THE ACTS OF PILATE.
AMID the general "contempt and reprobation" which, in Dr. Ellicott's words, " have been expended on the Apocryphal Gospels," an exception must be made in favour of the Gospel of Nicodemus, which is in many ways of very great interest. It consists of two parts, the "Acts of Pilate" and the " Descent into Hell." It is with the first part, which has attracted the serious attention of men like Tischendorf and Dr. Westcott, that this article deals. In the abstract that follows we have aimed at giving the peculiar features, omitting a large part that is almost identical with the Canonical Gospels.
Annas and Caiaphas and Gamaliel with certain others accuse Christ before Pilate of declaring Himself to be the Son of God and a King, and of breaking the Sabbath, on which He heals by evil arts. Pilate sends a runner to fetch Jesus, but the runner adores Him and spreads his garment before Him. "I saw Him," he urges in defence, "when thou didst send me to Alexander, sitting upon an ass, and the children of the Hebrews breaking branches from the trees and strewing them in the way, and crying, Hosanna in the highest." As Jesus enters the Praetorium the standards of themselves bow down to Him. Pilate's wife, Procula, whom Pilate declares to be a worshipper of the God of the Jews, sends a messenger to her husband concerning her dream. Three charges are made against Jesus,—that He was born of fornication, that a massacre of infants took place at His birth, that Joseph and Mary fled to Egypt because they had no confidence in the people. In answer to this twelve men bear witness that Mary was the true wife of Joseph. Pilate asks Jesus privately : " What is Truth ? " and receives the answer : "Truth is from heaven." Pilate says : "Is there not truth on earth ?" Jesus replies : "See how the truth-tellers aro judged by those who have power on earth." The Jews accuse Him of blasphemy, and Pilate bids them judge Him according to their law. They ask that He shall be crucified. The Governor, looking on the people who stood by, saw many weeping, and said: "All the multitude does not desire His death." And one Nicodemus stood before the Governor and said: "I spake unto the Jews, This man doeth many wonders and signs, which no man bath done or can do.' " The impotent man of Bethesda starts up to speak for Him, then a blind man, then a hunchback, then a leper, then the woman with an issue of blood (Veronica), then a multitude of men and women. Others said : "He raised dead Lazarus from the tomb after four days." The Governor, hearing this, said trembling to all the multitude of the Jews : "Why do ye wish to shed innocent blood?" The Jews choose Barabbas rather than Jesus, and accuse Pilate of being no friend of Caesar. Pilate taunts them with their repeated rejection of God, who brought them out of Egypt. Pilate then washes his hands "in face of the sun," and orders Jesus to be crucified between two robbers, Dismas (the penitent thief) and Gestas. The Jews explain the darkness at the Crucifixion as the result of an eclipse. Joseph of Arimathea begs the body of Jesus, wraps Him in clean linen, and lays Him in his own new tomb. The Jews afterwards imprison Joseph ; on the first day of the week they find the seals of the prison unbroken, but Joseph gone. At this moment the guards of the tomb report the appearance of an angel, who spake to the women of the Resurrection. Three witnesses declare that they have seen Jesus ascend to heaven from the Mount of Olivet, which is called Mambre or Malech. The Jews seek Jesus on the mountains. They find Joseph, but not Jesus. They humbly invite Joseph to Jerusalem. Joseph describes how Jesus had appeared to him, released him, and shown him the empty tomb. Levi, " the teacher," relates what Simeon, his own master, said when he took the child Jesus in his arms. The Jews send for the three men who had testified of His Ascension, and are convinced. Then all " having sung praises went away, each to his own house, glorifying God." In the last chapter of the second part is found in some MSS. a letter of Pilate to the Emperor Claudius giving a short account of Christ's Life, Death, and Resurrection, showing how be was persuaded by the Jews to crucify Jesus on the charge of being a sorcerer and of acting contrary to the Law.
The question at once arises whether the two parts formed originally one whole. The fact that in nine out of twelve Greek MSS., as well as in the Coptic MS., they are not connected, and the difference of subject, show that they were once separate books, and were afterwards put together probably to strengthen the force of each as an apology for Christianity. The book in its present form was issued in 425, in the reign of Theodosius and Valentinian, by some one called Ananias or Aeneas, as is stated in the first Prologue to the text. He at the same time retained the second, and earlier, Prologue in which Nicodemus is said to have himself " committed to Hebrew letters," in the nine- teenth year of Tiberius, a record of the things done by the chief priests and the rest of the Jews. In spite of this statement, the original language was almost certainly Greek. The title " Gospel of Nicodemus " is quite late, after Charle- magne, due to the mention of Nicodemus in the second Prologue. The proper title of the first part is " Geste" or " Acta Pilati"; of the second, " Descensus Christi ad Inferos."
Now what are the "Acts. Pilati " P Justin, in the middle of the second century, writing to the Emperor, quotes the "Acta Pilati " as evidence, in one case with regard to the Crucifixion, in another to Jesus's healing of the sick, be ear Ex1 norriov nacfrou Oi.LEYWY gICTOW FCLOHY luvao•es. Tertullian, at the beginning of the third century, after narrating the facts of Christ's Crucifixion, Resurrection, and Ascension, adds : "All these things Pilate, being himself also in feeling (pro sua con- scientia) a Christian, then announced to Tiberius Caesar." It seems very difficult to believe that Justin could have appealed to "Acta" of whose existence he was not certain in writing to the Emperor in whose possession they presumably were. The next and most important question is, are the "Acts Pilati " to which Justin appealed in any respect the same as those we have now P In the first place, all the facts for which Justin and Tertullian refer to the "Acts" are found in our book, and the impression which the words of Tertullian, " ram pro sua conscientia Christianus," convey is precisely that which it leaves on the reader. Secondly, the "Acta" are referred to as extant by well-known writers in the fourth, fifth, and sixth centuries, and in the fourth century the Emperor Maximin published some blasphemous " Acts Pilati" apparently to discredit those that Justin quotes. The oldest Latin MS. which we possess of our "Acta" and the Coptic MS. are of the fifth or sixth century. If our "Acta" are a complete fabrication, they must have been coined at a time when the genuine "Acta" were being constantly quoted. Is this likely P And why do they contain the same facto which Justin and Tertullian found in the genuine "Acta"?
Tischendorf's conclusion is that our "Acta" are an edition, though much altered and interpolated, of the "Acta" which existed in the second century. Dr. Westcott's words are :—" The texts still preserved have, as it appears beyond all doubt, been formed by successive revisions and interpolations from that [the second-century] original."
The writer of the article in Hastings's Dictionary forms a somewhat similar opinion, and adds that many scholars
believe that the report of Pilate referred to by Tertullian
is contained in the letter of Pilate to Claudius in the last chapter of the "Descent into Hell." If these views as to the date and origin of the book are correct (we do not, of course, imply that they are not disputed—e.g., by Lipsius and Harnack), is it possible to draw from our "Acta" any
new and trustworthy information about the last events of our Lord's life ? The question is dealt with in a pamphlet by slIschendorf, from which much of what follows is drawn.
We must put aside, to begin with, obviously later interpola- tions, such as the bowing of the standards. It is in favour of our " Acta " that, unlike the Apocryphal Gospels generally, they are at one with the Canonical Gospels in their represen- tation of the general outline of the history. In them, as in our Gospels, the Jews are bitterly hostile during the trial; Christ makes no defence except in answer to questions ; Pilate dislikes the Jews, wishes to acquit Christ, and is only induced to condemn Him by fear of Caesar. So far the "Acta" are confirmed by and confirm our Gospels. The first point on which the " Acta " seem to throw new light is the early part of the trial. All the Gospels show that one of the charges against Christ was that He claimed to be King of the Jews. St. Luke and St. John (especially the latter) make it clear that this accusation of treason against Caesar was the final and fatal charge. But all four Gospels show that besides this charge others were made in the earlier part of the trial, some of which had special reference to the Jewish law. One of these was that "He made Himself the Son of God." Others are hinted at by all four Gospels, but only vaguely: "How many things they witness against Thee" (Matthew and Mark); "He stirreth up the people, teaching throughout all Jewry" (Luke); "If he were not a malefactor, we would not have delivered Him up unto thee" (John). These are the vague accusations which lead Pilate to say, "Judge Him according to your law." What some of them were may very well be given by the "Acta,"—e.g., that He broke the Sabbath ; that He used magic arts, a strong point with a Governor under Tiberius who had dealt severely with this offence (it is repeated in the letter to Clauchus); that the Magi greeted Him as King, a telling accusation before Herod, or after Christ's return,from Herod's judgment- seat; lastly (though this is less probable), that He was born in fornication, a charge brought by the famous heathen writer Celsus before the middle of the second century, and repeated by Haeckel in the twentieth. Nothing is more natural and impressive in the "Ada' than the picture of " the multitude of men and women" starting up to bear witness to the tender mercy of their Deliverer : "Jesus had pity on me, and said the word to me "; " He had pity on me and laid His hands on my eyes " ; " I was leprous and He healed me with a word." The omission of this evidence in the Gospels may be accounted for by Christ's refusal to defend Himself (so sensitive are the Evangelists to His leading), or by regard for the safety of the witnesses, the same motive which perhaps led to the silence of the first three Gospels about the raising of Lazarus. Very striking also is the emphasis laid on Pilate's favourable attitude towards Christ. (obvious even in the Canonical Gospels). He is spoken. of as " uncircumcised in flesh but circumcised in heart." This, indeed, is the general attitude of the early Church ; in the Apocryphal " Paradosis of Pilate " a voice from heaven proclaims him blessed ; the Gospel of Peter transfers the blame from him to Herod ; the Coptic Church is even said to have made him a saint. Dante, too, finds punishments for Annas and Caiaphas, but none for Pilate.. Smaller points of interest are the statement that Pilate's wife was a proselyte; the oath taken by Pilate "in face of the mm," according to the Roman custom, not "in face of the crowd," as in St. Matthew ; and the picture of Nicodernua faithful in open trial as in secret council. It must be remembered in judging the "Acta." that in the second century tradition was still a living voice, and any statement, otherwise credible, has a good chance of being true. More- over, the "Acta," if it belongs to the second century, would be a most valuable witness in favour of the Canonical Gospel& it quotes largely from all four, and especially from St. John ; cites four (xv.-xviii.) of the last twelve verses of St. Mark, and the Word from the Cross "Father, forgive them; for they know not what they do."
The Gospel of Nicodemus lass, besides, a special interest for Englishmen. Whereas there is no sign of it in Continental languages (after Gregory of Tours in the sixth century) till the twelfth century, knowledge of it appears in English in the eighth century in Cynevrulfs " Christ," and frequently afterwards, as in the "Cursor Munch" (c. 1320), and in Piers Plowman (1361). There is an old English prose translation of the eleventh century, and a middle English rendering of the fourteenth century, " The Harrowing of Hell," in verse. About the same time John Wyclif trans.. fated it into prose, The British Museum possesses a very interesting black-letter version, dated 1511, by Wynkyn. de Worde. It is illustrated, but, either from lack of invention or lack of pence, somewhat meagrely, the same figure doing impartial duty for Annas, Nicodemus, the Centurion, and Carius. But its quaint English has the charm and tenderness of old stained-glass windows, and it contains one legend, that of Syndonia, the maid who wrought the "fair linen cloth " for Christ's body, which is unique, and another, that of Longinus, which is not in the ordinary texts. "This Knight Longeus was blynde, and son (as he pierced the side of Jesus) the Mode came rennynge downs by the spere shafte unto Longeus hande, and he by aventure wyped his eyen with his hande, and anon he dyde se." The stories of the Holy Grail and of Veronica and the sacred napkin are also inspired by the " Acta. Pilati"; but, however interesting as the source of beautiful legend, its chief value lies in the new light it may throw on the greatest scene in the world's history.
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