BOOKS.
FRANCE AS IT IS.* AN account of France written specially for English readers might naturally be suspected of that kind of impartiality which is the fruit of omission rather than commission ; but the book under notice really seems to be a fair attempt to picture France as she is, so far as that can be done by statistics and careful outlines of existing institutions. The tone is moderate and judgmatical throughout ; French enough in parts, yet not more so than is becoming in Frenchmen ; admirably arranged, as might have been expected, as regards the subjects, and of course clearly written, or it would not be French. The geographical chapter, which lays down, as it were, the foundations of the structure, is so admirably done, and with such vivacity as well as precision, that none, after read-
ing it, would have a right to say that he has not, or could not have, a clear idea of the favoured, we might say most favoured,
land in Europe, in point of situation, fertility, climate, and variety of products. The race which inhabits it is naturally described from a French standpoint, —that is, in the language of eulogy, to which some exception might be taken by out-
siders, because, as it may seem to them, the shadows are omitted, unless some of them are intended to be hinted at in the following passage describing the Frenchman as "a social
being, enamoured of equality :"—
"He has but little sense of governmental necessities, little understanding of public liberties and the obligations they impose, and his political morals and manners are still rudimentary. He does not readily concern himself with political institutions, the working of which he has difficulty in understanding, and from which alone he no longer expects the improvement of his lot. These political farms, which are set up in imitation of the foreigner, and which, though not yet naturalised, hold the place of honour in his own country, remain a tool which he cannot skilfully em- ploy, an importation badly adapted to his nature, and which he assimilates but slowly. A century of revolution and far-reaching hopes deceived, and of efforts often barren, have made him some- what sceptical, and his political creed is nearly summed up in the light satire of the phrase, Plus cela change, et plus c'est is sante chose."
After reading this and other passages, one is surprised to find that, "of all nations, France is the one which, perhaps, least possesses the government it deserves," seeing that nations not under foreign rule generally deserve the govern- ment they get. What none can fairly deny is the elasticity of the French, or fail to recognise and admire "the sap and vitality," which must spring from something better than "the levity " to which our authors refer such an astonishing rapidity in recovering from great disasters. That, at all events, must come from the strong and not the weak qualities of national character ; and however "the English" may oppose many schemes of French policy, to the regret of M. Lebon and M. Pelet, they will always sympathise with the courage and perseverance displayed by the French under crushing reverses.
The political troubles of France are indicated by recurring crises, which are the effect and not the cause of the national character partly portrayed in the passage we have quoted. Parties or groups, more or less powerful, are as numerous, perhaps more numerous, than they were in the days of the League and of Richelieu ; and more dangerous, because the risk of an overturn or revolution is greater now than then. It is the want of stability at the centre which gives ground for anxiety, and we all see that one such crisis is, or appears to be, impending. The Executive relies upon its " enormous " administrative power ; in politics it is at the mercy of com- binations of opposites in the Chamber of Deputies, which can overthrow but not found durable Ministries. Our teachers in this volume, however, hold that "it is a question of time, patience, and persevering effort," and they take a hopeful view of the future :—
"A new generation is growing up in France, more sceptical than its predecessors as regards principles and formulas, but more accustomed to the ways of liberty. One may believe that the • France as It Is. By Andr6 Lebon and Paul Pelet, Professors of the School of Political Science, Paris. Specially written for English Readers, and Trans- lated from the French by Mrs. William Arnold. With 3 Maps. London: Cassell and Co.
Constitution of 1875, born as it was of mutual bargaining and mutual surrender, and developed through crises, which, indeed, are numerous, but whose very frequency deadens their intensity, will show itself infinitely more solid and lasting than those which have gone before it. It has the advantage over the latter of lending itself to all possible combinations of political activity in the country, and of opening the gates of power alike to Conserva- tives and to Radicals, according as public opinion feels the need of inclining to the one party or the other. A longer lease of life is all it wants to bring forth its fruits."
That is the hopeful view of a situation which looks far graver than it is thus painted, especially by the light of present
agitations, which are surely not less intense than any which have preceded them since Gambetta, aided by the scruples of the late Comte de Chambord, defeated the great design to restore the Monarchy. Still, it may be true that the French will work through the actual strife, and save the Constitution from its many-hued opponents. But they may not. On that point we shall have clearer views after October, and still clearer when the coming General Election is at an end.
France is so rich, and her people are so thrifty, that the economical are probably less dangerous, at least for the moment, than the political difficulties. It is quite true that the debt, fixed and floating, exceeds the estimated annual income of the whole country, that the population barely in- creases, and owes such increment as there is in a large degree to foreigners. In addition, the marked tendency towards very high tariffs, imposed not for revenue, but the protection of interests, especially the tax on cereals and cattle, will bring its own penalties in due course. But beyond this line, we have a vast annual outlay on public works which do not pay, and a yielding to the temptation of piling up the Floating Debt, now perilously large. Then the taxation levied is stated to be 15 per cent. of the income of the country itself. Nevertheless, and although the expenditure shows a tendency to increase, and the commercial totals to decrease, the country is so wealthy and industrious, the home trade so
great, that the worst effects of faulty methods and systems may not be felt for years. Still, the growth of the Consolidated Debt—which exceeded a thousand millions sterling in 1887, exclusive of a Floating Debt proper approaching forty millions, bonds and other liabilities in various shapes reaching a similar amount—is a formidable burden. The Communes have a debt of a hundred and sixty millions ; so that, on the whole, France is " unique " in indebtedness, as well as .in other things. To
this account it should be added that the Colonies, or some of them, are a drain on the Treasury,—Tonquin, for example, costing nearly half-a-million per annum.
On one point the authors are at pains to correct or modify what they call the ideas about French landed properties current in England. They contend that France is a country of medium rather than of small properties, since the holdings of less than fifteen acres cover scarcely more than a fourth part of the total superficies of the country, while large properties exceeding 120 acres occupy more than a third. The very small properties of less than five acres are numerically in excess of all others ; but many are held by the same persons, and consequently the total number of proprietors, big and little, is an estimate based on the assessments for the Land-
tax. That number is rather more than has been commonly supposed,—eight millions of landowners. What is not generally remembered, perhaps not known, is that, before the
Revolution of 1789, there were four millions of proprietors in France. But much that exists now existed then, and we are not astonished to find the corvae represented by the Capitation. tax supposed to be the equivalent of "three days' work."