BOOKS.

KEMPLE'S ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE STATE OP EITROPE FROM 1688 TO 1 7 1 4.* Mn. KEMBLE'S object in this volume is to illustrate the courtly and political condition of Europe, more especially of Germany,

between the English Revolution of 1688 and the Accession of the House of Hanover in 1714; although his retrospective glances extend back even to the Thirty Years War. The mode by which the author aims at accomplishing his end is in part by an extensive selection from the secret or private correspondence of . princes, generals, diplomatic agents, wits, and others, written be

tween 1688 and 1714. The letters are introduced by a preliminary survey of the state of Germany during and after the Thirty Years War, and accompanied by frequent notices of the principal persons whose names appear in the correspondence.

We have seldom seen a book of greater contrasts. In all that

Mr. Kemble contributes from himself, extensive knowledge, sound judgment, and a mind vigorous and animated, are conspicuous. When he has nothing to do but to select, from the mass of correspondence which he has examined, such letters as illustrate historical events or circumstances in which many readers might feel interested, or that possess an innate attraction from their matter, style, or as pictures of manners, Mr. Kemble seems to lose the commonest critical perception, or to be influenced by associations connected with his own researches, which it is vain to expect ordinaryreaders to enter into. The coup d'eeil of the Thirty Years War, and the condition in which it left Germany, is not only a capital historical summary' but it throws a light upon much of the subsequent history and social peculiarities of Germany. The life of the Eleetress Sophia of Hanover, the granddaughter of James the First, and the line by which the present family ascended the British throne, is perhaps a favourable but certainly a very agreeable portrait of the life and court of an accomplished and able princess, whom most people, if they give her a passing thought, regard as a stiff old German woman. The notice of the Countess Rocklitz, acknowledged mistress of George Elector of Saxony, exhibits in a very striking light the open and shameless profligacy of the courts of Germany in that day, and the corrupt influences which ruled supreme in politics, compelling even William and Mary to succumb to their power. Matters are perhaps not worse than they were at the court of France half a century later, but there is a difference between Paris and Dresden—a petty Elector and the Grand Monarque. The lives of the military adventurer Schulenburg and the diplomatic intriguer Patkul are perhaps treated at a length disproportioned to the historical importance of the men ; for it is not restless activity, full employment, or strange adventure, that fixes a man's place in history. However, they concentrate known light upon the affairs of Saxony, Poland, and the North, then divided between Charles the Twelfth of Sweden and Peter the Great of Russia ; and they are vigorously executed. Of the remaining lives the principal is a sketch of the Duchess of Orleans, mother of the celebrated Regent; of which brusque, plainspoken, independent German princess, (out of place at the court of France,) a good deal is frequently said though little of her is known. The memoir is therefore useful.

The letters which are interspersed among these notices, and

form the largest part of the volume, seem to us to have been selected on a mistaken principle, or on no principle. Some congeiousness of this error appears to lurk in Mr. Kemble's mind ; for he owns that what are called "materials for history" are not popular, and he makes an allusion to his previous publication the Anglo-Saxon Charters. The present book, however, has no resemblance to the Charters, or to what are generally called materials of history. A collection of authoritative documents always possesses importance and interest, though the interest may not be of a popular kind. The facts which such muniments contain throw more or less of light on the social and economical condition of a country, its laws and their administration besides which there is often some practical use attending the information contained in them. Regular collections of correspondence have a unity of interest in the writer or the subject. Thus, the immense collection of letters relating to English history published "by authority," though often dry and minute taken singly, refer to distinct divisions of politics, and form a sort of continuous however disjointed narrative. Again, the letters of an eminent man or a remarkable family have a biographical character, over and above any other attraction they may possess. The miscellaneous collection before us has no extrinsic interest, and not much that is intrinsic ; letters remarkable for their matter or their manner forming quite the exception. The field of remark, indeed, is large enough, extending from Spain to Sweden and from Ireland to Russia and Turkey ; but the information is desultory, fragmentary, and often of the smallest kind—hardly news. The bulk of the writers are subordinate diplomatists or German princes, whose names were hardly known beyond their Own circles in their own day and are utterly forgotten in ours.. The subjects they write upon seem to us limited in interest to the persons concerned, or to be ef that narrow character which cannot in any sense be called historical. Nor do the more distinguished writers --as Leibnitz—excite an interest equal to their celebrity. There State Papers and Correspondence illustrative of the Social and Political Stale of Burope from the Revolution to the Accession of the House of Hanover. Edited, with Historical Introduction, Biographical Memoirs, and Notes, by John M. Remtile, M.A. Published by Parker and Son.

are exceptions to this. Peterborough writes some letters from. Spain in which he paints the folly and incapacity of the Austrian candidate for the throne in colours as black, as black can be. Some papers exhibit the tyranny and bad faith of Sweden in the treatment of what are now the Baltic Provinces of Russia, and the art with which the Muscovite was preparing to take advantage of Swedish misgovernment. It is curious, too, to observe how it line of policy dictated by some real or fancied necessity endures through all chances and changes. The then ruler of Prussia, the great Elector, was an able man, yet it seemed to be the opinion of the most knowing that nothing would induce him to act against Russia; Prussia was so open to attack from the Northern Power, though all Poland then intervened between the two states.

The pretentious pomp and sordid parsimony which our awestors of that age ascribed to the Germans are not handled by Mr. Kemble. The lax state of morals cannot be avoided ; it is touched, upon continually, and developed at full length in the notice of Madame de Roeklitz. Her influence over the Elector of Sammy was unbounded ; and it being then (1692-'93) a great object to get the Elector to join the alliance against France, the envoys of the Allies were all labouring to gain the mistress by flattery and' bribes. This is the English Envoy's first account of her, written in January 169/. "At night I was conducted by the Ihmover Envoy to make a visit to the mistress and her mother; and he entreated me to give them the best words I could, full of commendations for the good offices they had done in keeping the Elector hitherto florn acting against the Allies, and that if they did. bring him absolutely over, they were sure all who were concerned would have a just sense of their great merits : and they both in return gave me all the assurances possible that they would do their utmost, said that they were not without hope of success. In this conjuncture the Elector came in, having drunk very hard with the Count Staremberg, and in that humour had quarrelled with him, giving him very hard words, which, with all his prudence, he could not defend himself from : the Elector pressed to have proofs against Schening, or to have him released ; and the Count not being willing, or it may be not able to say much for himself in that condition, the Elector left the room. He showed when he was with us many marks of :inger, which had been fatal to one of his pages if he had not nimbly escaped. Ile showed great civility to mile: however, I withdrew as soon as possibly I could. This, Sir, you will easily believe, was no little discouragement to me.

"I take the best measures I can with the Envoys of Brandenburg and. Hanover ; who boils tell mo there is nothing to be done but by the mistress, and they are soliciting at Vienna to have her made a Countess; and they arc both earnest with me, as the new Elector and the Duke of Celle were before I came from thence, to recommend to his Majesty the necessity there is that a sum be presently given the mistress amongst them all, and a promise of a yearly pension so long as the war shall last and that the Elector acts and they propose five or six thousand dollars for his Majesty's share in money, and proportionable for the pension. Monsieur Heckeren tells me also, that though he bath net positive orders from the States, yet in such urgent occasion he will consent to give a reasonable part for his masters. All which makes me humbly beg that I may have full orders what to do:. for without this be done, there is not the least hopes of any success hero."

Soon afterwards Sir W. Colt writes again

" I observe that the Elector's inclinations lead him to the party of the Allies, if he be not hindered by others : and by my conversing with him find a man of much better parts than I expected; so that if time do fix him a little more, there may be hopes of good service from him ; and nothing can be a greater advantage to him than if he conies to the army, to keep coin. pony with his equals, and to sect how they live ; for he takes great notice of all things. But possibly after all he may choose himself to stay at home, for he is lost in his love, and she being young with child he will hardly leave her, and to take her with him he will if she be able to bear the fatigue. "There must be a yearly present on which they may depend, and that will be also our future security ; besides there must be money given to three or four Ministers who will be ordered to treat with us. The Emperor hath consented to give the honour desired by the lady; and we have all desired it may not be despatched till all things were sure ; and you may be sure that I will consent to no money till I am as sure."

The " honour " alluded to was nothing less than that of Countess in her own right, which was obtained from the Emperor.

"It was not unusual, however shocking to morality and however disgusting it may now appear, for the favourites of reigning princes to be promoted into the highest ranks of German nobility ; a thing perfectly inexcusable, inasmuch as it was, through the constitution of the German }Aspire, the act of the Emperor and the Aulic Council, not that of the particular sovereign, whose passion might be pleaded as an excuse for acts which degraded the whole peerage. It was determined to raise Fraulein von Neitschiez to the rank of Beichsgrafin or Countess in her own right, with remainder to the heirs of her body, and their heirs, lawfully begotten. We have reason to believe that this favour was part of the price paid for her adherence to the Alliance, and that the interests of the Countess in this respect were represented at Vienna by other Ministers than those of the Elector. The dignity, which was intended at a later ,period to pave the way for a higher promotio% was solemnly granted in February 1698; and the new Countess, entitled Hoeklitz, was put in possession of all advantages which such a dignity soqienied could conyey. Her own pregnancy at this time seemed absolutely to veal= her power, especially as the unfortunate Electress was by an accident deprived of the hope she had of giving an heir to the Electorate. The follow

ing passage from a letter of Sir W. Colt has reference to these transactions. 'I hope soon to send you better news ; there being but one thing that lies

heavy on my heart, and that is when we have done all we can, and that in appearance we have what we desire, then I doubt that we cannot be sure one day of this Elector, but that he will have new things put into his head;

for I never in my life have seen so fickle a man ; -which makes me long to see the end of this business that I may return to my poet; and all the intimacy I have gained with him bath been by the grossest flattery imaginable. And

for giving money to the lady never fear me, before all thinge are concluded to his Majesty's satisfaction ; and that Alin alone will bring me into friendship with her and the Ministry; for without such assistance none of the envoys could do any great service at this conjuncture ; the proofs I have are many.'

"The Countess, however, did her share of the 'bargain conscientiously.

On the 17th of February, Colt could the news that the Alliance with the Emperor Leopold was signed, and that the Elector, in consideration of a subsidy of four hundred thousand thalers, would give the services of twelve thousand men against the French for the term of one year, via. February 1st 169a. The main object which now remained was to convert this pro. visional treaty into a permanent one, to be in force as long as the war should last; and for this the Countess must be kept in good humour. It was therefore proposed to give her a pension, to which all the members of the Alliance should contribute in due proportions. On the 17th of February Ion Colt writes—' Now I have not told any man what present I had liberty to make the lady, though often asked by Baron Heckeren, any further than I mentioned to have been asked me ; and that he .proposes to me to be 6000 dollars in lance, which will amount to 1500/. sterling, and so I shall save his Majesty 5001. of what you allowed me, to which he will join 4000 dollars ; and so soon as I know what the others will contribute you shall be sure to have the particulars : and indeed much is due to the lady, and she will be gratified-by the Emperor in the honour which the Elector desires for her and her heirs, and the appearances of the latter are very visible.' On the 10th of May the Electorate definitively joined the Grand Alliance. The Elector, a young and ambitious prince, took the field at the head of his own contingent, and served with distinction on the Rhine. lie was present with the troops of the Landgrave in the battle of Zwingenberg, and afterwards joined Prince Louis's army in the fortified camp of Flein. The Countess accompanied the Elector on this expedition, and it was during it that she bore him a daughter, born at Frankfort-on-the-Maine, whose godfather and godmother were William and Mary of Orange. and who received from them the names of Wilhelmine Marie Frederike. This child of a scandalous commerce was held at the font by the English Resident, the Duke of Saxony, Frederick Augustus afterwards King of Poland, and the Countess's own mother ; no very pleasing evidence of social and political morality at the close of the seventeenth century."

Things are improved in Germany now-a-days ; but the improvement is perhaps rather in public opinion than in court morality. The late King of Prussia, it may be remembered, contracted a left-handed marriage ; the late king of Holland left his throne to contract one ; the scandalous doings at Munich were notorious to all the world ; and when the flying tales about minor princes are brought together and resuscitated by some future arehinologist, it may turn out that it was rather the public opinion than the princely practice that had advanced in a century and a half.

Everybody knows how Peter the Great travelled through Europe incognito. A letter of Sophie Charlotte, wife of the "Great Elector" of Prussia, daughter of Sophia of Hanover and sister of George the First, gives a lively account of his first appearance in civilized Europe, in a letter to a minister of her husband.

" July 17th, 1697.

" At present, Sir, I can give you a Rowland for your Oliver, for I have seen the great Czar : he had made an appointment with me at Coppenbrtigge, (a village in the country of Celle,) where he did not know that all the family would meet him, in consequence of which we had to negotiate for an hour before he would show himself. At last he agreed that Monsieur the Duke of Celle, my mother, my brothers, and myself, should come and meet him in the supper-room, which he would enter at the same time by another door, in order not to be seen ; for the crowd of people which he had perceived upon a parapet on arriving had made him turn back from the village. Mv mother and myself began to make our compliment to him ; which he maae M. Le Fort answer for him, for it seems lie is shy, and hid his face with his hand : 4Ich kann nicht sprechen." However, we soon tamed him, and he sat down to table between Madame my mother and me, where each of us entertained him in turn, and the question was which of us should have him to herself. Sometimes he answers himself, sometimes through his two interpreters : and assuredly he said nothing but was very much a propos, and that upon all the subjects on which we put him ; for the liveliness of Madame my mother gave plenty of questions, which he answered with the same readiness; and I am astonished that he was not tired with the conversation, since they say there is not much of it in his country. As for his grimaces, I expected to find them worse than they were, anal some of them it is not in his power to correct. One sees too that he never had a master to teach him to oat cleanly : but he has a natural air, and his manner is without constraint, which pleased me; for he soon behaved as if he were at home, and after having permitted the gentlemen who served to come in, and all the ladies whom he made difficulties at first of seeing, he made his people shut the door, and placed his favourite, whom he calls his right arm, near it, with orders to let no one go out, and sent for large glasses, and gave each of them three or four bumpers, as a sign that ho meant to do them honour. He gave them the glass himself: some one attempted to give a glass to Quirini ; he took it out of his hands and put it himself into Quirini's, which is a piece of politeness which we did not expect. I gave him music, to see what sort of a face he would make ; and he said he liked it, especially Ferdinando, whom he recompensed as he had the gentlemen of the Court with a bumper. We were four hours at table to please him, drinking in the Muscovite fashion, that is, all at once standing to the health of the Czar. Frederick was not forgotten,. however, he drank but little. In order to see him dance, I begged M. Le Fort to let us have his musicians, who came after supper. But he would not begin till he had seen first how we danced; which we did to please .him, and to see him do it too. He could not, and would not begin till he had got some gloves, and had some hunted for throughout his train without finding any.. Madame soy mother danced with the fat Commissary ; and in front M. Le Fort led off the whole with the daughter of Countess Platen, and the Chancellor with the mother : it all went off very gravely, and the Muscovite dance was pronounced pretty. In short, all the world was very well satisfied with the great Czar, and ho seemed to be so too. I hope you will be to also with the account I give you of it ; and if you think it it propos, you may amuse Monsieur the Elector with it. This is enough to tire you, but I cannot help myself: I like to talk of the Czar, and if I could trust myself I would tell you more than —. I remain your very affectionate friend to serve you,

" SOPHIE CHARLOTTE.

"P.6.—The jester of the Czar made his appearance also ; who is very stupid : however, we were very much inclined to laugh at seeing his master take a great broom and set to sweeping hint down."

Mr. Kemble seems to have formed a better or at least a higher opinion of the petty courts of Germany than Englishmen generally did at the time. His account of Hanover under the Electress, aided by Leibnitz, looks quite a second Athens, with court ladies in tufdition. It is possibly true, but, according to a letter from Dorset to Halifax in 1706, the Ministers had not very important matters on their hands.

"The Ministers here look as solem as ever : they are at present employ'd about a knotty point entirely aiming to your LP. The affair is briefly this. Upon the arrival of the swords you sent to the two pages that waited upon you, Oberg desired that a stop might be put to the delivery of them till they had met about it; and accordingly, When they were assembled he urged, that in his opinion the swords had better be sold, and the value of them equally distributed to all the pages : however, nothing was resolv'd

that day, but the Counsel ajorred to the next; and then they order'd bothe the swords to [be) laid before them, and after a considerable debate they deputed Baron Rupton and another to go to Mr. How and ask him what he immagin'd to be your Lai intention! you may be sure he was very clear in the matter, and thought the boys had got them long before. This story he told me when I came to town, and at that time thought the matter was quite over ; but upon enquirey it seems the Counsel is once more to meet about it, and the poor boys are still in pain least it should go against them. This may seem verry extraordinary even to your La, that has some knowledge of 'em ; but i'le assure you 'tis true to a letter."