THE ANTI-HOME RULE CAMPAIGN.
WE have a word to say to the Unionists who are, as we think very wisely, transferring the appeal against the Home Rule Bill from the House of Commons to the country. By all means let them riddle, as they are riddling, the clauses of that iniquitous and ridiculous measure, and explain its preposterous provi- sions, but let them not forget also to keep the question of the dissolution and its bearing on the coercion of Ulster in the forefront of the battle. What they want to do is not merely to hearten the Unionists and to win over the balancing electors, but also, and most important of all, to make an impression upon the ordinary Liberal elector. Now the way to move him, we are certain, is on this point of a dissolution. What they must say to him in plain terms is this : " We assume that you are satisfied, with the Bill ; we assume that in your opinion it is a measure fair to England and Scotland, and fair even to the people of Ulster ; that in fact it is a Bill which ought to be passed in the interests of both islands. We will not attempt to argue with you on these points. All we desire to do is to impress upon you that, rightly or wrongly, the people of Ulster are determined to resist being forced under a Dublin Parliament. All we ask you at the moment is that you should insist that, before recourse is had to the bullet and the bayonet in Ireland, the people of North-East Ulster should be absolutely assured as to the determination of the British people to apply the Bill to Ulster. The only way in which you can do this is by a general election before the Bill becomes law. If you are determined to coerce the men of North-East Ulster, at any rate try to coerce them by your votes before you coerce them by force of arms." We are certain that such an appeal, if fairly and squarely made, will move the minds of many thousands of Liberals and will make them say : " This is a reasonable demand. Ulster, as Mr. Asquith himself admits, is a great difficulty. Ulster must give way to the will of the majority of the British people, but at any rate let us warn her, as only a successful general election can warn her, of the fate that is in store for her if she insists on trying to impose her will upon the rest of the United Kingdom." To conclude, here is our summary of the situation.
In the first place, we say to the Liberals, " On your own showing and by your own arguments you ought either to give a. separate Parliament to North-East Ulster or you ought to leave Ulster out of the Bill and let her remain, as now, a part of the United Kingdom."
Next we say, " If you are determined not to do this, and are deter- mined that the principle of local self-government and the predominance of the will of the local majority shall only apply to the South of Ireland and not to the North, and are determined to force North-East Ulster under a Dublin Parliament, at any rate use your force in such a way that it will produce the minimum and not the maximum of bloodshed.
Before you storm the town and put its people to the sword, summon them once more to surrender by the trumpet call of a successful general election. Do not, by omitting this last warning of the conse- quences of resistance, incur the curse that must fall upon those who shed blood unnecessarily.
If you can avoid the horrors of civil war by what is so simple a thing as an appeal to the people, for God's sake make that appeal before you order the guns to begin their red business."
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