Afottign anti eotonfat.

FRANCE.—The Paris papers are now chiefly occupied with the approach- ing elections for three vacant seats in the metropolitan representation; to the exclusion of the foreign topics more prominent in the beginning of the week. The appearance among the multitude of candidates advertised— about fifty—of some men of eminent and marked position from all the most opposed parties of the Republic, leads to the expectation of a violent struggle. Prince Louis Napoleon, Marshal Bugeand, and 31: Emile de Girardin, are candidates. The following letter by Prince Louis Napo- leon to his uncle, Jerome Bonaparte, formerly King of Westphalia, has become public- " My dear uncle—Your wise counsels on the subject of the elections about to take place have only anticipated the letter which I was about to write to you to the same intent I believe, as you do, that at this time it will be my duty to accept the mandate of my fellow citizens if they shall honour me with their suf- frages. Under circumstances which happily no longer subsist, I have not hesi- tated to prolong my exile, rather than suffer my name to be used as a pretext for pernicious agitations. Now that order is established, I hope that unjust pre- judices will no longer prevent me from contributing, as a representative of the people, to the consolidation of the Republic, to its happiness and glory. Be pleased to make known these sentiments; and accept, my dear uncle, the assurance of my respectful attachment Your devoted nephew, "Looms NAPOLEON BONAPARTE:7

There is no doubt that the Prince's chances of success are of the best: it is also certain that the Government look on his possible election with the strongest objections; the press unanimously attributes to them the in- tention to propose some measure non-legalizing his election, and thus ex- tinguishing his chance of the National Presidency. Marshal Bngeand has published the following address, in which the words in parenthesis are thought peculiarly significant-

" La Durantie, Sept, 2. "I did not feel anxious to return to public life; I would most willingly have waited for the next general election; but since so honourable an invitation as that of Paris presents itself to me in my retreat, I should by refusing it be gui19'.01 a cowardly indifference about the destinies of France, as yet so uncertain (SA r- certaines encore). I accept, then, with ardour and gratitude, the offer of beUlg returned for the department of the Seine. I will devote myself with an active and energetic perseverance to the defence of civilized society against the anti- social ideas of Communists and Terrorists; I will devote myself also to the inte- rests of the great city and its banliene; in a word, I am heart and soul the sol-

dier of order, of family, and of property. If the anarchists should once again as- sail society, I would not remain a cold impassible spectator of civil war: I would rush into the ranks of the National Guard and the Army; and should not fear,

for sake of so firm and holy a cause, to follow my brave Lieutenants who fell in the days of Jane. This you may say, and pledge yourselves for on my account." M. Emile de Girardin has appealed to the Parisians with dexterous tactics: he has announced in La Presse that he retires from the manage-

ment of that paper till better times-

" The power of General Cavaignac is now unlimited, and the liberty of the yaws has ceased to exist in France. . . . To exist thus is not to exist.. . . .

It is to demand of the charity of the Government the alms of a petty liberty.

Rather than thus to strain the pen, there are none but cowards who would hesi- tate to 'break it. To beg one's bread is not a disgrace; to beg our liberty would

be ignominious. . . . Resistance becomes noble in presence of danger; but resist-

ance degrades itself in presence of that pity which suffers you to live under the sword ever suspended over your head—which tells you it is ready to strike— which menaces you but does not strike you Journals which may be sus- pended are in fact suspended. Under such a regime, to be silent is to speak— to speak is to be silent."

He declares that his last hope is in the liberty of the tribune, and he makes a test appeal to the citizens for election to a seat in the Assembly.

Other candidates are M. Roger (du Nord) ex-Deputy, M. Adam Adjunct to the Mayor of Paris, M. Achille Fould the Jewish banker and financier, the Abbe Genoude, three other priests, MM. Benjamin Delessert, Thore, Cabet, and some forty others, including a great number of Generals.

Ili the National Assembly, the debates on the Constitution proceed; without practical interest, and interrupted by many parenthetical discus- sions on other topics.

The bill abrogating M. Louis Blanc's famous decree of the 2d of March, by which the hours of labour in manufactories and public works were limited to ten hours a day in Paris and eleven in the departments, was passed on Monday. By the new law, the hours of labour in manufac- tories are limited to twelve working hours except in cases which from their nature require a longer succession of hours. Several amendments were brought forward, with a view of allowing workmen who voluntarily consent to work for longer than twelve hours to receive additional wages for their extra labour: but all such propositions were rejected. The Abbe Sibour proposed an amendment prohibiting the undertakers of public works from keeping their workshops open or continuing their works on Sunday; but, although he declared that his object in bringing it forward was to.ameliorate the lot of the labouring classes by giving them one holy- day a week, the proposition met with no support, and the amendment was withdrawn. A clause respecting marehandage [the intervention of middle- men or sub-contractors] was postponed for the present, and will be made the subject of a separate bilL On Monday, the question of the press was discussed. The Committee had proposed, that the editors of journals charged with any offence may be brought directly before the Court of Assizes, and tried in forty-eight hours, and that on conviction they may be liable to temporary suspension: a minority in the Committee, however, required that the present arbitrary regime should be still sustained. The Minister of Justice proposed to adopt the decree with important modifications: he required that the power of suspension should be vested in the Chief of the Executive, and be

used under his responsibility. K Victor Hugo and M. St. Gaudens de-

manded the complete emancipation of the press, and vehemently con- demned the present system. M. Jules Fevre justified the Government, but demanded that the Cabinet should declare explicitly that the sacrifice Of the liberty of the press was indispensable; that the Chief of the Execu- tive should adopt one or other of two courses—either leave the control of the press to the ordinary tribunals, or frankly demand that its freedom should be suspended. A proposition was made that the Assembly should not proceed to the discussion of the article of the project; which was carried on a -division, by 515 votes against 238. The original proposition was then rejected, by a majority of 457 to 276; and the Assembly passed to other business.

On Monday and Tuesday, the Assembly discussed at great length the 8th clause of the preamble of the Constitution, which pledges the Republic to protect the citizen in his person, family, religion, property, and labour, and to give subsistence to the necessitous.

M. Mathien (de la Drome) proposed an amendment, admitting the right to labour as well as that to relief in necessity. To deny the right to labour, was in effect to deny the right to property itself. 11. Pelletier said, there are 6,000,000 workmen in France, of whom a third earn less than their families need. In addition, there are 2,000,000 beggars. He would organize in every commune and arrondissement a house at which such persons as wanted aid should be supported. To meet the expense of such sup- port, then, he would levy five per cent on the wages of all the working classes: and in addition he would establish in these houses workshops where persons of all trades could be employed. Associations would be formed for manufacturing all kinds of articles, and the persons making them would obtain the profits. (Laughter.) The value of goods produced by the 6,000,000 of workmen in Eraace would produce, he calculated, six milliards; and the profits on that sum, in place of almost totally falling to the employers, would mostly come to the workmen.

Id. de Tocqueville declared that the amendment led to Socialism; which he energetically denounced.

M. Ledru-Rollin spoke in its favour, as the mainspring of the conduct of the Convention. He referred to the dreaded motto of the workmen of Lyons in 132 --" Viver en travaillant, on moorir en combattant"; and called on the Assembly to admit the first part of the phrase—to allow the poor man to five by his labour; it would be the best security against the last. Id. Davergier d'Haaranne stripped the matter of metaphor. The right of la- bour was this, that when work was plentiful the workman sufficed for himself; but when times grew disastrous, the state was to supply his wants. It must hap- pen that a crisis should occur occasioually in all countries' and particularly in commercial and manufacturing ones: in that case, either the state aided the working classes, or private charity stepped in, or the workman lived on his savings, If he had any. But under the right of labour, each workman, depending on the state only for the moments of difficulty, would never think of saving anything. WI2y save, when the state would support him in case of bard times? Thiers made a speech which is greatly praised for its clear argument and eloquence; but which rather disappoints one in the report. He commenced with a general declaration of his adherence to the Republican constitution. His party had not desired nor founded the Republic; they accepted it loyally ancl sincerely. In the eyes of every honest man and every good citizen, a legal Government was entitled to respect They had neither flattered nor betrayed ?Anarchy; and they should neither flatter nor betray the Republic. They would tell it the truth. They had never conspired, and never should conspire. The instrument with which they wished to effect the happiness of their country being broken, they would continue the work under the Republic. They desired the welfare and grandeur of France, a national policy; and they would pursue the realization of those objects in the future as they had in the past. Lie enlarged on and defended competition: it was not the people who suffered by it. The operative had been better paid since the introduction of machinery: he was no longer a beast of burden; he was more comfortably clothed, and had benefited in many other respects by the improvements introduced in industry.. If an inquiry were ordered by the Assembly, it would be found that he advanced nothing lightly. The workmen in the victnity of Paris who earned, in 1814, 24 and 30 sous a day, now gained 40. In many branches of industry the salaries had doubled and trebled. On the other hand, the price of the articles of manu- facture indispensable to the working classes had considerably diminished. Cot- ton goods were 80 per cent cheaper, cloth 40 per cent; and lodgings alone had increased in the proportion of 90 to 120; but it was in consequence of the ten- dency of the manufacturers to establish themselves close to the great centres of population. [The accuracy of these statements was repeatedly contested by the Ultra-Republican members; and M. Thiers, amidst the noise occasioned by these interruptions, having pronounced the word " faction," the greatest confusion arose, and one of the Montagnards called him a Royalist. When silence was restored, M. Thiers resumed his discourse.] He attacked the fear Socialist sects. The first, the Communists, denied the right of property, and, consequently, of liberty. Should their doctrines prevail, they would create an idle and slavish society. No man would labour for the community. A patriot was ready to die, but not to work for the country. The second system, that of association, was characterized by M. Thiers as anarchy in

industry and monopoly. He next referred to the system of M. Proudhon, who

wished to create cheapness, and began by proposing that a law be passed to effect a reduction of 25 per cent in all property, salaries, &c., and his object would then be attained. Those were the pitiful schemes of which their authors were so proud and with which they imagined to reform the world ! The right to labour was not less absurd. The partisans of that right only sought to remedy the con-

dition of the operatives in the towns, who were to the country operatives as 1 M

36. When the workmen should come to claim labour from the state, how could the latter employ them 2 It could not employ them in manufacturing silk, lace, jewellery; it ought to open national workshops, where the silk-weavers and jewel- lers would be employed in works which, not being familiar to them, must of coarse be unproductive. The state would be often obliged to propose to them to expatriate themselves, to proceed to Brittany, Normandy, Africa; and everybody knew how such a proposition had been responded to by the insurgents of Jane.

Upwards of forty speakers were originally inscribed to speak on this question.

The Paris and London papers lately reported a speech of General Cavaignac, in which, congratulating his auditors on the position of the

Italian question, he was reported as having stated that the moderation of France had caused her to succeed in the mediation she had " imposed " on Austria. The Afoniteur of Tuesday corrects these reports, and disavows

for General Cavaignac the use of such a word as " imposed ": but the papers now reassert that the expression was used, and state that IL Senard also has used it in conversatisn with several Representatives.

The Legitimist party are getting up a biography of General Cavaignads father, who was one of the most violent of the Conventionalists, and whose acts at Bordeaux and other places are still described with bitterness. The Legitimists, it is said, have determined to bring forward General Lamori- ciere as their candidate for the Presidency of the Republic, in preference to General Cavaignac.

The editors of the journals Le Peuple and Le Peuple Francais were each sentenced, on Saturday, by the Court of Correctional Police to one month's imprisonment and 200 francs fine, for publishing those journals without having previously deposited the required security.

The Marquis of Normanby gave a grand diplomatic dinner on Monday evening to General Cavaignac: it was attended by the whole of the French Ministers, and by the principal members of the Corps Diplomatique resident in Paris.

M. Galesco has arrived from Wallachia, on an official mission to solicit the aid of France, in particular against designs of the Emperor Nicholas. M. Pascal Duprat has been appointed Minister Plenipotentiary of the Republic at Vienna. La Reform has a letter from M. Caussidibre, dated from London; the sole interest of which is in this extract- " Struck by anticipation, and without any evidence being heard on my side, by a vote of the National Assembly, who delivered me up to a criminal prosecution under the state of siege, I felt it my duty to withdraw until the law of force gave way to the legal justice of the country. I am acquainted with the slowness of political suits, and twenty-two months of preventive confinement in 1843 have shown MO that they are often subordinate to propitious events and to the conclusions which it is hoped to draw from them." The Iloniteur announces that the disturbances at Arros in the Lower Pyrenees, on account of the attempt to levy the tax of 45 centimes, have been suppressed, and that the collection of the tax is now going on without difficulty. Government is resolved to prosecute vigorously the colonization of Africa. General de Lamoriciere has introduced a bill asking 5,000,000 francs for this purpose. A Committee on the subject, with M. Leon Faucher as its chairman, is understood to have determined in favour of making Algeria a penal colony for certain classes of convicts. A great number of workmen of Paris-20,000 it is said—are anxious to go with their families to Algeria, and occupy themselves in colonization, owing to the want of work and the consequent misery which exist at Paris: but they require an advance from the State. A recent meeting of the Mayors of Paris was held at the Hotel de Ville, under the Presidency of the Prefect of the Seine, at which resolutions were passed calling on the Government to encourage the proposed emigration of the working classes. A committee has been formed to act on behalf of the workmen, and it warmly supports the demand of the Mayors. Five members of the com- mittee and delegates of the workmen have been examined by the Commit- tee on Algeria. The .Tournal des Debaes, in supporting the proposed scheme, says-

" The first objection is, that money will be required, and that the treasury is ex- hausted: but almost every month, demands for 1,000,000 francs, 2,000,000 francs, or 3,000,000 for the relief of necessitous workmen, are made in the Cham-

bers. Sums are thus disbursed in detail which will end in forming an immense total, and which will be lost in the abyss of misery without filling it up. Em- ployed in the colonization of Algeria, this money would at least be le to the state: Paris would be relieved from the superabundant populatiesa which

crushes it; an agricultural population would be formed in Algeria; in a word, something useful and great would be done, instead of merely keeping up misery, as has been the case hitherto."

. GERMANY.—On the 7th instant, the President of the Frankfort Assem- bly read an official announcement from the Prince von Leiningen, stating, that

in consequence of the resolution passed by the National Assembly on the 5th, the whole of the Ministers, as also the Under-Secretaries of State, had re- signed, and their resignations had been accepted: nevertheless, the Ministry would superintend all current business of no political responsibility until a new Ministry should have been formed. Letters were also read from Prince Leiningen and M. Dahlmann, stating that the latter had been com- missioned by the Regent to form a new Ministry, and that he had under- taken the task.

H. Schmerling, the late Foreign Minister, announced himself amusingly from the tribune as "Deputy von Schmerling "-

Be had foreseen that the execution of the Assembly's resolution in all its mi- nutiae would be attended with very great responsibility and difficulty; and it was not to be expected of a Minister that he should task his mind to the last stretch in order to devise methods for executing a resolution which he could not reconcile to his conscience, nor look upon as practicable. On that day, as on the previous one, the " Left" were still in the tri- umph of their success of the 5th: on the 8th, however, news arrived of untoward consequences already arising in the Danish Dutchies, and a change of feeling is said to have occurred. The English news from the Dutchies is meagre: the following allusions made in the Frankfort As- sembly on the 8th touch the chief points known.

"Rappard had a motion to bring forward, which he deemed of the greatest im- portance. Many members were already aware of the turn which affairs had just taken in Schleswig-Holstein. The combined Assembly of the two Dutchies had unanimously declared itself permanent, and had rejected the new Provisional Go- vernment altogether: it had determined to act in conjunction with the ex-Govern- ment, and had decided that all laws framed and enacted by itself since the 24th of March last should be binding, unless the will of the people, as represented by the Assembly, should demand alterations. Matters were now come to a fearful crisis. Count Moltke himself had been obliged to fly the country, and take refuge in the Hie-hi-the, on the borders of Jutland. To make good his escape, he had been compelled to apply to the former Government for a passport. The Schleswig- Holstein troops had already evinced a great spirit of insubordination to their Prus- sian officers; and all these circumstances taken into consideration, rendered it necessary that the validity or non-validity of the armistice should be speedily de- clared by the Assembly. He therefore moved that the relative diplomatic and other documents be distributed among the members of the National Assembly by fourism. that day; and that on the morrow an extraordinary afternoon sitting be held, for the purpose of bringing the subject of the armistice to a conclusion."

The motion was warmly discussed, and ultimately rejected, on the ground that the documents could not be laid before the House till the next week. Some of the documents have since been printed, and are said to have modified influential opinions on the conduct of Prussia.

Each day M. Dahlmann was questioned, without result, as to the pros- pects of his forming a Ministry: at last he replied, that his efforts would not be facilitated by such interpellations—he was using his utmost en- deavours.

On Monday evening, a programme was circulated as probable; but no- thing was known. The feeling of the Assembly was undergoing further change- and it was thought that the armistice itselfswhen discussed, would be ratified: the resigned Ministry might even be recalled to office.

On the 11th, the President announced that M. Dahlmann had relin- quished the attempt to form a Ministry, and that the Regent had requested IL Hermann to undertake the task.

A notification, dated the 30th of August, was published on the 10th in- stant, referring to the Plenipotentiaries of the separate German states, and declaring the Imperial rule of conduct regarding them- " Plenipotentiaries having now been appointed by almost all Governments, the Central Power, faithful to its promise, thanks itself called upon to give a declara- tion respecting its relations to the same. "The Central Power is conscious of its great and important duties: it knows that the energy and decision of its measures can alone enable it to fulfil them; and that though the claims of individual states deserve some regard, the unity of Germany must, above all, be its principal end and aim. "These principles indicate the relations of the Central Power to the Plenipo- tentiaries. It is acknowledged that the latter may mediate and promote the exe- cution of the resolutions of the Central Power; but they cannot be allowed to exercise a decisive influence on those resolutions, or to exercise a collective trans- action of business."

Paussi.s.—The Auerswald Ministry was already in a critical position when the news of the Frankfort resolution of the 5th arrived and completed its overthrow. For some time past, the Ministerial party has lost its homo- geneous character, and has broken into sections which have joined the ad- vancing or reactive Opposition. The Ministerial measure regarding open- air meetings has been laid hold of by the extreme party to agitate the citizens and the Burgher Guard, and to bring the pressure of their moral opposition on the Chambers. The populace have been as turbulent as at any time since the revolution ; and addresses from clubs and institutions of all sorts have flooded the Assembly against the measure.

The 7th instant was chosen by the Opposition for a trial of strength; the motion being that of M. Stein- " The National Assembly resolves that it is the imperative duty of the Ministers to promulgate forthwith the resolution which the Assembly decreed upon the 9th of August, in order to maintain confidence and tranquillity, and to prevent a schism with the Assembly."

[The resolution of the 9th August was in these words originally—" The As- sembly resolves to require the War Minister to issue orders to the army, corn- mending officers not only to avoid conflicts with civilians, but by approachment and union with their fellow citizens, to show that they honestly and cordially participate in the working out of a constitutional national condition. This amendment, however, was moved, and carried by a majority of one—" Those officers whose political convictions do not accord with the above, shall, as a point of honour, retire from the army."] Auerswald spoke against M. Stein's motion- " The question at issue is not a question of law, but a question of administra- tion. At all events, it is clear that if this dovernment or any other be con- strained to act in the manner required, then the Government and Chamber must be considered as having changed places; the former would be the Executive, the latter the mere organ of its power. What then becomes of Ministerial responsi- bility, the very essence of constitutional hierarchy ? " M. Unruh said- " Those are in error who consider the adoption of Stein's proposition to be an assumption of executive power by the Chamber—a conversion of this house into a convention. We have a right to express our want of confidence in the Ministry,

and to ground that right upon our disapprobation of Ministerial measures. And, in the present case, the measures adopted by the Ministry are, whether designedly or not, measures of reaction. We may fail in the form but not in the spirit of ear

motion. Our decree is made in the interest of the slimy itself, of which we are jingly proud: it is only against certain individuals high placed. The object of the Assembly is to compose an army of the people, and to induce the army to con- sider itself as part of the people. Our decree is not alone beneficial to the army,

but to the Crown, as it will tend to insure peace and tranquillity, and to strengthen the constitutional principle. Our position is most critical. We stand between a

counter-revolution and a new revolution. Firmness and decision can alone save us. We must not submit to see the Chamber annihilated. The Centre, to which I belong, has hitherto been neither Ministerial nor Opposition! The fate of this day's measure is in its hands, and I can assure you that we will do our duty." M. Thieme said, the question was simple- " We come to a resolution. The Minister declines to give it force of law. Li constitutional states the regular proceeding is for Ministers to resign or dissolve the Chamber. The latter cannot be done, for we are a constituent body. This part the Ministers have not done. The Ministry have acted blindly, and are still blind. I declare that if the proposition be thrown out, I and many of my col- leagues will resign our seats. We cannot remain with honour to ourselves. (Bravos and hisses.) The responsibility must fall upon the Ministry, not upon us, who drove us so to do in order that we may maintain the honour of the people." (Immense applause in the galleries.) M. Ilansemann made a speech, said to have been of great eloquence, but which is not reported at any length. He exclaimed- " You are doing that which not alone weakens us, but weakens the Govern- ment, let who will bold the reins. You are straining every nerve to eclipse Prus- sia's bright and noble star."

H. Behrends averred that the opinion of the nation was in favour of M. Stein's motion—

The country had not, but Berlin had, spoken its sentiments. Trees, walls, clubs, meetings, and addresses, bore testimony of this. As to the army, nothing had been done towards its reorganization but the abolishing of the familiar "Thou." "Men accuse us of arrogating to ourselves the right of administration. All we arrogate is the right of compelling Ministers to administer for us."

The President then announced that many addresses had been laid before him; and, amidst tremendous cheering from the Left and indignant uproar from the other divisions, he read the following, adopted unanimously by the Burgher Guard-

" The Burgher Guard of Berlin considers the will uttered by the majority of the National Assembly to be the will of the Prussian people, and will maintain the same by all the means at their disposition." The President suggested, by way of salvo, "I suppose this address al- ludes to our acts in general." M. Behrends, who was one of its preparers, exclaimed, "No, no!" A heated discussion ensued, as to whether such an address was not intimidating and unconstitutional. The Assembly voted upon various amendments which had been moved, and at last upon Stein's main question. This was carried by a majority of 67; which was announced amidst the loudest outcries of the gallery and the successful Left. The Ministers and the Members of the Right passed out of the As- sembly in apprehension of attack; but they were not molested, the excited people feeling content with the success gained by their champions. On the 9th, the whole Ministry proceeded to Charlottenburg, and ten- dered their resignations to the King.

The King "was indignant at the conduct of the Chamber," and refused to accept the resignations. On Saturday, the Ministers again waited on the King, and M. Auerswald stated his firm resolution to resign. His Majesty still refused to take the resignations definitively ; but consented to send off for Beckerath at Frank- fort, and to Lichnowski, Pinder, and others, offering them the duty of forming a new Ministry.

On the 11th, the Ministerial resignations and the King's conditional acceptance of them were announced by M. Auerswald to the Assembly; which resolved, with much opposition on the Left, to adjourn till the 14th, to give time for the formation of a new Ministry. Beckerath was ex- pected in Berlin on the 12th.

Anemias—Vienna is "tranquil," but only by reason of the considerable licence given to the populace. On the night of the 6th instant there was a torch-light procession in honour of Herr Borrosch, whose recent ener- getic speeeh in the Constituent Assembly in favour of the rights of that body, has rendered him again very popular. In one of the addresses to the above deputy it was stated that the people would stand or fall by the revolution of the 15th May, and that "behind the minority of the Diet the majority of the people were reserving themselves for the last expression of their opinions." The Hungarian cause is still unfortunate. In answer to a question ad- dressed to it by the Hungarian Minister of War, the garrison of Essegg- colonel, officers, and men, in unison—has declared that it will observe strict neutrality between the Hungarians and the Croatians, and that it will defend the fortress to the last extremity, until the Emperor gives orders to deliver it up to one party or another. It considers the placing of ten companies of Hungarian National Guards in the fortress as a violation of the neutrality; and as a declaration of war against the Croatians; whom it will not combat.

ITALY.—An expedition from Naples arrived at Messina on the evening of the 30th August, and raised the garrison to an overwhelming strength. The city was summoned to surrender, but answered with defiance. More and more troops arrived; and on the 2d and 3d instant, the town was attacked by the garrison and the naval armament, and by a large force landed on the shore. The citizens fought with great bravery, but they were ill armed and ill commanded; and although the town was barricaded in every direction and the houses loopholed and prepared for some sort of defence, yet as these preparations had been made without military skill, it was thought a hopeless case. Some reinforcements had arrived from Pa- lermo but the Island cause even there had become weak from divisions. The Provisional Government had been upset by the Provincial Representa- tives, who were hostile to a republic, and showed open sympathy with Naples.

Revolutionary tumults had occurred at Genoa, but have been put down. Leghorn has again risen against its governors; has been attacked by its garrison, without success ; and is now in the hands of a Provisional Govern- ment. A reorganization of the National Guard, and a share for them in the guardianship of the fortresses, the abrogation of the extraordinary powers granted by the Chambers to the Government, and a general amnesty, are demanded of the Grand Duke. The topic of the Anglo-Gallican intervention has received no new inns- tration. It is only known certainly that Austria has admitted "Yes" in answer to the question "Yea or No?" on the principle of the Anglo-French intervention, jointly with the other great parties to the treaty of Vienna.

Presse, which is the best-informed source of Austrian news, states thus much of the position of the question in the Austrian Cabinet-

" In the Ministry of Vienna itself, the members are by no means agreed as to the bases to be laid down for the pacification of Italy. Three plans divide the opinion of the members of the Imperial Cabinet. The first, resembling the plan of the English-French mediation, proposes the line of the Adige as the extreme frontier of the Italian provinces of the empire; the second demands, with the German central power, the line of the Mincio; lastly, the third is to maintain the political union of the Lombardo-Venetian kingdom with the Austrian empire, whilst insuring to it a national administration independent of the central govern- ment of Vienna. As part of this plan, a son of the Archduke Reviler, an Italian Prince, born at Milan of Italian parents, shall be placed at the lind of the Lombar- do-Venetian government This third combination, though having in its favour the greatest number of Ministerial votes, is far from being considered as definitively decided on in the mind of the Imperial Government. Besides, other intestine dis- sensions threaten to produce the speedy dissolution of the present Cabinet of Vienna; a circumstance which would cause everything to be commenced over again."

The Milan Gazette of the 2d instant publishes an official statement con- cerning the losses of the Austrian army from the 23d July to the close of the campaign; the sum total amounting to four staff-officers, 103 officers, 2,598 soldiers, and 73 horses. The following official statement of the dead and wounded on the side of the Piedmontese appears in the official Ga- zette of the 25th August-" Died on the field of battle, and in consequence of amputation, 2,000 men; wounded, 1,500; missing, 500; sick of the fever at the time of the retreat, 12,000; total, 16,000 men men hors de combat.

UNITED STATES.-The Cambria arrived at Liverpool on Thursday, with New York papers of the 30th August, but has brought little news of interest Van &men had accepted his nomination for the Presidency. A serious riot had taken place at Cincinnati. A mob of several hundreds attempted to rescue some prisoners from the gaol, in order to inflict upon them summary justice. They were fired upon, and several were killed. A meeting of the Smith O'Brien Clubs was held on the 28th August, for the purpose of refunding to the contributors the money which had been collected.