Debates anb routbings fu Varliainent. SIJG.au-DUTIES.

In the Rouse of Commons, on Monday, the adjourned debate on the Btagar-duties was continued by Mr. MUNE, Lord Gzonaz Burariscis, Lord JOHN Roger:Li., and Mr. GOnmsuust, and brought to a division. The cjnestions immediately before the House were the Ministerial proposal that the duty on Colonial Muscovado sugars, or any other sugars not equal to White Clayed, should be 13s. per hundredweight from the 5th July 1848 to the 5th July 1849; and Mr. Barkly's amendment, that the duty should be 14s. per hundredweight.

Mr. Hu= saw little to choose between the proposition of Mr. Barkly and that of Ministers; and he thought that the Government had better have left their Act of 1846 as it wan: the Colonies would then have died the sooner. Mr. Goomiums also felt objections to either plan, but upon the whole, thought that of the Government was, on financial grounds, the least preferable; he there- fore should vote for the plan of his honourable friend.

Lord Gzonan.BENTINCK apologized for having moved the adjournment On Friday night; but he trusted the House would feel that the question was all-im- portant, and that, having been chairman of the Select Committee that sat so many days, he was naturally anxious to have an opportunity of addressing the Com- mittee other than at that late hour of the night. The question now was, not whether the House should afford additional protection and some relief to the West Indian Colonies' the Mauritius, and the sugar-planting interests in the East, but what should be the degree and amountof relief which the House should afford ? It was no longer a question whether the act of 1846 should be maintained; for the House of Commons had condemned that act by a majority of nine to one, and there were only 36 Members of that House last week who were prepared to affirm and maintain the act of 1846. With respect to the amendment of the honourable Member for Leominster, he ought to say that it was a proposal that he very little approved; but at the same time, the question for him to decide was, whether it was better ..or worse than the proposition of her Majesty's Ministers?, He found that the sum total of the protection proposed by Mr. Barkly, if taken. for six years, as proposed by him, amounted to 45.9.•, while the proposal of the Government amounted to a protection in the whole course of six years of M. 6d. It was impossible, therefore, to doubt that the proposal of the honourable Member for Leominster was, as regarded the Colonies, a better measure of relief than that proposed by the noble lord. Therefore as between the two proposals, he was bound to vote for the amendment of the hon- ourable gentleman; but, in so doing, it was his duty, on behalf of the West India interest, of the interest connected with the Mauritius of the sugar-planting inte- rest, and of those gentlemen on the Committee who lied supported the proposition he had made therein, to say that he repudiated it altogether as a final settlement. It would not satisfy the West India interest, or the interest in the Mauritius, or the East India interest. It was not a measure recommended by any of those great interests; and the propoial bad never been mooted in the Committee over which he had presided. It was not a measure which had received the sanction of the great interests of this country which had assembled in London in May, or of those great interests represented by the meeting at Liverpool in the early part of last month. In many respects it was almost adverse to the recommendation which had been received from the West Indies and from the Mauritius; and it had not the sanction of the East India Company. Now, the proposal of the Committee, though it did not go the length of what had been asked by the West Indies or by the Mauritius, had the sanction of the largest meeting of merchants that had ever been held in Liverpool since 1841. After an open discussion, in which the most strenuous endeavours had been made by the Free-trade party, the disciples of the Manchester school, and the admirers of the bill of 1846, to defeat the resolution finally passed at that meeting-notwithstanding the Members for South Lanca- shire and Wolverhampton went down to support the views of those who remained constant to the act of 1846-the proposal of Sir Thomas Birch for a 10s. duty was agreed.to. Also by the statements in the newspapers and several letters he had received, it appeared that only one dissentient hand was held up against the pro- posal of a 108. duty at the meeting of the proprietary of the East India Company. In addition to these authorities in favour of such a course, there was the declara- tion of Sir Charles Grey, the Governor of Jamaica, after a most painstaking re- view of the whole subject, that a duty of about 2d per pound on Foreign and ld. per pound upon Colonial sugar was the only resource to prevent a large portion of the estates being thrown out of cultivation. Therefore, look in what direction they might, there was unanimity for a differential duty of 10s. in favour of the Colonies; and he was surprised that any gentleman connected with the West Indies should have relied entirely upon his own private judgment in this rnatter, in opposition to so great a portion of those who were concerned.

Among the many topics of his very long speech, Lord George grappled with the

nrlirs.; ingenious but unsolid " argument lately started by Mr. Bright to show Aonists received in the slave-compensation fond a full equivalent for f

the capital employed in producing the annual sugar produce of their d George adduced a great array of facts to prove the erroneousness

of Ulla assuming, as part of his case, that so small a profit on capital, as but ten pef nt, the rate assumed by Mr. Bright, was extraordinary, and per- fectly,inatoe4ate. Taking different periods previous to 1830, he showed that the net annual,' pfofits of the sugar produce of the compensated colonies represented, at twents'years' purchase, capitals varying from 110 to 130 millions. The pro- Is tivette,f 1830, a year of depressed prices, still represented a capital of forty trillions. In the year 1847, however, there accrued a loss instead of a revenue on

the year's transactions; the sale value of all the sugar produce of that year having been but 4,216,5371., while the charges paid had been 4,506,9851. It was impos- sible ,to say that the Parliamentary compensation-money was an equivalent for thesis:sense capital thus annihilated. Lord George asserted emphatically, that in the Zroancipaticsi debates, especially in the speeches of Lord Stanley, it was particahrly argued that the supply of sugar to this country would be reserved to oarsiern'Colonlee exclusively. From that exclusive market, indeed, hopes were expressly held out to them of enhanced prices for their produce. Lord George adverted to the petty-larceny withholding of 1,330,0001. out of the 20,000,0001. nominally voted for slave compensation. The Colonies, he maintained, are still entitled to that just debt withholden from them. He went into lengthened details to show that the depression of our manufactur- ing markets, which now prevails, is due to a diminution of the Colonial exports and interchange, and not to any failure of international trade, which has in the general rather increased than diminished, notwithstanding the disturbed state of Europe. In concluding this topic, he warned the House against the danger of alienating the important island of Mauritius, the key to our Indian possessions, by measures which have produced its absolute ruin-a ruin contrasted most pain- fully with the flourishing condition of the neighbouring French island of Bourbon.

Lord George went into the financial bearings of the question; commenting by the way on the " total ignorance of the sugar trade" betrayed by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and the " very little acquaintance with the subject " displayed by Mr. Gladstone. He rejected Sir Charles Wood's estimates of the probable sup- ply of sugars in the year 1848; and arrayed statistics in support of the opinion that not more than 200,000 tons, instead of 240,000 tons of Colonial sugar will be imported, and not more than 225,000 tons be available: the whole consump- tion, Colonial and Foreign, will be about 310,000 tons. Lord George thought it a defect in the Ministerial scale of duties that it diminithed by such small decrements that no reduction in price would result from it suffi- cient to affect the weekly payments of the poor. He advocated the superior justice, to the poor consumer, of an ad valorem duty, and stated his own propo- sitions in contrast to those of Ministers. The better kind of low-priced sugar, used exclusively by the poor, would, under his scale, pay a duty of 7s. 5tl. per hundredweight; under the plan recommended by the Committee, 103.; under the plan recommended by the honourable Member for Manchester, 14s.•' and under the plan of the Government, 13s. Another kind of sugar might be used by the poor of this country, as it is by the poor of foreign countries, only that here the fixed duty operates as an absolute prohibition against its importation. The value of that suer is 24d. per pound, and under his plan it would pay 6s. 24d. per hundredweight; under the plan of the Committee, 10.s.; under the plan of the- Member for Manchester, 14s.•' and tinder the plan of the Government, 13s. He had been speaking of British Colonial sugar, but he now came to Foreign sugar, of the kind used by the poor man. Under his plan the first-mentioned descrip- tion of sugar would pay 14.s. 104 per hundredweight; under the plan of the Member for Manchester, 188. 6d.; and under the plan of the Government, 208. The second kind of sugar (Foreign), worth 24d. a pound, would under his plan pay 128. 54d. per hundredweight; under the plan of the Member for Manchester, 188. 6d.- and under the plan of the Government, 208. Now for the rich man's sugar. In looking at this part of the question it would be found that the Member for Manchester did not deal so hardly by himself as he proposed to deal with the poor man; he seemed to regulate his conduct by the true Manchester principle, which was ingenuously confessed by Alderman Brooks in his celebrated declaration, 'Lord bless you, Sir, we are all for ourselves in this world." (Cheers and laugh- ter.) Colonial sugar, which sold; for 5d. or 6c1 the pound, would under Lord George's plan, pay 12s. 5id.; under the plan of the Member for Manchester it would pay 14.e.; and under the plan of the GOernment, 138. But it was slave- grown sugar the honourable Member for Manchester wanted to get hold o£ Lord George was very hard on the rich man, who would use that sugar' for tinder his plan he would make hi.m pay 11. 4s. 100.•' the Member for Manchester would let him off for 18s. 6d.; dud the Government for 208.

Lord George ended with some strictures en Mr. Bright's tenet that the act of 1846 could not have increased the' slits-trade; and on the alternate "bribing and bilking" practised by the Government towards the shipowners in relation to the act of 1846 and the boons which were promised as its result.

Lord Joust RUSSELL, in reply, wished the House to observe, that the real ques- tion before it was no longer, whether slave sugar should be introduced, but at which of two scales of duties it should be introduced-that of Mr. Barkly or that of the Government. He fortified by additional data the assumptions as to the supply of Colonial and Foreign sugar, which Sir Charles Wood had founded his plans upon. Lord John's estimate of the whole year's consumption differed from Lord George Bentinck's estimate only in the proportions it gave to the Colonial and Foreign quantities. An estimate by a high City authority gave a far higher proportion of Foreign than that which Sir Charles Wood had assumed and Lord George criticized. Lord John, under an error which was afterwards explained regarding an ex- pression he attributed to Mr. Gladstone, made the following remarks on the general aspect of affairs, and on financial matters. "With regard to the general state of affairs, and considering the present condition of Europe, I certainly am not prepared to say that I think it would be the duty of the Government to pro- pose, as the right honourable gentleman has suggested, any additional taxation in the course of the present year. If it should appear at the commencement of the next session of Parliament that the state of Europe was so threatening that it was necessary to keep up all our establishments at the highest estimate, I should then say that it would not be right to go on another year without making the income exceed the expenditure by means of taxation. But if, as I should hope, and as the present aspect of affiirs induces me to believe, we should find Europe in a settled state of peace, I should then say that we were bound, by the exercise of the most rigid economy, to bring the expenditure of the country down to a level with the income, rather than to make up that expenditure by an increase of taxation. But, at all events, in the present uncertain state of things, we are not now called upon to settle that question. It may be that pacific coun- sels will prevail, and that the people of Europe will remain at peace; that, at all events, there was no danger of any disturbance of peace at home. In such a state of things, I would say that we might be enabled to bring our expenditure within our income.":i -

On the division, Mr. Barklk amendment was negatived, by 180 to 124. Mr. MOFFATT and Mr. Illiisaan having moved amendments, which after brief discussion they withdrew, Mr. BOtrVERIE moved,

"That provision be made for the admission of such Foreign sugars as shall be cleared out of the Foreign, West Indian, and American ports, before the let day of August next, and out of loons East of the Cape of Good Hope before the 1st day of September next, at the rates of duty imposed on such sugars respectively by the act 9 and 10 Victoria, 0.63." He said it is now pro to put on this clasa of sugars 201. a ton; which is II. 10s. more than was formerly put; amounting to a breach of faith with those merchants who, relying upon the statements made by her Majesty's Government, sent out large orders to Cuba, Manilla, and other places. In common justice those merchants ought to be indemnified.

The motion was supported by Mr. GLADSTONE, not because Parliament is bound by any pledge, but because individual members of the Executive Government have given distinct assurances to the sugar-trade that no alteration of the duties imposed by the act of 1846 would be proposed either in respect to amount or duration; by Mr. GoumsaitsT,-who could not admit that the West India interest ought to pay the penalty of "a blundering Government's* acts; and by Mr. J. B. SMITH; opposed, on the ground of "inconvenience," by the CnatreEr.Lon of the ETCHEQUER, and by Mr. LABOITCHERE. Mr. Bouverie's proposal was negatived, by 142 to 34.

Finally, the whole of the Ministerial resolutions were agreed to; the 10th of July being inserted in place of the 5th for the commencement of their operation. The House resumed, and the report was ordered to be re- ceived on Tuesday at noon.

SALE OF LAND IN IRELAND.

The House met at noon on Tuesday, and resumed the adjourned debate on the Encumbered Estates (Ireland) Bill; the immediate question being Sir Lucius O'Brien's motion, that it be an instruction to the Committee to extend the operation of the bill to England and Scotland.

Mr. SADLIER approved the one just and valuable principle of the bill, that it conferred on the tenant for life a power to dispose of the inheritance in satisfaction of debts and encumbrances; but he gave a qualified op- position to most of its details and machinery. A large portion of the bill is occupied with provisions for notices to parties interested in the body of the estate; but the machinery for carrying out these provisions would be inefficient in its operation. It seems to be quite lost sight of that the most experienced of the Irish Judges have condemned in practice the use of the Gazette as an apparatus for conveying notices to persons; and have found it absolutely necessary, for the checking of fritirds, to require that all parties interested in sales should be personally notified of them before they are held personally bound to their validity. Still graver objections lie against the mode by which the bill gets over the difficulty—that of providing that sales should he impeachable for fraud for five years, but after those live years should be valid for ever. The House should understand that this is no less than a restriction of the statute of limitations to five years—a quarter only of its present term. Altogether, he thought the bill contained inadequate precautions against fraudulent and collusive sales. Mr. Sadlier inquired rather after pur- chasers in Ireland for the immense quantity of land—a million's worth annually— which already presses down the market, than after more land for the present buyers; and he gave instances in his own knowledge, of two estates purchased in 1845 for 52,0001. and 30,0001., which lately brought but 25,0001. and 14,500/. in the open market. He ended with a suggestion, offereil with a sincere desire to make the bill use- ful and just—" There is one power which may be usefully conferred on the Master with reference to the sale of estates under an order of Court. By the ex- isting practice, the sale must be advertised; and it frequently happens thaf the persons who attend have not quite made up their minds as to what sum they would offer. It would be woeful that the Master should be allowed to receive from the solicitor those private offers which may have been made to him for the pur- chase of the entire property or for portions of it. The Master might then hear the parties interested in the property; and if it should appear right to the Master to sanction a sale by private contract, he should have power to do so under the authority of the Court.'

Sir JAMES GRAHAM, in supporting the bill, said he had looked with des- pair for such a measure as the present, perfectly altered as it was, by the Solicitor-General, from the shape in which it left the other_ House.

His dread had been, that legal scruples and prejudielle would be too much con- sidered in the amending of the bill, and that too little regard would be paid to the "peculiar circumstances existing in Ireland." But he heard with great plea- sure a speech from a gentleman bearing the name of Romilly—worthy of a law- yer, but not exclusively of a lawyer—a speech combining with extensive legal knowledge, large political views well worthy of the subject handled. As the bill came down from the Lords, there were only three modes for effecting sales with respect to encumbered estates. The first was, that the tenant for life might make an arrangement for sale with the encumbrancer, and having effected his bargain he might apply to the Court of Chancery to confirm it; the second mode was, that the tenant for life, not making a bargain with the encembrancer, might apply to the Court for an order to Bell; and the third mode was, that the firsten- ctunbrancer might make an application for an order to sell. With regard to the first mode, Sir James was not sure that it would prevent fraudulent sales by ar- rangements between the tenant for life and the first encumbrancer, unless where minors and tenants in tail were represented by solicitors or counsel. With re- gard to the two last modes, they were not open to the same objection, though as far as regarded delay and expense the objection applied with equal force: With regard to the portion of the present bill which the Solicitor-General has grafted on to the original stock, Sir James gave his opinion that it is an immense and most satisfactory improvement: it would avoid altogether much of the expense

and delay with which the original bill was chargeable. . On the broad principle and policy of the measure Sir James made this declara- tion, amidst general cheering— I think it is absolutely necessary that every eu- eaumgement and facility ahould be given to the subdivision of land in Ireland; and that the opportunity most favourable for effecting this is when land is brooklit to sale. I am most anxious to reunite to the soil of Ireland the Roman Catholic population of that country. That I believe to be one of the most efficacious Means of insuring the safety of Ireland, and of forming and strengthening the4tond of union between the two countries. Daring a long period of exclusion and inequal- ity of rights, the Roman Catholics of Ireland have by industry acenenulated capi• tat which I believe they are not unwilling to invest in the purchase of the land of Ireland. Unfortunately, the large estates held by right of confiscation, in the hands of Protestants, have become deeply encumbered. By reason of these en- cumbrances, the nominal owners of the estates cannot in all instances do that which it is their wish and their duty to do. I would relieve them from the pain- ful position in which they stand, and would give them every facility to release themselves from their debts. Their creditors should in the first place be secured, and then their families provided for out of the balance of the sale of the es- tates. For unquestionably their estates ought at once to be brought to market." "I consider the bill, as amended by the Solicitor-General, to secure the interests of the owner in possession, the heirs, the remainder men, and the creditors. If there should be any imperfection in the measure, especially as to securing the sale of the property at its full value, I shall be ready to remove that imperfection. I am most anxious that the full value of the property should be secured; that no sud- den or precipitate sale should be forced on, so that the value of the land should be depreciated by a larger quantity being brought simultaneously into the market than the demand requires. I am also, for the sake of the tenants in possession, desirous that care be taken that there shall not be a mortgagee panic, which would be fatal to the measure. But, under the present circumstances of Ireland, you must not be guided by caution only; you must not take your steps timidly, but boldly, at the same time prudently; for the period has arrived when with respect to this measure something decisive must be done." Sir James ended with a compliment to Ministers, and a pledge of his bumble assistance to make the measure perfect. Mr. OSBORNE joined Sir James Graham in expressing gratitude to the Solicitor-General for devoting his time and attention to the production of this measure; the tardy introducing of which nevertheless drew from him a sharp remark or two. He also indulged in friendly criticisms; and sug- gested improvements.

A great hinderance to the successful working of the bill is involved in its re- peated references to the Master's Office in the Irish Court of Chancery; the delay,

expense, and chicanery of which, are such that no man would desire to see its business increased. Mr. Osborne stated his opinion that nothing would attain the desired end but the appointment of Commissioners, with all necessary powers to carry out the bill. He had employed two legal gentlemen, one of then] an emi- nent conveyancer, to look into the bill; and they held out no hopes to him that the transfer of the land could le made more cheaply under its provisious. On the general policy of the bill Mr. Osborne spoke in a strain similar to that of Sir James Graham. Every day's experience convinced him that if they wished to save Ireland they must do some injustice to effect a great deal of public good; and unless they altered the laws affecting property in Irelaud, and that too in a very summary way, they would have no property left in that country. By the present operation of the stamp-duties, small purchases of land Gould not be efilieted in Ire- land; and if they wished to encourage small purchases of land, they must Gast alter their stamp-duties. It is notorious that the state of society in Ireland is diseased, that the laws respecting land are at the bottom of the disease. The resi- dent aristocracy, whose estates are heavily mortgaged, are obliged by their position to do harsh and selfish acts; and the greatest boon to them would be a bill enabling them to sell the whole or a portion of their estates, for they cannot possiblydischarge the duties of their present situation. (Cheers.) Why is there so much unsaleable land in the market? Because the state of the law is so bad, the titles to land are so intricate, and transfer is so expensive. Ile would give a direct Parliamentary title; and he agreed that they must have a new registry of landed estates, as in Belgium. Wherever we see a stringent law of entail, we see the ill effects resulting from it. In Spain there is such a law —he believed the whole province of Andalusia is held by three proprietors; and the state of Spain is as bad as that of Ireland. But in Norway, where the popula- tion in 1819 was 910,000, there were 41,600 estates. In Switzerland there are small properties; and in the canton of Zurich the poor-rate is not more than 2tel. per head per annum. Belgium is a country of small proprietors. He might perhaps be told, " Look at France !" But he maintained that in France there is a most stringent law of entail, because every proprietor is in fact compelled to divide his land; and what is that but a most stringent law of entail ? No grants of public money to Irish landlords, and no Parliamentary stimulus to proprietors, would avail, unless they alter the laws of property in Ireland, so as to create a race of small proprietors in that country.. He did not care much whether they be Protestant or Catholic; nor would it be considered of mut& importance in Ireland, for he was bound to say that there is a great deal more bigotry in many English constituencies on the subject of religion than in Ireland. If, by a bill like the present, they could give facilities for the sale of land in small portions, he be- lieved they would raise the value of land in Ireland; and, what was of much greater consequence, they would increase the cereal produce of that country. (Cheers.) Speeches warmly in favour of the bill were made by Mr. DILLoa BitowaE,—who hailed it as a means which might remove the contumelious and unjust opinion entertained of the Irish, that they are a sort of naonstet biped beings, with no rational notions of the rights or duties of property; by Mr. FRARGUS O'Contort,—who stigmatized the attornies and solicitors of Ireland as its tyrants, and rejoioedthet the land was about to 'be brought into the retail market; and by Mr. H. Hottazna-,—who believed the bill would raise the value of labour and improve the labourer's condition. The bifl was condemned by Sir Jostle WALSH, as an attempt to settle questions which thee House- liWno posver to come to a satisfactory solution of; by Mr. DANIEL Carmsetnax—rather than relieve the land the bill wpuld bring it more within the machinations of attornies; and by Ofiki.net DerartiE,— who had not faith in the "Solicitor-General, and who preis i“de original

bill as it was passed by the Lords. . , Mr. SHARMAN CRAWFORD and Sir CiEORGE GREY spoke to points of form regarding the next stage of the measure.

.The motion of Sir Lucius O'Brien was then withdrawn; and 910Oitie went into Committee pro forma to Bit 'again on Thursday,

'BRIBERY AT ELECTIONS. '

On Moeday, Lord Jona RUSSELL stated that he did not iniend WI° on with the Horsham Borough Bill, or to take up Sir John Hanmer's gene- ral bill.; but he proposed to move the discharge of the orders for both, and to ask leave on Thursday to bring in a new bill to inquire into the case of certain boroughs. He moved that the writs for Derby and Leicester be withheld till 15th August next. If those_ boroughs should, on the deter- mination of the House; be included in, the bill of inquiry, probably the House would agree -to the usual course of withholding their writs till ten days after the commeneeinent of the next session of ParliattrOt. • On Thursday, Lord Jona RUSSELL explained the provisions of his pro.'

posed bill to amend the law against corrupt practices at elections.

The lawrof ,1842 provides, that if any Election Committee suspect charges of bribery male before It to have been abandoned or compromised, or to have been preferred -only for recrimination, it, shell have power to report the necessity for further investigation of such charges • whereupon the House may appoint further investigation of those'eharges. Lord John now proposed teenlarge the power of the Comtnittee, and add machinery for eitamining charges in the place where the offence is alleged to have been committed. He proposes to give the Committee power to report whether it shall iteellinvestigate whether bribery has been general, Or casual only in particular boroughs; or whether thattlisk should be done by two barristers, to be appointed by the Assize Judge' of the place ofoffebee. These being his general provisions against future criminal -practices, his intention is to make the bill applicable to boroughs whose Members have been unseated daring this session, and whose constituencies have been corrupt at the last elections. To sonie of these boroughs the House has granted new writs; to:ttlient refused then: but concerning all these boroughs the House has seemed to Lord John to am-

eider farther inquiries fitting. •

He moved the discharge of the orders for further proceeding with the Borough Elections Bill, and the Horsham Borough Bill, in ordee to obtain leave to bring in a bill for the prevention of con .pt practices at elections. A conversation of suggestion . and friendly criticism tensned; in which Lord LINCOLN and Mr. 1M:ft:LIN-is took chief part.' bard John Russell's motion was agreed to; the two bills were withdrawn, amtleave was given to bring in the fresh bill. Later in the evening, it was btright in, read a first time, and fixed to be read a second time on Thursday' next.

'• PROTECTION OF WOMEN.

In the House of Lords on Tuesday, the Bishop of Olecritn moved the third reading of the bill for the ProteCtion of Females. Lord BROUGHAM and Lord CAMPBELL having raised difficulties, which they deeply re- gretted, but which they feared were inherent in the subjects the LORD CHANCELLOR expressed his unwilling concurrence.

The noble Lords who had spoken in &your of the bill were naturally carried away by their desire to effect a most laudable object; but they had not addressed themselves to the real objection to the bill, namely, the anomalous nature of the abuse it was aimed at, and the impossibility of providing a remedy. Them being no legal definition of the term "seduction," words were introduced in tlikbill,:for the purpose of defining the offence, which would include a very differentlieserips tion of offence from that contemplaten, by the framers of the bill. The Earl of MOUNTCLSHEL, Earl NELSON, and the Bishop of LLANDAFF, supported the bill. The Earl of HARROWBY did not fear that a jury would strain the words of the act: they would act as men of common Bernie and men of the world—as men who were fathers, brothers, and hus- bands. Although " seduction " might not have a legal meaning now, a few verdicts and sentences would soon give it one. Earl Mum) moved that the bill be read a third time that day six months.

The Bishop of LONDON replied; making verbal concessions, but beseech- ing the Lords to pause before they rejected such a bill, and exposed that House, which depends upon its high standing in the moral and religious sympathies of the country, to the charge that they strained at a gnat and swallowed a camel.

The House divided on the original motion—Non-contents, 28; Contents, 21. So the bill was lost.

SUNDAY TRADING.

In the House of Commons, on Wednesday, when the question was put that the order of the day be read for going into Committee on the Sunday Trading (Metropolis) Bill, Mr. BARING WALL, according to notice, moved as an amendment, that the House go into Committee on that day six months.

Mr. Wall stated that the second reading was carried by surprise; it having been moved by Mr. Hindley at half-past two o'clock in the morning, when the House was just breaking up and not twenty Members were present, and in so in- audible a voice that though Mr. Wall was not twenty paces from the mover he bad not heard the motion made. It was on that account that he took the present unusual course.

• Mr. Wall's objections to the bill were founded somewhat on principle, but more on the defective framework of the particular measure. It would be necessary, according even to the evidence of the witnesses who had been examined in favour of the bill, to make so many exceptions from its operation as would endanger its becoming a class bill. On the other hand, the preamble is not proved by the evi- dence, for it is not true that at present the thoroughfares are greatly obstructed daring the time of divine worship; the second clause is a mere repetition of a clause in the at of Charles the Second, and is either objectionable or superfluous; the third clause omits some most important exceptions. Mr. Wall is not hostile to the decent observance of the Sabbath, but is anxious for a law not pressing on rich and poor unequally. He advised the withdrawing of the present measure, and the preparation of a new one by the Home Office.

Mr. SLANET seconded the amendment; and denounced the bill as a ped- dling interference with the comforts and amusements of the poorer classes, while those of gentlemen living in the aristocratic clubs are carefully un- touched.

An artisan, wending his steps to the country with his wife and children on the Sunday, could not for his life get the articles pleasant or neceasery to take with him between the hours of nine and ten in the morning. Tea and coffee might not be sold at all, nor bottled beer, nor biscuits; other refreshments only at stated hours. Now, if the great clubs are not to be interfered with, is it fair to come down on the vendors of these small matters, and put them under the harrow of a law inflicting cumulative penalties varying with the discretion and private views of each justice of the peace? Mr. MEDLEY explained the circumstances, originally accidental, which had placed this Metropolitan bill in the hands of him a Provincial Mem- ber. _ He supported the bill by reference to the good produced by existing measures aiming at some of its objects, and by reference to the general feeling in its favour. Sir EDWARD BUXTON agreed that a perfect observance of the Sabbath could not be enforced by law; but he thought at least the trader who was disinclined to vend on Sunday should be protected from the competition of him who disregarded that day.

Mr. CRAVEN BERKELEY had no doubt that the best law on this subject would be that of example. Let the rich themselves show more respect for the Sabbath. He read from the evidence of a witness named Boggis, that on a Sunday as he passed the brewery of Messrs. Tmeman, Hanbury, Buxton, and Co., in Spitalfields, a poor boy was arrested by the police for selling figs, and hauled of to prison: later on the same day', Boggle heard the noise of heavy operations in the brewery, as if the week- day labours were going on without interruption. Chains clanked, machinery rolled, and a great quantity of steam was shot forth. Mr. Berkeley could not in the face of such facts sapped this bill. It was well known also, that immense quantities of the luxuries of ice and pastry were consumed at the clubs and the houses of the rich on Sundays, to the unwonted occupation on those days of the traders in ice and confectionary. At all events, Mr. Berkeley would move such alterations in Committee as would make the bill operate alike on the rich and poor, Sir EDWARD Btra.rox had never before heard of this accusation against his brewery.

Nothing is. done there on a Sunday but works of necessity; the chief business is the feeding of the horses. The clanking of chains was doubtless the clanking of the chain-halters of the horses in their stables; and the escaping steam was only the result of the boilers being kept up to a certain heat for commencing work On -Monday. Sir Edward invited Mr. Berkeley to inspect his brewery on a week- day and on a Sunday, and convince himself that nothing is done there on a San- day that is not a work of necessity. Sir GEORGE GREY stated, that if the bill were pressed, he should object to its being limited to the trading classes. A perusal of the bill had indeed strengthened his previous impression of the difficulty, if not the impossibi- lity, of any legislation on the subject. He was disposed to recommend the withdrawal of this measure, that still further consideration might be given to the subject; and he would be glad to render all the assistance he could In promoting the object in view.

The amendment was supported by Mr. Huns, Sir BENJAMIN Ham, and Mr. MUNTZ : theibill by Mr. ALCOCK, Mr. BROTHERTON, and Mr. SPOONER; and also, with relletrvations, by Sir Da LACY EVANS and Colonel TROMP- SON.

On a division, the amendment was negatived, by 75 to 47. The House went into Committee pro forma; and resumed. The bill to be recommitted, with a view to introduce amendments.

COLONIZATION : OFFICIAL PROMISES.

On Monday, the Earl of LINCOLN called attention to a Ministerial pro- mise of 1847, and inquired concerning its performance.

On the let of Jane 1847, Lord Lincoln moved an address to the Queen, in ef- *feet praying her to take into consideration the means by which colonization might be made subsidiary to other measures for improving the social condition of Ire- land, and by which, fully regarding Colonial interests, the (*eon and prosperity of the emigrants might be effectually promoted. Lord Lincoln at the time ex- plained his desire to be that Government should appoint a Commission to inquire upon the subject. Many Members expressed themselves in favour of the motion. and Lord John Russell assented to it in a very formal and express manner, but explained that he disapproved the idea of conducting inquiry by a Commission;

Lord John indicated a preferable mode of inquiry, in this language—j' We are quite ready to direct the Governors of each of our British American Provinces to consult the Legislative bodies sad the Executive bodies as to those plans which are most likely to be useful to the Colonies, and to which they will most readily lend an ear. I am quits ready to say that we shall lay the whole result of these recommendations on the table of the House; at the same time giving the opinion of the Government upon them for another session of Parliament." Mr. W. James, then a Member of the House, not understanding the precise intentions entertained, said at the time, he did not quite collect whether the noble Lord intended any special inquiries to be made beyond those ordinarily made through the Governors of Colonies." Lord John Russell replied, there Would be special inquiries upon this subject, but not by the appointment of a Commission.

So far on the 1st of June 1847. On the 14th of that month, the Queen re- turned a gracious answer to the address moved by Lord Lincoln; expressing her deep sense of the advantages that might be derived from promoting colonization, and stating that she would "direct such inquiries to be made as would enable Parliament to adopt a course free from those evils which any precipitate legisla- tion on this subject might cause both to the emigrants and to the Colonies." On the 20th December' the day before the House rose for the Christmas holydaya, Lord Lincoln asked. if any answers had been received to the despatches sent out in consequence of that address, making the special inquiries which her Majesty had graciously promised to direct; and whether such would be laid on the table of the House. Lord John Russell at once said, that all papers on the subject should be produced. Certain papers were delivered, but not any despatch making the promised inquiries, nor any answers showing that such inquiries had been insti- tuted or directed. Thirteen months having now elapsed since that motion was assented to by Government, Lord Lincoln presumed the inquiries were perfected; and he inquired if any objection existed to lay on the table the despatches direct. ing the inquiries, and the answers returned by the Colonial Governments?

Mr. HAWES began with thanks to Lord Lincoln for the previous notice, which enabled him to give a full answer.

Lord Lincoln had correctly described what took place at the debate on the 14th of June 1847. But, on the 4th of Jane 1847, a Select Committee of the House of Lords was moved for and appointed to consider the identical matters whichLord Lincoln's address proposed to inquire into. That Committee of the House of Lords has made great progress but it has not yet finished its labours. Still, the Co- lonial Office had not been idle. Measures had been already taken which had materially added to the health and comfort of emigrants-' so that the mortality among them had been reduced to less than one per cent. In addition, the Go- vernment had sanctioned debenture-loans of 800,000/. to the colony of New South Wales for the purpose of promoting emigration. Mr. Hawes Aided that the emigration to Australia and New South Wales is extensive. By the end of De- cember, 13,800 emigrants will have gone to Australia, and 4,900 to New South Wales. The number of emigrants to the United States from the 1st of January to the let of June 1847 was 174,000; daring the same time in 1848, it was 124,000. Lord LINCOLN acknowledged the interest and value of the statement now made; but observed that his question remained unanswered. Had special inquiries been made at all? or had the address to the Queen, add her Majesty's answer to that address, been entirely neglected? Mr. H.swias said, no special inquiries had been made beyond those mak- ing by the Committee of the House of Lords. It was necessary to await the result of those, befoie commencing more extensive investigations. , Lord Lracome rejoined, that the Committee of the Lords could scarcely have been the reason of the delay, for that Committee had been appointed on the 4th June; whereas the promise to direct the special inquiries was not made till the 14th.

Lord JOHN Roseau. observed, that obstacles in the way of the special inquiries promised had arisen in consequence of the great sickness and mortality among last year's emigrants; which things had created much prejudice against emigration in the North American Colonies.

Lord laNcoLx said, it was precisely such evils that his inquiries were in- tended to obviate.

THE RAJAH OF DATTARAH AND HIS AGENTS.

On Tuesday, Mr. GEORGE THOMPSON moved for a. Select Committee to inquire into the conduct of Lieutenant-Colonal Charles Ovens, of the Bom- bay Army, while Resident at the court, of Sattarab, and into the proceed- ings of the East Indian Government in relation to certain charges against Colonel Ovens. Mr. Thompson sketched two of the numerous speelic charges which he was prepared to substantiate against Colonel Ovens.

In opposing the motion, Mr. ELLIOT went into the general topic of the Sattarah case; and urged reasons of the same nature as those often stated before, for refusing to concede this particular motion, which he described

a renewal in altered shape of the old charges so many times triumph- antly answered. He maintained that Mr. Thompson could not, from his relations to the Rajah of Sattarah, be unprejudiced in the case; and gave the debate a personal interest by reading some particulars from a corree spondent's letter, which threw light on a new avocation of an English Member of Parliament.

The letter stated, that Mr. George Thompson, having at Calcutta set up as sort of Indian philanthropist, saw an advertisement by the King of Delhi for an agent in England; whereupon Mr. Thompson answered that advertisement, and the King sent his head physician, who concluded an engagement with Mr. Thompson. He was to go to Delhi, and to receive 500/. for the expenses of his journey; he was also to receive a year's salary in advance. But Mr. Thompson, said the writer, also demanded a house, a table, and ultimately a further allowance of 201. a month, and another 101. a month, for expenses: to all of which demands the King acceded, hoping to induce his agent to depart, which at last he did. He proceeded to England, and brought forward his case before the Court of Pro- prietors, but in such language as to call down a reproof from the Chairman. A report of the proceedings, in a paper called the Indian Advocate, conveying a very different account, was forwarded to the King; who thereupon ordered a salute to be fired in honour of his agent. But, soon after, the other papers, containing a contrary account, were read by him; and he countermanded the salute. The King was also very much surprised when he found that Mr. Thompson had become the agent of the Rajah of Sattarah. This letter was written by Captain Angelo, who was Commandant of the Palace Guards at the time these occur- rences took place; and it was furnished by Major Angelo. It could be verified before the Committee, if a Committee were granted.

The motion was also opposed by Sir Jsmss WEIR HOGO ; who took the opportunity to reply to statements and arguments advanced in the Rouse of Commons in the course of a previous debate on this subject, vrhieh had ended prematurely. • Mr. ANSTEY acknowledged Colonel Ovans's character to have been (tom- Pletely cleared; but he still thought the general case deaerved and required a searching investigation. Mr. URQUHART also acquitted Colonel Ovens, but imputed crimes to other elevated perpetrators in India. Sir THOMAS COLEBROOKE had' Voted for inquiry so long as the Rajah Was alive; but now he was in the grave he thought the question should fall to rest with him. Mr. GEORGE THOMPSON replied, chiefly with personal explanations. It would have been but courteous if notice had been given him of the intention to refer to his connexion with the King of Delhi; but for the satisfaction of Government, he would make a clean breast of it. He had never seen any adver- tisement on the subject, but had been conferred with by two eminent Massulmen in Calcutta on the affairs of the King of Delhi. He had consulted on those affairs with Dwarganauth Tagore, the son of Ramohan Roy, and persons eminent in the British service in India. The deputies were no doubt authorized to make to him large offers; which, however, he was sufficiently experienced to know would never be redeemed. After having examined despatches of Lord Wellesley and other papers connected with the case of the King of Delhi, he felt it his duty to accede to the request of the parties deputed by the King of Delhi. He proceeded to Delhi, only stipulating that his expenses from Calcutta and back again should be 'd for. Whatever he did in that case was entirely patent to the Government of ?Jalcutta; to whose perfect liberality and kindness he willingly bore testimony. With respect to his asking the King to provide a house for him, he totally denied it. On the contrary, he refused to put the King to any expense beyond those hos- pitalities customary in the country. Neither did he stipulate for, nor receive, 200 rupees a month for his services; bat, on the contrary, refused the remuneration which was subsequently offered him. He even remained in his own house, and did not enter the palace of the King; nor did he, without the permission of the Calcutta Government, accept the agency; for which agency he never received one penny. As regarded the Rajah of Sattarah, Members did him too much honour when they attributed to him personally the getting up of this agitation. Mr. Thompson never had any intercourse with the prince save through the medium of *Or Carpenter, and he had never applied to him for any agency or received from him any stipend. Mr. Thompson would admit he had intimated that if his attention to the advocacy of the Rajah's claims should withdraw him from the exertions necessary for the maintenance of himself and his family, he should expect com- pensation on that account. But if the House would grant him a Committee, he would lay bare every sum he had ever received; and then it would be astonished at the small sums remitted to him, considering the vast efforts that had been made.

With regard to the motion before the House, if this inquiry were denied, Co- lonel Ovens was not cleared; for Mr. Thompson had chapter and verse for every allegation he had made, and he would produce three hundred documents to de- ' monstrate them. He declared before the House, the country, and his God, that he could prove every fact that had been alleged.

The House negatived the motion, by 77 to 8.

Ceun oRGeareessiox IN • IRELAND; In the House of Lords, on Monday, Lord BROUGHAM directed attention to the organization of secret clubs of a dangerous character in Ireland, which are causing the greatest alarm even among persons of firm minds. He hoped the attention of Government is di- rected to the point, and to the adoption of means for obviating the consequences Of that dangerous kind of agitation in Ireland which now and ever has been the pest and curse of that unhappy country: The Marquis of LsiespowriE said, the subject is under consideration. With respect to the perils of the secret clubs there can be no difference of opinion.

.CRIMINAL APPEALS. On Thursday; Lord. CAstrems., in moving the corn. natal of the Criminal Law Administration Amendment Bill, explained that he had limited the power of appeal given by it in criminal cases to appeals on mat- ters of law. Lord DT2IMAN concurred that It was inexpedient to grant appeals apou matters of fact: but he objected also to give appeals on any grounds from Ctimen of Quarter-Sessions to Judges of A zeud.Jse.heuld therefore, in moee the omisalon of the damsel which gave such appeals. In the Committe4Lord, DENMAN moved the omission he mentioned; receiving the sup- port of Lord BROUGHAM. Lord CAMPBELL strongly objected to the lose of these clauses, and cleared the House for a division;4ut none took place, and he at last yielded. The other clauses were agreed to.

OPPICIAI. RECURRENCE TO THE FRENCH LANGUAGE IN CANADA. On Thursday, Earl GREY moved the second reading of a bill to repeal so much of the act of the 3d and 4th Victoria, to reunite the provinces of Upper and Lower Canada and for the government of Canada, asrelated to the exclusive use of the English lan i

guage n official instruments. As this is a subject affecting only the internal interests of Canada, the opinions of the people of that Province ought to be decisive upon it; and the Legislature-of Canada, or the Legislative Council and Legislative Assembly, should have power to make such regulations as they should judge advisable. All parties in the Province desired the change. The bill was read a second time.

IRISH MEMBERS, AND THEIR MOTIONS. On. Wednesday, Sir BENJAMIN HALL called attention to the conduct of Irish Members. There was a bill on a mattes alleged to be important brought in by an Irish Member calling himself independent. The Municipal Corporations (Ireland) Bill now stood the first Order of the day; its patron had the best opportunity for bringing the matter be- fore the House; yet he did not appear, and the motion was withdrawn. Again, an Irish Member had given notice of a motion relative to Irish Church temporali- ties—and there was no question on which Irishmen thought more; that motion had stood on the Order-book for months and months; after postponement time after time, it stood for discussion again yesterday, and Sir Benjamin understood it was now again indefinitely postponed. Sir Benjamin complained of the shear- aity of such conduct. Sir GEORGE GREY explained, with reference to the bill mentioned, that Mr. Reynolds, who had charge of it, was engaged on the Dublin Electien Committee, and could not proceed with his motion. Mr. STAFFORD said, as there was not the slightest hope that the Dublin Election inquiry would be finished this session, it was right that the peopinof Ireland should know that if that inquiry stood in the way of the Muncipal Corporations Bill, the latter

could not be proceeded with this session. •

On Thursday, Mr. OSBORNE explained away the blame imputed by Sir Benja- min Hall to Mr. Moore in relation to the Church Temporalities. Mr. Moore had been ill several weeks, and confined to his bed: lus-felt much hurt at the impu- tations made at his expense.

INSOLVENT MEMBERS. On Wednesday, Mr. Mom= moved the second reading of a bill for rendering more active and strict the present law disqualifying insolvent persons from obtaining and holding seats in the House of Commons. His bill enabled judgment creditors to petition the House and obtain a Committee which should decide whether ground existed for disqualifying the Member com- plained of. Sir GEORGE GREY, approving of the principle of the bill, stated that its machinery was very objectionable. Mr. NEWDEGATE opposed it, as crude and over stringent; and Mr. BERNAL warned the House against becoming more impure, in its efforts at greater purity. Sir Witmer& REATHCOTE, Mr. Ewarer, and Mr. HUME, suggested that Mr. Moffatt should not peril the principle of his bill, which the House evidently approve; by pressing for a division. Mr. MOFFATT acceded, and promised to improve his bill against next session. The order for its second reading was then withdrawn.

BATTERSEA PARK : WESTMINSTER IMPROVEMENTS. On Monday, in answer to Sir ROBERT Iticies, Lord MORPETH stated, that the arrangements made with respect to Battersea Park, and for the erection of a bridge across the Thames, were necessarily suspended for the present, in consequence of there being no avail- able funds in the hands of the Exchequer. As regarded the progress made under the Westminster Improvement Act, the Commissioners, notwithstanding the un- paralleled pressure of the times, had expended 60,000/. up to December 1847; they had made purchases to the extent of 102,0001; and they hoped that these

improvements would soon be carried out. He expected to be able to give returns before the end of July.

WES'TMINSTER PALACE. On the SAIII0 day, Lord MORPETH stated, that the returns moved by Mr. Hume relating to the Royal Palaces were in progress. MT. GREENE gave hopes that the new House of Commons would be ready tor occu- pation by 1850. Sir CHARLES WOOD, replying to Mr. OSBORNE, stated that his attention had been called to some additional estimates, beyond those given in the original plan, for the accommodation of officers of the House. The extra charged were about 4,5001, and had not been sanctioned by the Treasury; but, finding that the work was necessary and had been well executed, he had come to the con- clusion that the extra allowance should be made. However' he had that very morning directed that in all future cases no allowance should be made except for such further estimates as in the course of the work should have received the SADO- tion of the Treasury.

DISEASED FOREIGN SHEEP. On Thursday, Mr. LABOUCHEB.E, questioned by Mr. BAGGE, stated that in September last some sheep labouring under the disease of smallpox were imported to this country from Germany. Government had in consequence instituted an inspection of all the sheep brought to this country, and a quarantine for suspected animals, which ended in the destruction of every one turning out to be diseased. Those measures had been very successful. Out of 2,800 sheep brought in, not one case of disease had occurred till last Satur- day, when a diseased sheep came from Hamburg. Mr. Labouchere learns, how- ever, that the disease has appeared extensively, and in an aggravated form, in the Eastern Counties. He is giving the matter his attention, and will lay all the papers on the subject upon the table.