Cbc Countro.

Lord John Russell met the Bristol Reformers at dinner on Tues- day, at the Royal Gloucester hotel. The room which was selected for the occasion, though the largest in Bristol, and capable of accorn- dating 470 persons, was found to be quite inadequate, and another room was added to it by taking down a partition-wall. Even then, the managers were obliged to refuse numerous applications for tickets, which were sold at a premium. Considerable pains were taken to ornament the room. This is the description of the Times — " Very appropriate decorations were introdueed. At the lower end of the room was a very beautiful transparency ; the ground plan exhibiting corn- fields, rivers, and shipping, while above was hovering Fame, blowing a trumpet, anal holding in her Land a scroll, on which was written, Magna Charts, and the People's Rights.' In the centre window were the Royal Arms, supported on either side by paintings of the arms of the Army and Navy. In other windows were the arms of' the city of Bristol, and of the Merchant Venturers of the city. All the windows and recesses were decorated with garlands of flowers, giving to the whole a very pretty effect. At the top of the room, on a raised platform, was a table across the room ; and from this were placed four other tables, extending the entire length of the room. These tables were decorated in an exceedingly tasteful manner ; and some thousands of persons were admitted during the morning to view them." Mr. J. 0. Smith, a Bristol barrister, took the chair. Among the guests were Lords Segrave, Ebrington, Kerry, and Andover, Mr. Thomas Moore, Mr. Guest, M. P. for Merthyr, Mr. Hall, M. P. for Monmouth, the Honourable Henry Moreton, M. P. for Gloucester- shire, and many gentlemen of property and standing in Bristol and the vicinity. About a dozen of Lord John Russell's principal constituents from Stroud were also present.

The especial object of the dinner was to present Lord John Russell with a splendid silver candelabrum, having a massive base of foliage $ and flowers entwined, and elegantly chased, surrounding three shields, on one of which the Russell arms were engraved, the other two bearing the following inscription-

" To Lord John Russell, the Minister of the Crown and the Representative of the People, the enlightened, persevering, and fearless Advocate of Civil and Religious Liberty, this offering is presented by the Reformers of the City of ; Bristol, raised by a subscription of 64. each, as a testimony of their high ad- miration and grateful sense of his public conduct and political consistency.-.. Sept. 4, la_435." The loyal toasts were given after the cloth was removed. The "Heiress Presumptive to the Crown, the Princess Victoria" was

very warmly received ; but on the health of the "Duke of Sussex" being proposed, the whole company rose and cheered vehemently. The piece of plate was then presented to Lord John by Mr. Bligh; who read a long address to his Lordship. It commenced thus-

" My Lord—it is with heartfelt satisfaction that we now enjoy the honour of present- ; ing to your lordship in person that testimonial of • high admiration and grateful sense • of your public conduct and political consistency.' which many of the friends of Reform in this city and its neighlseirhood have united to prepare, and villich they have with full conviction inicribed to you, as • the enlightened, persevering. and fearless advocate ;

of civil and religious liberty,' at once,' the Minister of the Crown and the Represents. '

tive of the People.' We wish we could line executed our ,onsmission in presence of the thotisands who would, we are confident. have ardently participated in the senti. moats which we express; but, in behalf of all, we Dose place before your Lordship the offering of their honour and their gratittaile.—their gratitude for your numerous and important services for the welfare of our country ; their honour, for the zeal .tnd stead- fastness, the candour and decision. the moderation and upright DOSSI, which have marked your course--the prospective wisdom which it has displayed—and the comprehensive views which have gitidts1 it. as to the respective rights and the mutual relations of all parts of our national community. "Permit us now, my Lord. to express in some detail those sentiments which crowd into our minds on this interesting, not to us unprecedented occasion, when the Reformers of Bristol, stigmat iZed they have been by unmerited oblogiay.are honoured by the presence of a distinguished Minister of the Crown. who has so recently declared that be stands' pledged to the Constitution of the country. in all its branches, by feel- ing, by opinion. and by duty.' We too, my lord, are earnestly attached to the great and essential principles of the Constitution. We may y differ among ouri.elves as to the means by which they are to be rendered most efficient for the common welfare ; hut we all aro desirous to avoid that pabhc agitation which the reform in our representative system, learaanezion with the ordinary rneaus of free discussion. is rendering unnecessary ; and utast would interrupt the prosperity of our commercial :red the contort of our social orDet ions : we all are solicitous to promote the spirit of cooperation in the went practical grsqeses of natioual Improvement ; we all are most earliest 10 throw no °tested.% in the ars '&U Administretion which we confide in; firmly believing that Lord Melbourne aqst his patriotic colleagues are honestly determined to effect those purposes as speedily an dug are able. cousistently with due reeani to general tramoillity and security, to As Stir claims or opposing opiuions. mid% the permanent efficiency of the measures fee which they seek to promote the welfare of their cobutry."

Tie address went on to state, that the Reformers of Bristol were wady for another struggle in case the Tories should make another desperate attempt to possess themselves of the Government. It al- haled. to the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts, Catholic Enum- eipation, Parliamentary and Municipal Reform ; all of which Lord Jena bad been chiefly instrumental in acquiring. It referred to the state of Ireland, and expressed full approbation of the system of sitional education and other Government measures for the ameliora- tion of that country. The address concluded as follows-

Perceiviug the extensive and complicated relations and agencies which are to be trIen into accomat by those who now direct our public affairs. and the difficulties whieb necessarily attend their course. while opposed by so many that are,possessed of

=lto impede it ; imrceiving also that impatience and distrust on the part of the e would give that oppositiou its greatest efficacy ; and that. on the other hand, the Csurernment possesses immense power for good. if supported by the confidence of the %ends of Reform ; we deem it to be our duty, my Lerch to cherish this confidence. We sea abundant reason for it, in the tahmts, the principles, the st,adfast 'less. and the (wi- thdrew' or the eminent men who constitute the present Admini.d rat ion. But. my Lord, Miry will not expect from us, vt hat we C1111110t ield,a blind confidence ; and, it is one great adeantaite of our commou p iueiples. that t bough provisions to give them efficiency 111111y. require to be moulded by circumstances with which the public ca mart always be wade argiminted, they do themselves need no secrecy. and that their bright and welb defined features will be stamped tin all the measures which originate in a faithful ad. berence to them.

• You may observe, my Lord, one effect of your enlightened, upright, and beneficent untsduct as a statesman. In the respect and thankfulness w hich stab occasions as the ccs-ient serve to develop; and which are strengthened hy our perceiving, that in the 1151'107.e changes of the Reform Ministry, your cour,e has been steadily directed to those important ends which form the unanimous ut.ject of Lord Melbourne's Adminis. 'nation. It is our earnest desire that your Lordship, and your colleagues in the Go. warmer& may may lung continue. with the wellquerited confidence °tour Sovereign, tawny on your measures fur the general good tom ants their full accomplishment ; met that you may enjoy the reward of your public services, in the improvement and cadency (trail the sources of national prosperity, and in the conscious possession of the ratite& and attachment of your country."

The Chairman gave the health of Lord John Russell; who, after the cheering bud subsided, rose to address the company. He com- menced his speech by saying- " I know how impossible it is for any words of mine adequately to convey the high sense I entertain of the distinguished honour which you have now anifetred upon me, Among the many troubles and disquietudes of public life, I have always thought that there was nothing in them to baffle any man of fironnees and resolution,—provided, in the first place, he were satisfied in his own conscience that the course of conduct he pursued tended to the welfare 4111 country ; sad if, in the second place, the good, the enlightened, and the honest among his countrymen, in any considerable proportions, bestowed their approbation upon his persevering efforts. With respect to the first, it is

sot within the reach of any human power to bestow; but for its support I can

took with confidence to my own heart and the uprightness of its intentions ; while with respect to the second, I have now before me this testimony, which

numbly accept, of the approbation of roy countrymen, with whom I have been in no way connected—whom it has not been in my power to serve, other- e than as they are members of the same community with myself—and who hare done me the honour to regard my conduct in public as tending to the free- dom arid to the happiness of the country."

Lord John then adverted to the principal topics of the address; particularly dwelling on and defending the measures of Earl Grey's Government. He repelled with indignation the foul Tory calumny

that Lord Althorp bad been in any discreditable way accessory to the resignation of Earl Grey. He then went on to notice the chief acts of Lord Mtlbourne's Ministry. He described the wretched condition of Ireland ; gave an instance of the spirit of resistance to the lbws by which the peasantry were actuated ; and said— ,L What then do we want in that country? We want, no doubt, with regard b one of the evils—the physical miseries of Ireland—such laws and measures a may provide some adequati. remedy ; but with regard to this moral complaint, this perverted sense of what i• right and wrong, we do want the means to teach the great principles of religior and morality. When I say this, I am only say- iting what has been taught by the reverend bishops of our church with respect to a religious establishment—that it is the duty of the state to take care that re- tfgious instruction be given to the poor. With regard to this great subject, before the accession of Lord they's Administration, little or nothing had been done. The Established Church could address itself only to about one-eighth or one-ninth of the people ; and with respect to education, it had become a sys- tem considered so exclusive by the Roman Catholic clergy, that they would not &Pow Roman Catholics to send their children to the schools. What then was the first step to be taken to remedy this evil? It was to introduce a new and general system of education ; a system in the advantages of which all classes of religiouists might participate ; in which, for a ceitain number of days, Pro- Intent amid Catholic might learn the great principles of Cluistianity and raciality, and on other data the peculiar articles of their particular belief, ac- cording to the doctrines oftheir church. Such was the system of education pro- posed by Lord Stanley ; but in order to make its benefit extensive and large, it required that greater funds should be given to it. Whence then were these tends to be Jet wed ? I say I had always been taught that the use of an Esta- blished Church was to give instruction to the poor, and taking that enlarged view of what was the intention of an Establishment, and of what was the duty if a State, I considered that while a sufficient ptovision should be given to the witristets of the Protestant Church, where there were any flocks to teach, yet where there was no dock and no congregation, those funds might fitly and pro- perly be applied to the universal education of his Majesty's subjects, Catholic a well as Protestant. What objection could there he to this proposition ? OW see none, unless you adopt the principle of Lord Stanley,—a principle to which I never you'd assent, although I admired the manliness and frankness with which he stated in the House of Commons, that welt, there was a single Protestant, or even where theme was no Protestant at all, there still ought to be a Protestant minister, glebe-house, and a payment of tithes to that minister. Tiny I admire the manliness with which Lord Stanley stated that proposition : it was his opinion, the result of his reasoning; and others held it in Common With him, although no one stated it so fairly as himself, for he scorned to shrink from the avowal of the necessary consequences of his doctrines. I will not, however, detain you with refuting the opinion, and only take leave to say that A is a proposition with which I have no sympathy, and to which we cannot reasonably give our support. But if that proposition cannot be maintained, what are the objections raised against that doctline for which we contend ? I In sorry to say that, instead of reasoning on this point—instead of considering the.relig ions and moral improvement of hi-land—the civil tranquillity prevailing among her people—the great ends of government—our adversaries have, in the first place, resorted to personal attack ; and, in the second place, to the mitring up of religious dissension and hatred."

He cared nothing for the personal attacks-

" I am content to pass over the usual and daily ministration of abuse on this subject, which any man in public life ought to be accustomed to ; persuaded as

I am that it would be as much a waste of time to stop to grapple with it as fur the traveller riding through a village to chase and castigate every idle cur that may for the moment attempt to molest his progress. But there are per- sons, and there is one in particular, to whom I cannot forbear alluding, who is

reported to have mid things in a speech at Exeter which I own surprised me, and with respect to which I think it necessary to make sonic observations. I

allude to a gentleman of very considerable talents, of great powers of speech, a man formed to rise and take a prominent part in the public affairs of this country ; I mean the houourable and learned Member for Exeter (Sir W. Follett). To an accusation coming front such a person I cannot confess to be altogether in- different. The charge is in amount, that we made some compact, or agreement, to give up the Protestant Church to Mr. O'Connell, having never thought of the question before; and that we had made, if his words are reported cortectly, as unprincipled a coalition as ever datkened or disgraced the history of poli- tical intrigue. Now, let be observed,—for it is worth while observing, and I

think if it had not been for this circumstance we should not have heard of the charge,—let it be observed, that it is not made in Parliament, nor brought for- ward before the assembled Commons of England, where it might have been answered, but, most unjustly, in circumstances where there could be no chance of contradiction. But those gentlemen who make chat ges sometimes shift. the:r ground, without at all considering the clashing of their accusations one with another. In the month of November last, when nothing could be more hostile than the language of Mr. O'Connell towards Lord Melbourne's first Adminis- tration, we were told by the accredited newspaper organs and literary reviewers of the party, that I had prepared a plan for razing the Church, and dismissing the Protestant ministers in Ireland, eland, which had justly caused the dissolution of the Government. Well, about six months afterwatels, that charge having been answered and contradicted, we find tbetn inventing a flesh one,—that I hol no opinion at all with respect to any change in the Protestant Church, and that I adopted it solely at the suggestion and dictation of others. Now one of these charges evidently must be false: it does so happen that both, different and shameless as they are were utterly false. For while I had no prepared plan, which in November I had produced, or to which the Cabinet had agreed, on the other hand, the opinions I entertain with respect to the Protestant Church of Ireland is no opinion adopted at any man's suggestion, or for any temporary selfish purpose, but, as I shall speedily bhow you, adopted from my own convic- tions, maintained with very great pain, and at no inconsiderable sacrifice."

Lord John here reminded the meeting, that in 1824 he voted in support of Mr. Hume's motion, the purport of which was that the Church of Ireland should be maintained with fewer clergy at less cost; that during the discussion of the Tithe question in 183-2, be had de- clared his adherence to the opinion he held in 1824,—Mr. O'Connell being in 1832 a violent opponent of Ministers; that in 1833, he stated the some opinion in the House of Commons, and was only prevented from acting on it by a fear of breaking up Earl Grey's Ministry ; that on the discussion of the 147th clause of the Temporalities Bill in 1833, be again professed his belief that the State bad full power over the revenues of the Church ; and lastly, in 1834, be had most explicitly avowed his opinions on that subject- " 1n1834 (continued Lord John) 1, prematurely, as many thought, perhaps injudiciously, but I am sure impelled by a strong feeling on the subject, when the question of Tithes was under debate, stated that I maintained the opiuion Iliad expressed in 1832, that the Irish Church ought to be reduced—that some part of its revenues should be given for the general instruction of the People—that if I were obliged to maintain that opinion by separating from my dearest ft iends with whom I was then connected- in office, I would not hesitate to make that sacrifice, and do what I conceived was justice to Ireland. That declaration of mine, I say, may have been premature—it may have been injudicious—but with that opinion on record, creating as it did a considerable sensation both in the House of Commons and in the country, I do wonder that a learned gentleman of known talent and ability should rise before an audience, in whose ignorance he must have had a most contemptuous confidence, and tell them that I had adopted this opinion with respect to the Church of Ireland in 18435, in miler to conciliate the support and meet the views of Mr. O'Connell. At that time, and for some time afterwards, Mr. O'Connell—and I do not blame him for it, far be it from me to blame any Irishman for entertaining distrust with respect to the measures proposed by any Government—Mr. O'Connell at that time expressed distrust in Lod Melbourne's Administration. He expressed that dis- trust again in October ; and it has been more than once stated by Sir Robert reel, once in the House of Commons' and a second time in his speech at Tantworth, as one of the grounds on which raised the hopes of his Administration. And yet we are to he told, that !having declared this opinion on the one hand, and Mr. O'Connell having declared his distrust in the Government on the other, the opinion I reasserted at the commencement of 1835, and on which I frunded the resolution on which Sir Robert Peel's Ministry resigned, was not a senti- ment I entertained on its own grounds, on a view of what was due to Ireland yr the safety of the e:upire, but adopted on some ground which those who cannot attack the opinion, nor refute the argument, would vainly attempt to vilify, thinking that throwing obloquy on the individual, they may thereby escape the difficult:es with which they are surrounded. I presume, after what I h ive now stated, you will think that I have justified a statement which I made when speaking, during Sir Robert Peel's Adtninistration, to a body of those who had then lately been my constituents' when I said, in respect to the Irish Church, I would not yield to the views of expediency of my Lord Grey—I would not yield to the principle, the decided and declared principle, of Lord Stanley, and after having asserted it in the face of such men, in order to retain my conscience free, I could hardly be expected to surrender it in order to please Sir Robert Peel."

He did not see why Ministers should be blamed for receiving the sup- port of Mr. O'Connell. lie thought there was room for surprise that the Irish Catholics had accepted a measure so friendly to the Church as their. Would the Scotch have been contented with such a measure? As the conduct of the Melbourne Ministry with regard to Mr. O'Connell had been Mooted, and made the subject of severe censure, he would call attention to the manner in which a former Ministiy had dealt with that gentleman-

" I should not certainly have been disposed to do this but for the attackt which have been made against us; because I agree in what is stated in this address, giving as it does every honour to that great military Captain who carried through the act for the Emancipation of the Roman Catholics. I think it was a proof of a great mind in him to take the course he took on that oreation. But when we are told that we are so guilty for yielding to the views and threats, and I know not what besides, of Mr. O'Connell, allow me to read you a passage or two from the history of 1829, in which the Duke of Wel- lington recommendation for granting Catholic Emancipation is to be found. On the 28th of April 1828, the Duke of Wellington said, in the House of Lords—' There was no person in that House whose feelings and sentiments, after long consideration, were more decided than his were with respect to the Roman Catholic claims; and he must say, that until he saw a great change in that question, he should oppose it.' A debate took place some weeks after- wards on the Roman Catholic claims; and Lord Colchester quoted the follow- ing passage from a speech of Mr. O'Connell—' Mr. O'Connell, alluding dis- tinctly to an unqualified, unconditional concession, as the only one worthy of their acceptance, adds—a. In our humbler fortunes, and in days happily now gone by, we were on the point of yielding in despair to the principle of secu- rities; and it was the opinion of some of our best friends, in and out of Par- liament, that we ought to yield it ; but a total alteration has since then taken place in the posture of our affairs. To what is this to be attributed ? Is it to the tone of moderation we have pieserved in our debates and published appeal.? or, rather, is not this alteration in our position owing to the threat which has been held out, and the strong language used of late, and which I feel justified in saying has at length placed us on the vantage•ground ?" ' To whom were these threats held out ? To whom was this strong language addressed ?— Not to any of Lord Melbourne's Government, but to the Duke of Wellington's, and the opponents of the Catholic claims. And what was their effect ? Mr. Pitt, Mr. Fox, Mr. Grattan, Mr. Canning, and many other illustrious names, had contended in vain, on all. the principles of justice and policy, in favour of the Catholics: but, I say it with some regret, that which was effectual was the threat of Mr. O'Connell ; and those who had denied the question to all those reasons and arguments which were urged on its behalf, did grant it to threats, and threats used too by Mr. O'Connell. I have said this not in any inference merely : it is to he found in the speeches of the Duke of Wellington himself, who declared that his opinions were unchanged, but that he yielded because he was unwilling to encounter n civil war, and without incurring civil war the question could no longer be refused. Such was the history of that question. I rejoiced in its being carried ; but I agree likewise in an opinion since expressed by Earl Grey, that with that great benefit an unhappy lesson was taught, that threats and strong language were the means of obtaining favourable concessions to Ireland from the English Parliament. We onfortu• aately inherited all the difficulties which the lesson of the Duke of Welling- ton had taught. O'Connell and his power, naturally ens..„h, I must say, re- appeared : he recommenced agitation, denouncing Tithes, and urging a Repeal of the Union. I stated in the House of Commons, that although that course might have succeeded once, the attempt to pursue it a second time, with a peo- ple so inflammable and excited as were the People of Ireland, could not lead to any thing but disorder and outrage in that country. It accordingly did so. Did we yield to that spirit of disorder and outrage Lord Althorp declared, that sooner than consent to the dismemberment of the empire, he would incur any risk, even that of civil war. We introduced, and carried with great pain, I may truly say, measures most repugnant with the general spirit of our con- stitution: but having done so, and succeeded in that opposition, and having afterwards, on no ground of force, but on grounds of pure justice, determined that we should take that part with respect to the Church and Tithes in Ire- land which the People of Ireland fairly required at our hands.—! think I am entitled to say, that the Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert Peel at the bead of their Government opposed reason, defied and resisted argument, yielded and succumbed to force - and that we, on the other hand, while we have opposed ourselves most decidedly and successfully to force, have yielded and succumbed to reason." (Continued cheering.)

There might be a difference in the feeling with whieh the Catholics and Presbyterians were regarded ; but difference respecting religious tenets ought not to enter into political considerations and if Ireland and England were to continue one country, the Catholics must not be treated with vituperation. He had lately declared, (and these words had been quoted in the address,) that he stood pledged to the Constitution of the country, by feeling, by opinion, and by duty-

" I made that statement from a belief that I steadfastly entertained, that the Constitution has within itself .powers sufficient for the treatment and remedy of any disorders which may aria. It is unnecessary for me to tell you the grounds of that opinion. I shall only say, that being .deeply convinced of its truth, I could not conceal it. I knaw it has been imputed to me as a matter of selfishness, that I could not allow discussions to go on ; that I could not allow public opinion to form itself it gradually, and reserve my opinions until those discussions had been fully gone into. I will not now discuss the question of prudence or interest; but I must say if I can be of any use to this country, to the great Liberal and Popular party among whom I hold a situation of which I know I am unworthy,—if I can be of any use to them at all, it is by the fullest and most unequivocal expression of my (wird tttt s. I owe as a Minister of the Crown the expression of these opinions to my Sovereign ; and as a Representative of the People I feel myself bound, entertaining them strongly, not to withold them from vou. It is for them to judge—God forbid I ever should say otherwise—whether they are valuable or worthless. If they honour me with their approbation, I may still be of use to the public. If my opinions are considered worthless, it will still be a satisfaction to me that I shall not have pissed through public life without being of some utility ; and that in the measures for the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts, the bill for the Reform of the Representation and in the act for the amendment and reform of the Municipal Corporations, I have left some traces on record that I wished to serve, and was enabled to serve, the cause of civil and religious liberty, and that I may be enabled to say with some degree of exultation,

What is clone is done, And I have had my hour.'

So much with regard to myself. With regard to you—with regard to the fortunes of this great and mighty country—I am persuaded that if you go on in the spirit in which your address is conceived,—neither abandoning nor con- cealing any great principle of reform, but at the same time proposing and for- warding them temperately and cautiutisly,—I feel you will have a right to say, that while the great social and coininercial prosperity of this country may hold on its way unbroken, its institutions may be thoroughly and wisely improved, and carry with them all the spirit and manliness stamped on them by our fore- fathers, with all the cultivation, knowledge, and civilization, substantially to improve and tastefully ornament them." (Loud and continued cheers.)

Several deputations were then introduced, with addresses couched in terms highly complimentary to Lord John Russell, as the champion of civil and religious liberty. The toasts which followed were " The People, the true source of legitimate power ;" " The Bishop of the Diocese ;" "The Ministers of all Religious Denominations," which was received with loud cheers, and briefly acknowledged by Dr. Carpenter ; and " His 'Majesty's Ministers." Lord John Russell replied to the last toast ; assuring the company that they might rely on Lord Melbourne, and claiming for himself and his colleagues the merit of being willing Reformers—not Reformers perforce, like the Tories.

Lord Segrave made a speech, when his health was given. He ex- pressed his high gratification with the proceedings of the day, arid the compliment which bad been paid to Lord John Russell— • The desire that he eittertainel to w.taess the Ina-went sf that ti lime. :- made Lim extremely anxious to be peseta on that occasion; but his omit* had been rendered tenfold greater, by the oppottunity which it would afoul him, individually, of expressing that which he had often expressed before. bet which he now again reiterated, and which he never yet had felt regret at baSisc expressed,—and that was his unshaken confidence in the present Goverment, and his determination to support it to the best of his power and ability. tie knew it had been contended by many, that the members °idle Houw of Lord', Irons the nature of that assembly, were not hound either to give an accusal!' their votes or to explain the fives which had influenced their votes. lie disagreed from that doctrine, If the King held his crown for the benefit *Ibis People (which in this country he undoubtedly did),—and if the King wax responsible for his acts (which, through his Ministers, the King of this weary undoubtedly was),—he held it to be the greatest absurdity that could be et- tered, to say that the House of Lords should assunw to itself an irrespsasabdisty not claimed by the first mon in the realm. ( Great cheering.) Therefore ke had always been fearlessly anxious to meet the body of the people; to lay ha. public conduct before them ; and to prove, that though he did not derive ha legislative power immediately from them, yet that he considered it as soot deposit, to be used only for the public good. " Lord Ebrington, and the Patriotic Majority of the House of Com- mons," was the next toast. Lord Ebrington, in the course of a rcply which was very indistinctly heard, alluded to the past conduct of de Peers, and the course they might be expected to take in future— He believed that that portion of the House of Lords which clung to 011 tiod hereditary abuses constituted but a very small minority of that asaetubly.; and he felt satisfied, in cotninon with Lord Segrave, that they would not obstasideby resist what they saw the people, from a sense of right, calmly determined Is obtain. He tho.ught that the conduct of the Lords, with respect to the Cover- ration Reform Bill, afforded a proof that that spirit had already obtairsal amongst them. Ile believed that they at first mistook what was the real drIt of the measure—that they totally miscalculated the opinions and feelings of tie People of England ; and that it was in consequence of that error, in the hot instance, that they were led into a strong opposition to it. But in the comae of their discussion upon the subject, they saw their mar ; and altbo&ighs undoubtedly, 311 his opinion, rendered the bill less perfect than It was ober it was carried up to them, still they returned it to the House of Commons stoma' paired in all Its main and principal provisions. If, upon other measure% they took a different and more erroneous comse, it must be recollected that die opinions of the House of Commons had been very much divided upon the was- jr-eta to which those measures related. Upon the subject of the lush Cboark Bill, for instance, not only were the opinions of the House of COMLI100 roar& divided, but it appeared that very serious differences of opinion existed amongst the People—not only of the country to which the measure was to be applied. but even of England itself. He sincerely hoped, that as the Church of Iceland became better and more intimately known in this country, the prejudices whirk existed against its reform would pass away. But, unfortunate as he et-watered the course taken by the House of Lords in the last session of Parliament, Lestrld thought that, upon the subject of the Irish Chutch, there was a sufficient dif- ference of opinion amongst the People in this country to give them a te21,CS 110 believe that the public mind was not fully made up upon it. Ile believed, thew, fore, that if the People of this country, without resorting to hostile throate, or agitating any of those great organic changes which, unless productive of C11.■ tam n and positive good, were always to be considered as fraught with sons danger—if the People, abstaining nom this, will take the opportunities who& the Constitution affords of making their opinions known with respect to ese House of Lords—he was convinced that those opinions, as SIMI as the Lamb were satisfied that they expressed the general sense of the community, would r he regarded with ind:fference or apathy by that blanch of the Legislature- Re called upon those whom he addressed, therefore, to stand by the Constitution-- not to have recourse to any gmat organic changes, until they found that thee Constitution as it then stood no longer workeol well—no longer tended to the happiness and prosperity of the kingdom. The Chairman Own gave " The Historian of Ireland, the Basel et Freedom, Thomas Moore." Mr. Moore rose to reply, amidst endue- siastie cheering. Ile said that the Chairman bad found the way to kis heart, by coupling his name with that of Ireland— He himself had been one of the victims of that system in Irelsaii whit-5 ha noble friend had SO ably and so eloopiently described ; he himself was -nom toe of that prosci died clsss, whose history would lay a brand upon the wienvaryilli their implies-4ns, awl upon the system which his noble friend had so well puintsd out. But he hardly knew whether he regretted that such had been his destiny, because he verily believed that the being born a slave had given him a keener and sharper relish for the blessings of freedom, and a more extended sympathy a with all those, whatever their grade or colour, high or low, black ow whin...who were in any part of the world struggling, with even a glimmering of the ra!ne of that for whieh they sought, for those rights and prwilogis of civilized mesa, without which civilization itself could not exist. But, with all this value far

freedom, he could understand and allow for those who, like a large party in LS own country, viewed with alai in and distrust the great movement of the popular miuitiul which was now in progress. He could allow for that. Su far, ioderd,

Ii om being out of temper with the opponents of his political views, he looLail upon them but as asaisting parties in the great principle of action and condom-

action which was now going on, and out of which alone it seemed to be ter general and prevailing opinion the country could look for a safe, well•sdlef, and satisfactory result. Ile would not compare the struggles of the two parties

to the conflict between light and darkness, out of which, as the poets told tbrais the beautiful system of nature around them arose ; because upon his and thik opponenta he should be obliged to throw the disagreeable part of darkness. (Laughter and cheers.) Neither would he compare it to the clash of discord

purposely thrown into a strain of music, which but helped along thegeneral Sow; and by a sudden contrast of rudeness enhanced the sweetness of the generalcuo- cord. Ile would not use dart illustration, because in the same manner to the

Conservative performers in the concert—to the Tory first fiddles—he should be obliged to attribute those occasional discords which were sometimes went to in- terrupt the harmony of discussion and legislation.

Mr. Moore paid seine compliments to the high breeding of tie Aristocracy; with, which, he said, a 'Republican friend of his, foe America, hint recently been struck. But, he continued, Notwithstanding the shining qualities of the distinguished Class of which be had been.speaking—notwithstanding so many of them reflected far more kilUIC upon their station than any they could derive from it—and in illustrativa alr that truth he necol not go further than the noble Russell who was then sitting amongst them—whatever utility, as well as ornament, might exist in such an order in the State—notwithstanding all that, if it should prove upon deliberate thit the machinery of Popular It-presentation as newly-constructed sae likely to be retarded or stopped in its free working by an irresponsible bots,

then he must say, the question would arise, whether there was any thing oo

sacred in the legislation or institutions of the past, as to entitle them to icon-- fere with the pressing calls of the present, or the blightening prospects of arc future. Still more he would say, that if from any vice inhetent in the coesti- tutton (which he, for one, was not prepared to admit), or from any at obstinacy of which a particular class were compos.al, it should appear that the privileges of the favoured few were incompatible with the just rights and privi- leges of the many, then would the serious question arise, what should be done with the encumbering branches, which, though beautiful in themselves, endan- gered the vitality of the parent stein. (Much cheering.)

Soon afterwards, Lord John Russell withdrew, and the party broke up.