MARGATE AND MOSCOW
THE reception given to Mr. Bevin at the Labour Party Conference, and the overwhehning majority by which a resolution embodying an alternative foreign policy was rejected, do considerable credit to the party's political sense. But in fact it was a national foreign policy that the Foreign Secretary was expounding—and so far as need be defending— and it would be likely to find fewer critics in other parties than the comparatively few it finds in his own. His speech necessarily ranged over many fields, but one factor gave it a sinister unity. British foreign policy, like American and French and the foreign policies of -many lesser countries, is concerned predominantly with one problem, the intentions of Russia. What her ultimate intentions are must remain matter for speculation ; they can only be inferred from various fitful manifestations which threaten the peace of nations in different parts of the world. The inferences are not reassuring. They demand unceasing vigilance and effective practical defence on the part of all nations which reject Russia's pretensions and realise the need of resisting her encroach- ments. On that Mr. Bevin was emphatic, and there will be fewer, relatively, outside Margate than there were at Margate to disagree with him. But he was equally emphatic, and he would have been much at fault if he had not been, in declaring that even now the Western Powers were ready at any moment to sit down at a table with Russia and discuss all questions in dispute with her, provided only the discussion was conducted as between honest men.
But this is not Russia's method, and so long as that remains the case the Western Powers must pursue other courses. Mr. Bevin is concerned with demonstrating that in the main they are pursuing the right courses, and there is little ground for challenging that claim: The countries beyond the Iron Curtain have isolated themselves deliberately, and t.lp coun- tries this side of the curtain must organise without them. It is something, no doubt, that Russia has reappeared at Lake Success, but all the signs are that her role there is still of discomposer rather than composer. At the same time it is noteworthy that on one major issue Russia and Britain, and incidentally France, have found themselves at one. The attitude to be adopted towards what is called Communist China, but is in fact merely China, is of capital importance.
To alienate her deliberately would be disastrous. Mr. Nehru is perfectly right about that. Mr. Bevin was perfectly right— in spite of the discourtesies with which his action has been met =in recognising the new China as soon as it was clear that its Government was firmly established, as to all appearances it plainly is. The next, and a most essential step, is to secure the real China's admission to the United Nations, that step carrying with it occupancy of the seat on the Security Council still retained by an administration which holds no lodgement on Chinese soil at all—for Formosa's ultimate destiny is still an open que4tion. There is no time to lose. To repel China from Lake Success is to impel her inevitably towards Moscow. Even if she enters the Security Council as a tem- porary ally of Moscow, that is much better than leaving her under a just sense of grievance by excluding her from it. America, it may be hoped, will come to realise that. This raises primarily political considerations. But United Nations, and most of the States that compose it, can unfortunately not rest there. The old need, Which the Leagih of Nations was so conscious of and so powerless to meet, effective collective security against potential aggression is •s urgent as ever, and it can be met, in present circumstances, only by adequate military preparations, and if necessary by milital:v action. It is the great merit of the United Nations that the case of Korea (so much simpler than the challenge thL League of Nations was faced with at Mukden in 1931) it has realised that and acted accordingly. The end of the Korean affair cannot be foreseen, but what has happened so far had certain clear effects'. Potential aggressors have had their warning, and so have the potential victims of aggression, in the realisation that aggression is no visionary danger, but something against which immediate and vigorous precautions must be taken. There are signs that the lesson has been learnt. Canada's action in enlisting a special force available for United Nations' service has set an admirable example, and there is little doubt that Mr. Dean Acheson's proposal that all members of the United Nations should earmark a portion of their national forces for similar service will, apart 'from the Soviet bloc, command general approval. This is to give the United Nations reality and make it a practical force for peace.
The danger, of course, particularly in Europe, is that it may once more be a case of too little and too late. That danger is real. The Atlantic Council is showing considerable signs of activity, no sooner than it should, but little has yet been actually achieved. The strengthening of Western forces on the continent of Europe has been agreed on, but not effected. The French still lag behind the British and Americans in admitting the necessity, surely incontestable, for associating Germans with the forces designed first and foremost to defend the soil of Germany from attack. France, on the other hand, is displaying greater wisdom than her major associates in urging a common-sense attitude towards Spain. M. Francois.- Poncet's appeal at Bremen on Sunday for the early admission of Spain to the United Nations and the Council of Europe is most timely. Russia, no doubt, could frustrate the former move, but not the latter, nor the addition of Spain to the North Atlantic alliance, with the great strategic advantages that would entail. The present semi-ostracism of Spain is petty, foolish and completely ineffective. Mr. Bevin seems to have realised this. It is to be hoped that the British delegation at Lake Success will give full support to the move the Latin- American States are making to end the situation which an Assembly resolution of 1946 created.
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