The Reformers of the South Hams district of Devonshire had

a dinner on Wednesday, at Totnes. The number of the company was restricted, by the size of the largest room that could be procured, to five hundred. The nominal price of the tickets was a guinea, but on the day of the dinner thirty shillings and two pounds were offered and refused by many. Mr. Stanley Carey was the Chairman ; and among the company were Lord Seymour, Mr. Parrott, Sir William Moles- worth, Colonel Seale, Mr. Leader, Mr. Newton Fellowes, Mr. Rundle, the Reverend Dr. Carwithen, Lord Cranstoun, and many other gentlemen of property in the district. " William, the Reformer, the first Sovereign Friend of Ireland," "The Duke of Sussex," but especially "The young and future hope of England, Scotland, and alienated Ireland, the Princess Victoria, the Rising Star of Retorm," were enthusiastically received as toasts. The "Members for the Borough of Totnes " having been then given, Mr. Jasper Parrott ad- dressed the company— It was his happiness to represent a constituency whose object, like his own, was directed to one great point—the benefit of the country. If they believed the Tory press, the present Miuistry was tottering, and the Tories were about to resume the reins of Government. Let them look at that Borough. Had there been any desertion from the Liberal ranks there? On the contrary, there had been an accession to them ; many had joined them, and embarked in the same cause in which they were engaged—their country's good. He begged .to point out the necessity of all ranks of Reformers being united, as every artifice was being used by their opponents to spread disunion among them. But u bile he advocated a union, it must be a union in which they could all agree. If the Liberals should make some abatement in their demands, the old Whigs should meet them half-way. If a Tory Government should again get'•"`to office, it would be the gieatest misfortune that could be inflicted on the The Reformers considered that the great reform they seek se. u 1 be acquired by granting justice to Ireland—full, fair, and equal justice nu Ire- land ; by relieving the Dissenters from all their grievances, and that most ob- noxious impost Church-rates—not to take the Church-rates from the general taxation of the country, but from the sinecure and other property of the Church.; by instituting such an inquiry into the Pension-list as would lead to its revi- sion ; by the Ballot, and the repeal of the Septennial Act ; and last thoughi not least, by instituting an inquiry into one branch of the Legislature, with a view to its reform—into that branch of the Legislature which in the last bouillon of Parliament almost stopped the progiess of legislation. ( Continued cheering as each point was specified. ) A union founded on these principles would aot

only obtain satisfactory reform, but reform that would be luting. He had touched upon two great queetions—the Ballot and Peerage Reform. He had always voted for the Ballot, and would always continue to do so, until some better plan was proposed to protect the voter in the free exercise of his elective franchise.

He had given Ministers a general support, but had opposed them on some questions_ Healluded to the Bishop's Bill and the question of the Ballot. (Cheer..) But while he differed with them with respect to the latter question, he was satisfied that if the Ministers brought forward the Ballot as a Ministerial ques- tion, they would not remain in office a month. He did not wish them to do so, but he wished them to let it be an open question. ( Cheers.) They were entitled to much credit for many measures they had brought forward ; and if they did not go so far as the people wished, they should be urged on, and not opposed though they did not go far enough. If public opinion were more fully developed, no doubt the Ministry would go a great way to satisfy the wishes of the people.

Lord Seymour congratulated the company on the progress of Reform. He dwelt particularly upon the Irish Church Bill of last session, and the factious opposition of the Tories to every measure for the benefit of Ireland.

The health of the Ministers being given, Lord Seymour again rose, and admitted that Government did not move fast enough to satisfy some Reformers; but then, he asked, what Government ever bad gone fast enough to satisfy the people? His Majesty's present Ministers, however, would proceed in the right course, and in the end accomplish every desirable reform.

Lord Cranstoun replied to the toast of " The Reformers of Scot- land," by expressing his hope that what had hitherto been done for Re- form would be only the preface to larger and better measures, and by recommending union against the Tories.

The health of the " Honourable Newton Fellowes and Lord Ebring- ton, and the Electors of North Devon," called up Mr. Newton Fel- lowes; who delivered a speech in accordance with the Radical spirit of the company

The Tories had stated that there was a reaction throughout the country; but when he ti itnessed such a meeting as that which he had the honour to address, it gave a total denial, at least as far as Devonshire was concerned, to this assertion. There was no reaction. The Reformers desired as ardently as ever the advance- ment of civil and religious liberty. They were increasing in their demands for the Ballot. (Here the company rose and gave three hearty cheers for " the Ballot.") The demands of the Reformers must be conceded. Their opponents would not grant Catholic Emancipation or Reform until they were filmed from them ; and any thing the People ought to have, they would be sure to obtain if they acted constitutionally ; for the power was in ,the People, and not in the Lords.

Mr. Fellowes then advocated the separation of the Church from the State ; for to the union of Church and State nearly all the evils under which the country laboured were to be attributed.

Sir William Molesworth addressed the assembly in reply to the toast of " Sir William Molesworth and the Reformers of East Corn- wall." He said-

" As a member of the popular party, and as one holding opinions which some persons used to consider as rather extreme ones, I cannot express the delight which I feel at the rapid and steady progress of public opinion in favour of all the questions which I deem of most importance. This is the result of the Reform Bill. That measure was considered most absurdly by some as a final measure, though in reality it was but the first and least step of a series of momentous reforms. (Loud cheers.) This Reform Bill introduced into the House of Commons a new set of men, the real Representathes of the People, the advocates of popular opinions, who, by their exertions and the weight of their authority as Representatives, have destroyed the prejudices which had been excited against their doctrines. This has been the case especially with regard to the Ballot. No question has advanced more triumphantly than that one. When my friend Mr. Grote first brought it on a few years ago, some at- tempts were made to refute him ; but during the two last sessions, the chief oppo- nents of that system have been reduced to a silent opposition, or have delegated the task of reply to persons unknown to fame, and who certainly acquired no fame by their unsuccessful opposition to secret suffrage.

By means of bribery and intimidation, the power of the Tory party had been amazingly augmented-

" This is especially the case in the counties. Of the necessity of the Ballot I trust none of the Liberal electors of this county have the slightest doubts. We, gentlemen, were defeated at the late election for want of the Ballot. Without the Ballot all our exertions will be unavailing ; and till we obtain it we shall not be enabled to shake off the yoke of the Tories. Every true De- vonian, who feels it to be a reproach to be represented by two Tories, ought there- fore to exert himself in favour of secret suffrage. I speak feelingly on this sub- ject; because I am obliged, for want of the Ballot, to leave a constituency for which I have the greatest regard and esteem, the majority of the electors of which hold opinions similar to mine, and who prefer me as their Representative to any other person. With the Ballot I should have exceeding pleasure in set- ting at defiance the combined forces of Whigs and Tories. (Cheers.) I should delight in teaching the aristocratic factions in Cornwall, how utterly worthless and insignificant they are in opposition to the people, when stripped of the unjust and undue influence of property. (Loud cheers.) Without the Ballot, I could not, however, consent to expose my kind and esteemed friends in humble life to all the evil consequences which would result from a struggle against the combined exertions of almost all the large proprietors of the county, and against the zealous opposition of the clergy—those perpetual exciters of political strife in each parish, the bitter foes of all improvement, the noxious impediments to all reform. If, then, there were any county in Eng- land in which such a struggle would be successful, that county was Cornwall. As long as the Cornish Whigs would support me, my seat was secure ; but they broke the alliance between the Reformers, and sacrificed me on account of my opirns with regard to a reform in the House of Lords ; and I am well pleased to be a sufferer in so good a cause. I am glad to find that the nation in no way agrees with these timid and irresolute men in the dread and horror entertained by them with regard to this question. I know no subject with re- ference to which a mightier change has taken place in men's minds than with regard to the House of Lords. A short time ago, any reform in that body would have been discussed only by a few thinking men in the retirement of their studies; it might have been an object of their wishes, but not one of their expectations. The great mass of the people bad antiquated prejudices and su- perstitious veneration for the Upper House. These feelings were not profound ones, but they were common to almost all in the nation. There was a general calm with reference to this subject, which concealed indifference, and which many mistook for respect."

But that was all changed ; those prejudices were in the act of being swept away. The people had learned to read and think for themselves;

and the growing conviction was, that the hereditary government of tie aristocracy was bad. In the midst of this rapid advance in pubrae opinion, what ought to be the conduct of his Majesty's Ministers ?

" If they mean to continue the leaders of the people and the rulers of the la. tion, they must advance with the people. If they wish to control the impulses of the masses, they must keep pace with their earnest convictions, and secure the confidence of the people. Between them and the popular party an alliance was formed, which placed them in power, which keeps them in power, and without which alliance they could not exist as a Ministry for one single hour. May that alliance continue !—it is my most sincere and earnest hope. May the Ministry be induced to act in such a manner as to strengthen that alliance. I. order, however, that it may continue to exist, it must be a fair and equal ose. Heretofore every concession has been made by the popular party—none has been made to that party. On the contrary, on those questions which we dere of paramount importance, we have seen those amongst the Administration whose opinions are similar to our own obliged to vote against their principles, or to make a miserable compromise with their consciences by leaving the House. I speak with reference to the Ballot. The majority of the supporters of Ministers are in favour of secret suffrage ; several of the members of the Cabinet are pledged to it ; yet twice during-the last two sessions, we have seen the Cabinet united with the Tories in opposition to us ; and twice by the aid of the Tories alone, have they defeated us. Is this fair and just ? (" .Ni, no !") Are these the prin- ciples of sold union? (" No !") When we have struggled and laboured for them night after night—when the slightest apathy and indifference on our part would have been fatal to them—is it fair and just, I ask, that they should unite them- selves with their worst foes in opposition to their only true friends, and force their adherents to oppose our cherished opinions?" See what the consequence had been. How had one of the most dis- t inguisbed members of the Government, Sir Henry Parnell, been re- ceived by his constituents at Dundee- " His constituents told him, in terms not to be misunderstood, that they dis- approved of his conduct in compromising his principles. They told him, that unless this union of parties were founded upon fair and equal terms, it would have the semblance of being a profligate junction of factions for the sake of office. It would appear to be a compromise of principles for the sake of the ,„rmod things which result from being connected with those in power. Thine feelings are not confined io Dundee alone, but pervade a great portion of Eng- land; and I am grieved to say, that there is, in consequence, a general and growing feeling of indifference to the present Administration, and of dissatisfac- tion at the conduct of its supporters. This fact may be denied by the hangers- on and parasites of Ministers; it may be contradicted by the hireling and va- cillating press; but it is too true; and it is the duty of those who, like myself, are the earnest and sincere friends of the Administration, to state to them this fact, and to make known to them the cause, and to point out the remedy. The cause is, that the Government has made a Cabinet opposition to a number of Liberal measures, many of which are approved of by some of its own members. In former times, under the rotten borough system, when the People had but little share in the ruling power—when the nation was governed alternately by one or other of the aristocratic factions—then the party in power represented itself, and its members were responsible for their conduct to no one, except their own consciences—a most fictitious responsibility— in those days, the members of a party could make mutual concessions, and mutual sacrifice, of principle, without the fear of being called to account : to place their party in power, was then the sole and acknowledged aim of is, po- liticians, and the basis of all political morality. Now all s, and ought to be, changed. The members of the Administration now are in power by the People, and are supported by the Representatives of the People ; they are accountable, not only as a Government, to the nation, but individually to their constituents. If, therefore, the system be pursued of obliging individuals to sacrifice their own conscientious convictions for the sake of holding office, the consequence will be, that no independent constituency will elect any person connected with the Government of the day, or will consent to trust a person who is to be bound by the opinions of others and is not free to follow his own convictions. This feeling is already becoming very prevalent in many of the larger constituencies, with whom the fact of a person being connected with the Government would be a decided obstacle te his being elected as their Representative. The Members of an Administration will, therefore, be driven to those places which are still the sinks of the an- cient borough system ; where intimidation and corruption are still all-powerful, and which every sincere Reformer would wish to see deprived of their power of electing Representatives. The system of a Cabinet opposition to measures is, therefore, incompatible with a Government supported by the zeal Represen- tatives of the People. It will tend to keep every high-spirited and independent man aloof from office, and to centre power in the hands of those who have no sincere and earnest convictions ; for whom, consequently, the People will have no esteem, and in whom they will place no bonfidence. Who would willingly subject himself to the reproaches of his constituents like unto those which were cast upon Sir Henry Parnell at Dundee ? Bitter and galling must they have been to that high-spirited gentleman. I cannot but feel deeply grieved at the painful position in which this most evil system has placed him ; for there are few for whom I have a greater respect and esteem."

He agreed with Mr. Parrott, that the Ballot should not be made a Cabinet question, but an open question- " The great questions at issue between the two parties ought to be made open questions. Let there be no Cabinet opposition to the Ballot—nor to a reform in the House of Lords—nor to any of the other great popular measures. Let any person connected with the Government be at liberty to vote on these ques:ions as he in his judgment deems best. I feel it my duty to tell you, my Leo!, (addressing Lord Seymour) as you are connected with the Government, an.! I trust you will receive my information in kind part, cooling as it does oin one who really wishes well to the present Government, that unless con- cessions somewhat similar to those be made to the popular party, it is vain to hope that a union of parties will much longer exist. ( Cheers.) By making those reasonable concessions, the Government will rally the people round them; will insure fresh energy and confidence in the nation ; and will retain the sap. port of those who, like myself, would willingly be their friends, but who can- not sacrifice every principle even for the sake of their friendship."

[Sir William Molesworth was loudly applauded at the close of al- most every sentence of his speech ; and when he sat down, enthusias- tic cheering lasted for several minutes.] Mr. Leader delivered an excellent speech, when his health, coupled with that of the Bridgewater Reformers, was drunk by the company. He said that much remained to be done in the cause of Reform- " The House of Commons is reformed; but does it fairly and fully represent the people? ("No, no! ") Ask that question of the county electors who who are coerced by their landlords or their landlords' agents. Ask that ques- tion of the voters who depend in any manner on the Government. Ask that question of the tradesmen in the country towns, or the small merchants in great cities. Ask that question of the poor and dependent electors wherever you may find them. What would be their answer? ' No, we are not represented; and we never shall be represented till we give our votes conscientiously, with- out hope of reward or fear of punishment.' This is no invention of my own fancy—it is no imaginary case—it has been witnessed in every town and county —it hos been confirmed before Committees of the House of Commons—it is nsatter of notoriety and of complaint throughout the country. Had you not yourselves a sad proof of the dependent state of the electors at the last election for this very division of Devonshire? Did not many suffer because they did their duty in defiance of their landlords? Did not many more yield with a downcast head and aching heart to the intimidation of those in authority over them, and vote against their own wishes and convictions and declared opinions? Did they not look as if they felt guilty of deserting their cherished principles ? They were guilty, but they deserve our compassion and our sympathy, for they were in dependent circumstances; they were placed in the terrible dilemma of desertion of their principles, or ruin by their superiors. Can we wonder that they thought it more important to save .themselves and their families from misery, than to give one vote among thousands of others fur the support of their e*sions? Far inure guilty are the men who coerced them, and compelled them to vote against their consciences. On the hands of those men is the guilty spot—on their heads let the punishment of guilt alight. Look again to the late example in East Cornwall.. That district is represented, ay, really and Scaly represented, by one of the best Reformers in the country. Ile has with hint the hearts 4nd opinions as well as the votes of a majority of his constituents. Ent a few of the very moderate Reformers of the county take offence at his opi- nions, and intimate to him that he will no longer have their support. He knew that through their property they had much influence over a portion of the electors. He took the hint ; and, not wishing to subject his friends amongst the yeomanry and tenantry of the country to loss and ruin on his account, he determined not again to become a candidate for East Cornwall. He is a friend of mine: whatever I might say in his praise would be set down to the partiality of private friendship: look then to the opinion of the public. The Reformers a the North have fully appreciated his generous and honourable conduct: the greatest and most important Reform constituencies are anxious to be repre- sented by him ; the man who was to be sacrificed as a victim to the prudery of a few old-fashioned Whigs in East Cornwall, has, through their very act, and by his own straightforward conduct, gained the good-will and the respect of every good Reformer. ( Great cheering.) Here is a double lesson—it should teach the old-fashioned Whig gentry to give up some of their coyness. (Laughter and cheers.) It should teach all Reformers the absolute necessity of protect- ing the elector in the exercise of his elective franchise. More than half the electors are, in some way or other, subject to intimidation. Few men who pos- sess the power of coercing a voter fail to exercise it. This is the great evil of the day ; this is the evil which galls the electors ; this is the evil which moat loudly cries out for redress. For this evil there is fortunately a remedy, good in principle, and easy of application—that remedy is vote by Ballot."

Mr. Leader then exposed the anti-national policy and conduct of the Peers; and concluded by exhorting every man who had the cause of good government at heart to exert himself to obtain Peerage Reform and the Ballot.

Various other toasts and speeches followed, but they arc not par- ticularized by the reporters. The business of the day terminated by the appointment of Liberal committees to each polling-district, with instructions to raise funds for defraying the expenses of candidates at the next election, and in other ways to organize the Liberal force. The determination of the meeting was to reconquer South Devonshire from the Tories.