterford (extension to Thetford). Cale- donian (Glitsgow-Garnkirk-and-Coatbridge Railway ; branch to Glasgow station). Chard Canal and Railway (extension and amalgamation).

Thursday, Feb. I 1.—Windsor-Staine.4-and-South western (Richmond to Windsor, Ise.) Windsor-Staines-and-South-western (Staines to Ascot and WoUngbam, with branches). London and-Blackwell, (improvement and branches to St. Katherine's and London Docks).

Friday, Feb. 12.—Manchester-and-Southport and branches. London-and-South- western (widening, &a.)