LETTERS FROM PARIS, BY 0. P. Q.

No. XV.

APOLOGY FOR THE FRENCH REPUBLICANS.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE 5Pi.CTATOR.

Paris, 11th June 1834.

Sue—I often hear it said and see it written—written in England, and from England too, to French patriots, Deputies, and men of high moral and social character,—that "the Republicans in France are injuring the cause of liberty;" " that they wish to gain that by force, which they cannot do by legal or consti- tutional means ;" "that they do not really understand the nature of representa: tive governments ;" "that they wish to carry all before them by brute force "that they are lovers of emeutes and insurrections;" "that they have no dell-

berate plan of action, but are senseless, passionate, led on by leaders without consideration or importance ;" and finally, "that they are violent, inconsiderate, and powerless." I often hear it said and see it written, " that the French are inimical to Re- publicanism ;" " that the elections of the officers of the National Guards have proved this to be the case ;" " that the electors of the electoral colleges for Deputies are in like manner Anti-Republican ;" " that the triumph of the Republic now, could only he secured by means of terror, of force, of scaffolds, and of all sorts of violence anal inhumanity ;" and "that it is the duty of every citizen who respects himself, his rights, his family, and his country, to oppose by every wane in hit power the success of Republicanism, by the means made use of by the Republican party."

I often hear it said and see it written, "that the Republicans are, after all, very few in number ;" " that they are a handful of factious men ;" "that all the better classes of society stand aloof from them ;" " that in many depart- ments, not a Republican is to be found ;" and " that all the moral and intellec- tual force of the nation, as well as all the property and wealth of the country, are opposed to their principles, and are struge,ling against their sue cess."

These are the charges. You must seam me to reply to them. I have chosen the Spectator as the medium for making known this reply, because it is read in England by those who love liberty and desire her progress through the world, but yet who labour under very great mistakes as to the strength, numbers, in- fluence, principles, desires, and measures of the Republican party.

I shall begin with the latter charges first. I shall show that the Republicans are numerous, are respectable, are spread over the whole of the country, and are not the obscure and inconsiderable party which their enemies most absurdly and illogically state them to be. And I begin with these latter charges first, because in my mind they are the least important, and merit the.least attention. If there were but three Republicans in all France, instead of millions and mil- lions,—if those three Republicans, by their talents, principles, genius, and zeal, could keep the question of Republicanism constantly before the country,—if those three Republicans, by their writings and speeches, their tracts and pamph- lets, could create a great sensation in France,—I would not hesitate to say that there was a party in favour of the Republic, though not declared and avowed ; and I would not, because the leaders were but three or two or one in number, therefore refuse to examine their theories or reject all examination iuto their mode of Government. To take numbers as a test of truth, would be to reverse all history—to destroy all philosophy—to declare that Paganism is better than Alaboinetanism, Mahometanism than Christianity, and, ages back, that Judaism was preferable to the religion of the Son of Man. Without, however, allowing for one moment that the mere fact of numbers being for or agaiust any system or principle, is or is not any argument in favour of or against its adoption, I am yet prepared to maintain, that if the majority of the French people—of those who can read, write, understand, and reflect—who are not under the influence of the priest, or compelled to obey any superior force—could vote this very day on the question of what form of government will best suit France, the reply would must unquestionably be "the Republican form of government." For let me ask, in the first place, if the Republicans were so few in number, how conies it to pass that Marshal SOULT, the Alinister of War and the President of the Council, has required 360;000 armed troops and 65,000 cavalry to keep the Republic from triumphing ? How conies it, that in Paris alone, when in April a few barricades were erected in the Rues St. Denis and St. Martin, and when only a small portion of merely one section of the Society of the Rights of Man appeared in the streets, that 40,000 troops and 40,000 National Guards were called out to meet them, and to keep the Republic from triumphing ? How comes it that at Lyons, the first manufacturing city in the kingdom, for ten days the Republicans maintained their ground against the troops of the Government, whilst the shopkeepers and merchants looked on, and took no part in the contest ? How comes it, that in order to cope with the Society of the Rights of Man, which never resorted to physical force, except 'when attacked—but only to the bloodless weapons of the pen, the tongue, and the printing-press — how conies it that the government felt corn- pelled, in order to defend itself from ruin, such ruin being inevitable if the Society continued to act, to demand of a majority of 400 Deputies (merely of a majority), elected by about 50,000 voting electors (and no more) out of :3:3,000,000 of people, laws to prevent the circulation of popular tracts in the streets—to prevent the assembling of twenty individuals, nay of even two, at any given place to discuss the march of the Government— and finally, to punish with death those who should carry fire-arms, and thus put themselves in a posture of defence against the attacks of the agents of the Doctrinaires and the Police? Who would think in Great Britaia of ;inning One hundred vessels of war to destroy the fleet of the Regency of Morocco ?—A puddle in a storm would be grand and awful in comparison with such folly. And if the Republicans of France are so few, so insignificant, so unworthy of notice, on account of their physical strength and numbera—then how monstrous were the demands made by the Government of the Doctrinaires, of men, of secret service money, of laws of repressiou the most cruel and unconstitutional, and of the destruction of the rights of publication of popular tracts, of association —and of the right possessed and enjoyed in all civilized nations, viz, that of carrying fire-arms as means Of defence—in eider to oppose with success the progress or the plans of this obscure and unimportant faction? It would be surely most disproportioned to erect a steam-engine to crush a butterfly ; but even this would be logical anti temperate when compared with tbe demands of :360,0a0 soldiers .and 65,000 cavalry, and laws which in fact sassend the Con- stitution of France, and render the promises and engagements of the Charter

null and void, in order to put down a party which it is maintained by their

enemies consists of "a mere handful of factious emu." But what mean these DISSOLUTIONS Or TI1E NATIONAL GUARDS in the proviuces? How comes it to pass that the National Guards of LYONS, of STRASBOURG, Of METZ, of CAUCASSONNE, of GRENOBLE, of A ant, of four Western provinces, and of fifty small towns or communes in various parts of France, from the Prussian

to the Spanish frontiers, and from the Ocean to the Jura, have been dissolved ? Have these measures been taken because the National Guards of all these places have refused to ann, refused to exercise, n fused to as- semble? Nut; but because the National Guards of all these places are

PEPUBLI1.! ANS! If the Republicans are so few in number, how comes at that in one hundred and fifty towns and cities during the past three

years, they have been compelled on different occasions, (I say compelled, for it Was the only means they could resort to), to show in the streets, and on the public places, their disapprobatiou of the march of the Government, and their resolution to found Representative institutions in France? In like manner, if the Republicans be few in number, how comes it that all the prisons are crowded with their chiefs, and yet thousands of chiefs remain? How comes it that the Society of the Rights of Alan had alone (independent of other Societies) nearly a labor' afliliated members? How comes it that for three years the Re- publicans have been slaughtered, banished, imprisoned, sent to Algiers, or shot

an the streets, and vet that at time end of four tears it is necessary to violate the

Charter, and even deprive Frenchmen of the right of publishing their opinions by the circulation of popular journals and tracts, as well as of the right of asso- ciation, in order to cope with the growing influence of the Reptblican party ?

And finally, if time Republicam are so few in number, how comes it that in several towns and cities at the same mem-lent in the South of France, only a few weeks

since, the standard of revolution was not only unfurled, but defended during several days, notwithstanding all the resources of a Government having a baget of a billion and a quarter of francs at its disposal, were opposed to them ? Why, at this very moment, during the long vacation, the Chamber of Peers has been and is sit • ting day after day and week after week as a court, in order to examine into the character and extent of these simultaneous insurrections?—and although their efforts to prove some general conspiracy emanating from healbquarters will sig natty NI, yet it will be demonstrated, nay is proved already, that at several towns and cities only two months ago, the inhabitants rose nearly en nursse, arid cried aloud " 'Wive la 114mblique." This is my answer to the charge of " want of numbers." I hope it will be thought satisfactory. I pledge myself for its fidelity.

But it is said, " that the Republicans are wishing to carry that by pre( which they cannot 110 Im legal or constitutional means." This is a series:. charge; and it shall he niet, as it deserves to be, with a not less serious and de- cided reply. The Republicans have suffered much and resented little since the accession of their enemies to office in March 1831. What does the Republican party demand ? The liberty of oral lind written discussion—the press and asso- ciations. These are the rights of all—the organic rights of all regular society. From the 5th and 6th June 1832, examine the conduct of the Republimens. They have conformed to the laws, though specially passed to oppose the pro- gress of their opinions. They have paid the stamp-duty, had their jouncils signed by police agents, and deposited caution-monies or securities for the pay. merit of all fines imposed by the tribunals. And as to associations, in order to keep within the law—expressly not to violate its provisions—the Republicans never met more than twenty at a time in any society, that the 291st article of the Code might be obeyed. When time bludgeon agents of the Police attacked the Republicans—when the National Guards even cried " We will not have Paris surrounded with detached forts "—when Dcaosic was murdered in a duel with an avowed agent of the Anti-Republican faction—the Republican party did not move ; not a sword was drawn, or a cry heard : and yet nothing could have been easier than to have excited and supperted revolts. The Republicaus did not take up anus, because legal measures they could resort to, and those measures were tolerably successful. And look at the tortnents and harassings to which the Republicans have been exposed merely on account of their opinions. The press has been hunted down. Conspiracies have been invented ; as, for ex- ample, " The towers of Notre Dame," and the famous " Pistol plot of the Pont Royal," in order apparently to justify the au-rest of the Republicans, and their subsequent trial but acquittal by juries of their country. Crowds of young men have been arrested, not because accused of real offences, but because they professed opinions ndlich were not Monarchical. Domiciliary visits have been repeated over anti over again, not with the lame of finding either letters, or weapons, or fire-arms, hut expressly to bring diseredit on the -Republicans in. their neighbourhoods, and expose them to the accusation of being disorderly citizens. The must peaceable assemblies of private individuals have been dis- persed by brute force. The Republicans have been insulted from the Tribune- nisters of the Crown have called them " palm's." They have been infamously charged with demanding the " loi agraire," by those who do not know what. this agrarian law was, or how it was applied. Another Minister declared that the Republicans only recruited their ranks amongst those who were "(area et perdus de dettes ;" and another assured his credulous and infatuated auditory, that the Republicans were " imbecile, and excited horror." When the. Ite- publicans confined their means of influence on the tuasses to the press and to as- sociation', then the bureaus, of their journals were attacked by brute force, and associations were dispersed at the point of the bayonet. When the Republioans founded a society for the instruction of the people, and taught the poor to read, to write, to be moral, and the means of curing the diamders of their body to which as poor people they were specially subject, the professors were arrested, the classes closed, anti the buildings shut up by Police agents armed with bayonets and sabres. " We must finish with the Republicans," was the cry; anti " It is of no use talking of legality," cried a Doctrinaire; "Legality is killing us." But even all this was not sufficient. Republicanism stilt gained ground. Whilst their accusers spoke of "public order" in the name of their egotis6cal interests, the Republicans spoke of social order in the name of justice and hu- manity. When the Republicans were aecused of bsing " des inseases," the people regarded with affection these men who knew how to suffer and die for their opinions. When the Republicans were accuaed of being "cowards," the people said, "Nu; it is the only party in Europe which knows. how to fight and how to die for its opinions and principles." And when the Re- publicans were accused of being "assassins," the people said, "No; they arc not Republicans who massacre women, strangle children, stab old men, attack inoffensive citizens, shoot without trial or verdict unarmed prisoners, torture grief to despair, and not content with having forced a youlag Repub- lican to throw himself into a river from a bridge to escape death and prison, descend to the banks of that river and fire on the body till.. the streent is dyed with his blood." And the Pieffinontese people reply. "No; it was not the Republicans who shot their enemies behold, and dared not meet them." And the Italians remember, that it was not the Republicans who were the executioners cf MENOTTI and his companions. Awl Spaniards remember the Royal plot, which opened the tombs of Risco, of TORRIJOS, and of multitudes of other victims, and laid them therein. And the Germans recollect the hatch of Royalty—as all Europe curses the Royal hand which was plunged without mercy into the entrails of Poland. The People would not then believe the libels written and spoken against the Republicans; and, in spite of all the persecutions to which I have referred, Republicanism did progress in France, and the Republicans did increase every day. And when the Doctrinaires and the Juste Itiihieu perceived all this—wbeu they perceived that their jounials were not read, thaugh distributed gratis, and thaa the Republican papers were sought fur with increased avidity, they resolved OS 'attacking the Constitutional rights of the French people ; on destroying the Republican press by a law, not passed by France or her Representatives, but by merely a small majority of Deputies elected by a very insignificant portion of the French population ; and on destroying associations, arid the right of asso- ciating, by another law, grounded on the alleged fact, that a " haudful of Republicans " were agitating the country, and disturbing the repose of the lovers of monarchies.

Then came the movement—then came the insurrections. The Republicans had demanded a Refotmed Parliament : it was refused by the privileged and-the monopolists. The Republicans presented petitions: they were unread and un- diacussed by those who called themselves French Deputies. The Republicans required simply to enjoy the rights recoguized by the Monarchical Charter, i. c. theright of publication and of association : they were willing to conform to alt laws, but they required at least the non-violation of the Charter. This they were refused. Special laws were passed by a majority of moilopolists against both the Charter and the Revolution ; anti the rights of the press and ussocie- tion were destroyed, by a majority of a few white balls put in by men to the ballot-box who only represented 50,000 out of 33,000,009 of people. Yet the 33,000,000 were to be bound by them. Then came the movement—then came the insurrections,. Then the work- men rose, and the workmen were massacred. The Republicans aided therm and I admit it ; but the Republicans were not the aggressois. The aggreisors were the Doctrinaires.

I find that I am unable to terminate this defence in the prezent letter ; and I must beg your permission to resume the subject in niy next communication. I am, Sir, your obedient servant, 0. P. Q.