A correspondent has called our attention to the following article
in the Sun of Monday.
" The Spectator of yesterday, in a long article on the Corn-laws, has the following passage- " The lime for action has arrived—when good wheat costs 80s. to 85s. a quarter, and there is no probability of a reduction in price. But we do not see any thing like a general movement in the country for the repeal of the Corn-laws. In Birmingham, Indeed, it has been resolved to postpone agitation on that subject till Unitersal Suffrage shall have been achieved ? Some wise men whom the Birmingham Radicals follow, have adopted the principle, that such ' small matters ' as the Corn.laws ran well wait for adjostment till they have carried 13niversa1 Sufftege. Bail they not better leave principle out of the question, as well as common sense ? Whatever may be thought of it in Birmingham just now, where, we understand, there is a temporary flush of pros- perity, the more rational persuasion in other parts of the country ill. that though Uni. venial Suffrage is likely at some time or other to be carried, that time will not be soon; whereas the abolition of the Corn.laws is • practical question, which might perhaps be carried even next session. To postpone the accomplishment of a great good until some other more comprehensive benefit can be obtained, is the reverse of practical wisdom. The chance—a hopeless chance—of forcing the Charter from the middle classes so early, say, as seven years hence. is a poor apology and recompense for semi- starvation now, and the progressive decline of trains with foreign countries.
" There is a probability that, with earnest efforts, the corn monopoly may be over- thrown. even in the approaching session."
" We rubbed our eyes when we read this, because we remembered the con- duct of our contemporary three short months ago. If we now advert to that, and to our own conduct in relation to the subject, it is not for the sake of self-laudation, but to give a lade iustruction to those who teed) others, sometimes in no gentle terms, and to justify ourselves to those who branded the Sun as forsaking the cause of the people, who burnt it, and sent us its ashes, because we advised them three months ago not to submit to ' semi-starvation," for the hopeless chance of forcing the Charter from the middle dosses seven years hence. Having placed this paragraph of our contemporary before our readers, we must remind them, that on the 10th of September we had to defend ourselves against the Spectator's calumnious assertion, that the Ministerial press was 'attempting to divert the attention of the working classes from political changes to the overthrow of the Corn-laws.' 'The fact its,' said our contemporary, 'that the desperate Whigs throw the Anti-Corn-law cry among the people as a tub to the whale.' We repelled the charge for ourselves ; but if the Spectator ever had the candour to retract it, and ever told its readers that the demand for the repeal of the Corn-laws was not a cry got up to serve the purposes of the Whigs, its candour has escaped our notice. Acting in conjunction with the Spectator at that time, the Chartists published placards which we censured, calling on the people not to attend to the 'Corn-law agitation, which was only a trick of the Whigs.' Our contemporary, by then discountenancing, checked the Corn-law agitation, and strengthened the Chartists in their determination to discountenance it as a 'track of the Whigs.' He then did what lie now sneers at as contrary to 'principle' and common sense, and, let us add, what he then knew to be wrong. To promulgate a charge that the cry for the repeal of the Cern-laws was got up to serve the Whigs, and never to retract it ; to cry down an agitation which the Spectator now acknowleges to be proper, for the were purpose of damaging the Whigs, was, our contemporary must give us leave to bay, the very rabidness of faction. "We are glad, in our own justification, to have the Spectator's present certi- ficate to the propriety of preferring, as we have dote, the agitation of the Corn-laws to the pursuits of the Chartists. At least it ought to convince them that we were actuated by no improper motives in the advice which we gave; and that that which is prudent now was discreet in September. In fact, if the Spectator, and those journals which follow its lead, had not opposed the Corn- law agitation in September, and if the Chartists had followed our advice, there would have been every probability that this next session would have seen an end to the Devil's laws, and the commencement of the most memorable improve- ment in legislation that ever was made in England. "We are glad, in our own justification, to have the Spectator's present certi- ficate to the propriety of preferring, as we have dote, the agitation of the Corn-laws to the pursuits of the Chartists. At least it ought to convince them that we were actuated by no improper motives in the advice which we gave; and that that which is prudent now was discreet in September. In fact, if the Spectator, and those journals which follow its lead, had not opposed the Corn- law agitation in September, and if the Chartists had followed our advice, there would have been every probability that this next session would have seen an end to the Devil's laws, and the commencement of the most memorable improve- ment in legislation that ever was made in England.
"having pointed out one grievous error in our contemporary," &c.
Now all that has appeared in the Spectator on this subject will be found in the two following articles, having immediate reference to the Palace Yard meeting on the 17th of last September.
1.—From the Spectator, September 8.
"There is an attempt on the part of the Ministerial press to divert the
attention of the working classes from political changes, to the overthrow of the Corwlaws. It is expected that in this way a portion at last of their hostility to Ministers might be warded off. But the rffcct is doubtful ; for it happens that on the Corn-law question, as on almost every other touching the physical welfare and political desires of the masse', Whigs and Tories are united. Suppose, then, it were possible to concentrate agitation against the Corn-laws, and that the agitation became very formidable, (59 11 might become,) in consequence of dearness of bread : would not the Ministers stand pruminently forward as the defenders of the landlords' monopoly ? If it were believed that Lord Melbourne sanctioned the attacks on the Corn-laws in the Miukerial papers, and really desired the excuse of an irreaistilde demand for their repeal, would not his old Whig friends desert him with indignation, and join the Tories at once? The fact is, that the desperate Whigs throw the Anti-Corn. law cry among the people as a tub to the whale. They live on pretences from day to day. The new delusion would be dispelled on the meeting of Parliament, by asking Lord John Rumen whether Government intended to introduce a bill for abolishing the Bread-tax, or even for proposing a moderate fixed duty on imported corn. His reply would show that the advice of the Downing Street journalists to agitate against the Corn-laws was a mere trick. " Do we any, therefore, that this topic should be laid aside On the con- trary, we rejoice to observe the interest it excites, and earnestly recommend its continued discussion. Let the iniquity and irnpolicy of the system be per- severingly exposed. But we will not lend ourselves to hpmbug,' on this, more than on any other subject ; and we scorn the pretence that Ministers are prepared to of their aristocratic allies by relinquishing the. defence of the Corn-laws, in compliance with a popular demonstration. If the people have other objects in view, let them not be led away from the pursuit by the vain notion that they have any better chance of Ministerial support against the Corn-laws, than in favour of the protected vote or of a rational extension and equal distribution of suffrage. Notwithstanding the exhortations of their news- papers, it should be observed that the leading Whigs refrain from taking any part in the Anti•Corwlaw agitation. When we see the Dukes of Devonshire, Bedford, Norfolk, and Sutherland, the Earls of Derby, Zetland, and Shrews. bury, and others of that class, earnestly joining in the cry of the millions of bread-eaters, then we shall begin to believe, that a Cabinet composed of Whig noblemen and their dependents really intend to abolish the Corn-laws."
2—From the Spectator, September 15. " The Sun appropriates to itself • remark iu the last Spectator, that there teal ' an attempt on the part of the Ministerial press to divert the attention of the working classes from political changes, to the overthrow of the Com, laws ; and denies that the Corn-law agitation is the child of Whig and Ministerial intrigues.' We never said that it was: it is the child of scarcity and prohibitory duties. But it may nevertheless be used for the Ministetial purposes of the day, as so many other popular efforts have been before it. And when the article complained of was written, we had not seen the Sun ; bet, unless our memory tails, the Morning Chronicle had recommended that It next Monday's meeting resolutions for a repeal of the Corn-laws should be muved by way of amendment to the People's Charter. We have read some of the Sun's clever articles on the subject this week ; and must say, that, however honestly intended, they seem calculated to serve the dishonest purposes of the Whigs. Our object was to guard the working classes from supposing, that because Ministerial newspapers appeared earnestly to advocate the repeal of the Corn-laws, there was any reason to believe that Ministers themselves, or the Whig patty generally, intended to take that course. We do not encourage the Universalists to expect present or speedy success in their attempt to obtain the suffrage; but neither will we deter them from perseverance in hottest efforts for political advancement, by endeavouring to inspire the vain hope, that for the repeal of the Corn-laws they might have the coiiperation of the Whig party. But, even supposing that such cooperation were sincerely proffered, and ad. milting the Universal Suffrage and the other political objects of the working classes are not within reach, still we would not advise the unenfranchised masses to desist from their demand. They will not get all they seek, but they may rely upon it that nothing will be conceded except to persevering exertion. Sooner or later, there will be a compromise—that is what we look forward to; and the amount of concession to the claimants of the franchise will depend very much upon their vigour and ability in maintaining the ground they have taken up. They are now put upon their mettle. The question of admission
i
within the electoral pale s to be discussed before the country. How far the working classes are really qualified to fulfil the highest duties of citizenship, will partly appear from their mode of conducting the controversy. Let them have fair play. And let those among their welhvishers who cannot side with them entirely, abstain from all attempts to mislead them."
The reader sees that the doctrines and the advice contained in the above articles, is perfectly consistent with what we wrote last week. It is consistent with the entire course of the Spectator on this sub- ject. When it was attempted to turn the Chartists aside from the announced object of their meeting by the introduction of the Corn- law question, in such a way as to make the two subjects clash, we said to the working men.—" Do not be diverted from the pursuit of the franchise ; discuss the Corn-law question when it is fairly brought before you, but not at a meeting to petition for Universal Suffrage." When, at a meeting for establishing an Anti-Corn-Law Association, the Chartists, with their political dogmas, broke in upon the persons intent upon attacking the landowners' monopoly, we reprobated the proceding. We desire fair play for both questions, not that they should jostle against each other. Let the Universalists exert themselves to extend the franchise, and the abolition of the Corn-laws also ; but we ad- dress the middle classes on that subject particularly, not so much because their interest in it is of the largest amount, (for we do not underrate the suffering which the Corn-laws cause to the labouring population,) as because they have the power to abolish the monopoly, through their Representatives in Parliament, which the workmen without the pale have not. Such have been our doctrines, maintained with a perseve- rance which might be tiresome to idlers and provoking to adverse in. terests, but with a consistency and sincerity which, we may be allowed to say, have never been exceeded in the press of this country. It is difficult to imagine what motive the Sun could have for a mis- representation so palpable, that the mere juxtaposition of its article with ours exposes its grossness. The hack who did the dirty work must be as silly as base.
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