A CRITICAL SIX WEEKS

• THE date at the top of this page is a reminder that the summer • campaigning-season in Europe has not many more weeks to

run. That is particularly true in parts of Russia, as the commanders- 6 in-chief on both sides fully realise. For the Russians it is a case

) of holding on grimly to the vital points until winter comes to help the defence, for the Germans of crashing through before their armies become immobilised. For that reason the next six weeks may be the most critical period of the war. Signs that the German drive in the Caucasus is slightly slackening in speed can give little comfort as yet, though if it is true that Marshal Timoshenko still has strong reserves in hand, the situation may be better than it looks. At any rate, the next six weeks are bound to see still more intensified fighting all along the Russian front, a new test of strength in Egypt, and still heavier bombings of German cities. Not only is the strength and experience of the R.A.F. still growing, but it is clear that the powerful American squadrons now in Britain are about to begin offensive operations on their own account. That will not yet be a decisive factor in victory, but it would be a great mistake to underestimate the importance of the damage already being done, and likely to be done on a much greater scale in the future, to German war-industries and communications by attack from the air. To all this, if German apprehensions and now openly expressed Russian hopes have any basis, may be added the immense potentialities of a second front in Europe. To that momentous enterprise both Britain and America are pledged. But the how, when and where naturally and rightly remain an impenetrable secret—if, indeed, the decision on those vital points has been taken.

Lull in Egypt

From Egypt—nothing to report from our land forces. That has again and again been the tenor of recent Cairo communiqués, varied with reports of patrol activities and artillery duels. Our aircraft, which include some American bombers, have been active, attacking enemy ports, vessels at sea, land communications, air-fields and concentrations of troops. But still the " lull " at the front continues under conditions comparable to those of the old trench warfare, perilously'near to our vital base at Alexandria. Undoubtedly our army is receiving reinforcements, but so is Rommel. News from Greece tells that fresh troops are constantly passing through that country, and a report from Istanbul says that some Bulgarian and Hungarian soldiers are among them. Our submarines and bombers

take toll of the enemy transports at sea, but in spite of their successes Rommel's army is growing steadily stronger, and it appears to be a race between him and General Auchinleck in the effort to accumulate superior force. In positions where both sides are dug in on a comparatively narrow front with little room to manoeuvre, defence has an advantage over offence, and for that reason neither army can afford to attack till it enjoys considerable superiority in numbers and armour. On the other hand, since Rommel in the long run is probably capable of being reinforced more heavily than we can be, it is doubtful if we can afford long to await his attack.

Australian Opinion Mr. W. M. Hughes's criticism of the defensive character of Allied strategy in the South-West Pacific has drawn a spirited reply from Mr. Curtin, the Prime Minister of Australia ; and the subsequent offensive in the Solomon Islands goes to prove that the Allies are not content to let the initiative rest in the hands of the Japanese. In Australia, as in Britain, sections of the Press and the public have not been content to leave strategy to the directors of the war, and have advocated measures in the same spirit as that in which some people here have clamoured for a " second front." In both cases it is recognised that the adoption of a policy of invasion must depend upon the resources available ; and in Australia there is some disposition to argue that if the resources are not yet available, they ought to be, and that if the danger with which Australia is threatened had been sufficiently realised she would have had a higher priority in the supplies allotted. Mr. Curtin's recent speeches show that he is under no illusions as to the strain which is put on Allied resources by the calls for ships and equipment in Britain, on the Atlantic and other sea routes, in Egypt, in India, in China and in Russia, and the necessity of adjusting supplies to the changing needs as may be decided on by the higher direction of the war. Dr. Evatt, also, speaking at Melbourne, explained the satisfactory nature of the arrangements he had made with Mr. Churchill, and declared that both he and Mr. Roosevelt had shown full recognition of the strategic importance of Australia, whose defensive position, thanks to the aid already forthcoming, is very different from what it was six months ago. Shipping, of course, is the real crux of the matter for Australia, as it is for us. Her needs are in no danger of being forgotten, but they have to be measured from week to week against competing claims elsewhere.

Laval's Fears

Laval knows that he has burnt his boats, and takes no pains to conceal the fact that he desires a German victory. He said this openly a second time last Tuesday, when to the thousand French workers on their way to take up work in Germany, in exchange for a thousand prisoners released, he said that " France's hour of liberation will come when Germany has won the war." He admitted also that he was in power in Vichy today for the express purpose of reviving the policy of collaboration with Germany, which means getting French- men to help Hitler win the war. He is in with Germany now for the preservation of his own skin. There are evidences that he is afraid —desperately afraid. He must have known long ago that he was unpopular among his countrymen, but it was brought home to him by the demonstrations of July 14th that he is the object of bitter hatred. He could not survive a moment in power without German backing. The signs of unrest in Vichy France are evident to him as to everyone else, and there are rumours of plans for a coup d'etat ; that is why the French military garrison at Vichy has been changed and colonial troops have been brought in to protect his treacherous Government, and a law has been passed imposing the death penalty for the possession of arms or explosives. Fearing a rising in France in sympathy with a future Allied landing, Laval is doing all he can to prevent Frenchmen from winning their freedom by helping the enemies of Germany, and offers them his own splendid alternative —" liberation " through a grand gesture of Chancellor Hitler.

Reform of the Civil Service

A timely contribution to the problem of efficiency in the Civil Service is made in an interim report issued by a sub-committee of the Liberal Party Organisation. The war has put the Civil Service to a searching test, and few will disagree that in many respects it has been found wanting. Quick decisions, receptiveness to new ideas, readiness to accept responsibility—positive qualities which are necessary in war and will be equally necessary in reconstruction— none of these are conspicuous characteristics of Government depart- ments today. The Liberal report suggests that the Service is the product of Governments " characterised by timidity, vacillation and lack of vision now almost unbelievable." Be that as it may, the problem is how to get rid of this paralysing system of circumlocution, checks and counter-checks, nervousness and negativism which present so formidable an obstacle to any Minister who wants to get things done. The Lord Chancellor stated the other day that the Permanent Secretary to the Treasury had been recognised as the head of the Civil Service since 1867. That the department whose principal function in relation to other departments is to veto expenditure should be in this commanding position is symptomatic of the general malady. The Liberal sub-committee suggests that the recruitment, training and control of personnel should be centralised in a reformed Civil Service Commission, dissociated from the Treasury and responsible to a Minister without Portfolio, and that a permanent all- party committee of the House of Commons should keep watch over administration. It also recommends a drastic overhaul of staff, new training facilities and equal opportunity for promotion. In cases where industries are to come under public control it recommends the creation of public boards. It is to be hoped that some at least of these reforms may be adopted even in war-time, for they are urgently needed.

Traffic in Babies

Early in the war there were very obvious reasons why unnecessary new burdens should not be imposed on local authorities, and for that reason the Adoption of Children (Regulation) Act did not come into force, as had been intended, on January 1st, 1940. But as it turns out, and might perhaps have been foreseen, the coming of war made reform of the law of adoption far more necessary than it had been in peace-time. In the general unsettlement caused by war, blitz and evacuation there have been far more cases of mothers anxious to have their children adopted, quite apart from the natural

war-time increase in illegitimacy, and accordingly more oppor- tunities for irresponsible and even unscrupulous adoption societies to act as intermediaries and make profit out of the parents' need. The Act made it an offence for any body of persons to arrange for the adoption of children unless it was registered, and made it illegal to publish notices advertising adoptions. The absence of restraining regulations has led to some peculiarly odious cases of exploitation, in which parents have paid money and handed over children to unknown conditions of life. In other cases advertisers, having heard from persons willing to adopt children, have then contrived means to find the babies. Under the existing law no adoption is legal until an order in court has been made, but this is insufficient protection for ignorant or apathetic parents. It is intolerable that unscrupulous or incompetent agencies should exist to make a profit out of the disposal of babies. The 1939 Act should be put into force without further delay.

The Fatigue-Point in Work

Among the major problems of the Government in respect of labour is how to get the maximum contribution out of every citizen without defeating its own end by overstrain. We must aim at getting more and. more essential work done and at the same time avoid the

mistake of trying to get so much that in fact we get less. Again and again it is necessary to impose new or more duties on the civil population. Mr. Morrison, finding that there are not enough fire guards for security, was quite right to call upon women between 20 and 45 for compulsory duty. What else could be done? He was equally right in recognising that women are not in quite the same position as men—they have more household duties and as a rule they are not so strong physically—so he has made some concessions to them not made to men. For instance, women who work a 55-hour week at business premises may be exempted, whereas men engaged in vital war work are normally exempted only if there are 6o hours in their working week. These figures, however, show how near the workers must come to the extreme fatigue limit before they can get exemption. What is conspicuously wrong is that there are large numbers of persons engaged on war work for hours already so excessive that nothing more could possibly be got out of them—fire-watching or any other additional duty. The Industrial Fatigue Research Board has condemned this unprofitable overwork strongly, yet it is still permitted, and is destroying the vitality of those engaged in it.

State Patronage of Art

Under the stress of war, when the arts seemed in danger of perishing, the State has for once stepped in, through C.E.M.A. and other agencies, to lend a helping hand. But in modern times there ar. other circumstances, besides war, which make it incumbent on the State to take the place vacated by the private patron, if art is to survive. Few people today have the space in their houses or enough money for large paintings and sculpture. Mr. Charles Tennyson, chairman of the Central Institute of Art and Design, points out in a letter to The Times that the United States Government recognised the need some time ago, and through the Federal Art Project spent money liberally in the decoration of public buildings, the purchase and distribution of works of art, and the holding of exhibitions, greatly to the benefit of the standard of taste and decoration through- out the country. If we do not do something of this kind in Britain there will be a lamentable decline in the more splendid forms of art on which the lesser manifestations depend. In France for a long time art was encouraged by the public spirit of municipalities as well as the central Government. In the most magnificent period of the Italian Renaissance artists flourished under the patronage of Princes and Popes, who held the position that a Government does today. In establishing the British Council the British Government recognised the principle that it was a duty of the State to make its national culture known abroad. Having accepted that duty it surely cannot ignore the obligation to provide the conditions without which there will be no culture to make known.