Commonwealth and Foreign

LAND FOR THE MEXICAN PEON

FROM A CORRESPONDENT IN MEXICO

.[" It is reported that 7,5oop00 acres were divided among Mexican peasants last year, and that more than that will be distributed during the present year."—The Times, January 3rd] RECENT events in Europe have temporarily eclipsed Mexico in the news ; but Mexico has the habit of recapturing the headlines spectacularly because Mexico has ever been primarily a land of revolution ; and it is to this day. The history of Mexico's social and political development is identical with the history of Mexican revolutions, because the elements of revolution are inherent in the people—even in the soil. Of Mexico's some 765,000 square miles about one half is moun- tainous ; the other half, much of it semi-desert, is arable ; but there is little water, and so water has ever been worth a revolution. There are supposedly three races of people : the Spanish, the Indian, and the Mestizo or half-breed ; but actually there are more. The French and Cubans are also represented ; and the Indian of desert-like Zimapan in the interior has little in common with the coast Indian of tropical Tierra Colorado in the south.

For centuries revolution and rebellion were the political heritage of Mexico. Class has fought class ; revolution and counter-revolution have followed each other so fast that in the pages of history they can hardly be distinguished. And now the agrarian revolution, peaceful, to be sure—except for the minor disturbance at San Luis Potosi—but breeding discontent. The large land-holders are losing their land ; and they resent the law which makes it possible for the Government to seize land at will without recompense to the owner. They insist that the Government has acted hastily and rashly, without forethought and experimentation on a small scale. ' They point out that there are great tracts of virgin soil in Mexico which need only irrigation to make them productive, and that there was no necessity for breaking up estates•already under cultivation. What of the peon who receives this land ? He tills barely enough of it to feed himself and his family, and that with endless labour. Why ? The answer to this question is everywhere and always the same : he has no money, no credit, no tools, no seed, no animals, no machinery. He complains that with the land that he receives should go a certain sum of money, for such is the law ; but he 'does not receive it. Somewhere among the many hands which 'handle this money, it evaporates. At any rate the land goes unfilled in a great many instances, the peon is beginning to regret the days when he worked for the haciendado, and Mexico is forced to import foOdstuffs which might very easily be grown in Mexico. Does the expropriation of lands previously held by foreigners help the peon ? " It helps the banks ; it helps the Goverrunent," they say, " It does not help us. It makes ' them ' rich. Besides, Senor, since the foreigners went away everything has become very expensive. The money is worth nothing."

The peon represents well over 65 per cent. of Mexico's population, and what he thinks and feels and the way he lives are important. He is kind and courteous, curious and grave-eyed. He reveals a strange independence from tribal or community fellowship, which is manifest in a peculiar stillness always evident behind his eyes, as in one who has spent much time in prison or alone. His life is austere, and his religion, except for an occasional feast day, adds to the harshness of his life. Even the Day of the Dead, an ancient custom kept by more enlightened Mexicans as an excuse for holiday and frivolity, is to him meaningful. In long proces- sion he and his neighbours visit the cemeteries, bringing food for the dead. Then follows a prayer to chosen saints for the departed souls and a plea for his own salvation. The food is eaten the next day, but the essence of the fool, according to his belief, has been absorbed by the spirits of the dead. What he eats is a gift of the grateful spirit. In his mind depression is followed by fierce exaltation ; he is as easily led to violence as to penitence ; the flesh must be scourged to liberate and purify the soul, for to him body and spirit are forever and inevitably opposed.

The peon's little grass but with its peaked roof has charmed many tourists, who see it briefly in passing. It suggests a placid, untroubled existence in a gentle climate amid beautiful surroundings. Yet even a mere glimpse at the interior will reveal that the hut—probably ten feet in diameter—is too small for the peon and his large family, that there is no floor, that everyone must sleep on a bundle of straw, and that chickens and pigs live in it as well as the family. A small fire in the centre of the but is the kitchen stove, and the smoke must find its way out through the grass roof. One or two bits of pottery are the kitchen utensils. The diet of the peon consists largely

of tortillas—a thin cake made of crushed corn—beans, chili, squash, an occasional bit of meat, and coffee. One or two garments and a sombrero usually make up his entire wardrobe.

This is the peon, that great' majority who, as a middle or lower class, should be the backbone and sinews of the nation ;

and he has been led into a drab way of life, and this in a land of remarkable beauty and colour and variety, because history has conspired to have harshness put upon him. He points out, not without pride, that his is a country of vast wealth ; but, not realising that the wealth of a nation is in its people, he adds that, unfortunately, the wealth is in the ground. Perhaps he is beginning to realise that education may improve his lot, but too often it is an ideal beyond his reach.

So habit and daily necessity hold the peon in the mould of centuries ; and without leadership and compulsion he will

continue to plant corn with a pointed stick, to reap with his hands, to find in pulque consolation for the meanness of his life, and to plan enterprises for maiiana.

Upon the upper class, then, falls the burden of leadership ; but history shows that they have not acquitted themselves very honourably. They have been too intent upon exploitation even to learn from the foreigners, who might have taught them that exploitation must go hand in hand with development.

The rich silver mines of Taxco, for example, were opened up by Joseph Borda, a Frenchman. The silver mine at Pachuca has been operated successively by the Aztecs, the Spanish, the British, and the Americans. Mexican railroads were built largely by Americans. Mexican oil was opened up by both British and American companies. Early Mexican telephones were installed by Swedes. Surely with such diver- sified tutelage the upper class Mexican should by this time have finished his apprenticeship in the science of production and the art of leadership ! The fact that foreign-owned properties have been recently expropriated should be conclusive proof.

But it is not so. Already many workers are looking forward to the day when the foreigners will return, bringing with them, among other things, able leadership. The workers do not hope to find industrial leaders among their own country- men. There is no union of classes in a struggle against momentary discomforts in the hope of an ultimate abundance for all. Nor is there any precedent for such union—except when certain groups have been welded together in rebellion.

Mexico's new deal is no longer greeted with the enthusiasm of a year ago. Hope is retreating, and the annoyances of the moment are beginning to loom large to rich and poor alike.

Possibly these troubles are only the labour-pains of a new social order struggling to be born. Perhaps this social order will come about through peaceful and orderly legislation.

But the facts of history suggest rather that this growing resent- ment among the classes will one day blaze forth in rebellion.

Against whom ? Has not the foreigner been banished, leaving Mexico and its treasures for the Mexicans ? Has not the government made laws to help the peon ? Has not the land been given to him so that he may enjoy its " bounteous production " ?

Yes. But somehow it has not worked out right. There are still " those " in the government ; there is still the contempt of one class for another ; there are still prejudices working at cross purposes ; there is still the character of the people, who can be inflamed and led to violence ; and the future must decide.