ORIGINAL CORRESPONDENCE FROM PARIS.
Paris, September 13.
The Constitution debate still drags its slow length along. We are as yet only at the preamble, and God knows when we shall see the end of it. Every new system, the child of morbid vanity or depraved fancy, claims by turns a bearing: it is something like when, in the middle ages, knight- errant philosophers walked over Europe to support a thesis. The Assem- bly has become an university, where great speakers and long talkers are glazing with a perfect calmness of mind; while people out of doors are like the Romans on the stage, groaning and claiming " panem et circenses." We were once fond of philosophy, but now we become quite as indifferent to it as John Bull. We are ready to say with Romeo,
"Hang up philosophy, Unless philosophy can make a Juliet!"
Bat Juliet here, alas for poetry! is—Money. We anticipate for the winter nothing but increased ruin; no trade, no foreigners, no Paris at all. People here laughed very much the other day at a proclamation of the Prefet de Police, which said that trade was reviving, and which was actu- ally stuck on all the closed shops of the town. What's the use of de- bating the " droit du travail," when there is no work? No wonder, then, that the Constitution should go its way amidst general indifference. One interesting fact was an act of adhesion to the Republic made by M. Thiers in the name of his friends and his own, and which I told you last week was to be made by M. Odilon Barrot: it appears that M. Thiers chose to come forward in person: his declaration was coldly delivered and coldly received.
All minds are now turned to the forthcoming elections. There will be, I fear, much division in the votes. The compromise which I had spoken of, between the Moderate parties and Government, has already failed: General Cavaignac could not agree with the Thiers party, and every one is left to his own candidates. Division, however, is also in the other camp. The pure Socialist party starts three candidates; one of whom is in Lon- don, and another one at Vincennes. Most strange associations will take place. Marshal Bugeand, the sword of the late Monarchy, is strongly sup- ported by the chief author of the Revolution, by Lamartine himself. The fends of the Executive Commission are not yet forgotten nor forgiven: in the old African chief, Lamartine raises a powerful rival to Cavaignac. and he is also supported by a whole staff of generals, who will more readily submit to their late commander than to his lieutenant. On the other side, there is a strong party amongst the Socialists who intend to vote for Louis Napoleon Bonaparte. Louis Blanc, now your interesting vest, has, it appears, directed all his friends in Paris to vote for the ex-prince. It is not for the first time that the Socialist party use the name of Louis Bona- parte. While he was a prisoner at Ham, some years ago, this very silly adventurer was in communication with secret societies, and even published a book on what has been miscalled Organization of Labour.
• I do not believe that any of the Red candidates will pass. The whole party has been much disorganized and dismantled by the insurrection of June, by the disruption of the clubs, and by the dispersion or imprisonment of the chiefs. But the Bonaparte is likely to succeed. However despised he may be by the intelligent classes, he bears a name still popular in the suburbs, and even amongst shopkeepers. At all events, it appears certain that he will be returned at least by one of the departments.
The question will be, what to do with him. As I told you last week, there is a plan for electing General Cavaignac at once to the Presidency of the Republic, without waiting for the final vote of the Constitution. There is also another one, which would be to enforce or renew the law respecting the Bonapartes, and which closed the French territory to all members of the Imperial family. The difficulty would be, that two or three Bona- partes, already in the Assembly, and who have given no ground of com- plaint, should be involved in the common proscription. But, as you know, the Republic deals in rather a summary way, and I do not doubt, if General Cavaignac were to bring forward a bill for the reexpulsion of the Bonapartes, it would be carried by a strong majority.
The approaching election has stirred a little the public spirit. The faubourgs seem to move again, and poor Paris is already fearing a new excitement. The laws against the clubs and bill-sticking are so framed that they cannot be enforced during electioneering times. So there is more noise about town than there usually is, and people begin to be alarmed. There have also been some symptoms of indiscipline amongst the soldiery: the worst of it is, that a feeling of rivalry is gaining ground be- tween the regular troops and the new corps of the Gerdes Mobiles. These, chiefly composed of very young men, and even children, have been since the June insurrection great favourites with the population; they have grown rather giddy with their glory, and as they are better paid and better fed, they begin to excite some jealousy in the Army. But still General Lamoriciere rules all with a strong hand.
I do not suppose you take much interest in the Ministerial movements, or else I should tell you that M. Dufaure, one of the ablest men in the late Parliament, is soon to take the Ministry of Public Works; and that M. Senard, now Home Minister, is to leave the Cabinet.
Sad news from Italy, and, I fear, embroiling news. I have just learned that the Grand Duke of Tuscany finds himself unable to repress the in- surrection at Leghorn. Well-informed people say that he gives up the task in despair, and that he is SO dispirited that he is ready to abandon crown and country and wait for better times. All the Continent is in a mess. Both France and England, if they remain united, will have much to do to maintain others at peace. German unity begins to be trouble- some. We consider here that the unreasonable proceedings at Frankfort will have the effect of bringing France and England nearer together. France, you know, is bound with Denmark by the same treaties as England, those of 1720; and our Government has signified the intention of main- taining them. There are evidently many territorial difficulties in Europe which can only be settled by a general agreement. It is already said, that for the Italian question Austria has claimed a Congress, to which, as for- merly, the five great powers should be parties. That certainly would be the readiest way. But the great difficulty is, that new powers have grown up. Would not, for instance, the Central Assembly of Frankfort claim rights superior to those of Austria or of Prussia? That is a question; and for the answer we must wait till the struggle between centralization and individual kingdoms in Germany is settled. Perhaps we may not have very long to wait.
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