THE MANUFACTURE OF OPINION.
(To THE EDITOR OF THE " SPECTATOR.") rus,—Since the explanation by the ingenuous Dr. Busch of Bismarck's methods of handling the Press there have never been any revelations so frank and so disturbing as those con- tained in the Report of the Labour Besearch Departntent. This amazing document was issued last autumn; but, for obvious reasons, it has received little publicity. The occasion was the national strike of railwaymen carefully pre-arranged and suddenly sprung upon a bewildered people. It appeared for a few days" that the Press was almost unanimous in representing that "the railwaymen were really up against not only the Government, but also the whole of public opinion and sentiment." Something had to be done quickly, and the Depart- ment determined "that the moral of the other side should be weakened by divided counsels." Accordingly "a statement was issued on Monday night, under Mr. Thomas's name," to the effect that, if the Press continued to accept the announce- ments of the Government, a dangerous situation would imme- diately arise. The result of this threat to the nation is said to have been instantaneous. Editors began to hedge, and one or two of them offered space, "while others put a column entirely at the disposal of the railwaymen." The principle midi alteram partent appeals to most Englishmen; but the editors who acted upon it could not have been aware of the game which the Research Department was playing, and which is avowed with cynical frankness :— " The tone of the Press was appreciably altered by the Wednesday. Not only did they begin to build bridges between the two sides with the inevitable result of weakening the Gbvernment . . . but also in the last three days they attacked the Government on particular points. . . . By the end of the week most of the papers were hampering the Government if they were not helping the railwaymen."
Other steps, following the best Bismarckian traditions, were also -taken. A special letter "written in such a way as to obtain the signatures of persons not otherwise opposed to Government" was concocted to demand the summoning of Parliament. The Department was not, apparently, anxious to see Members in their places; but "the mere vogue of the phrase 'summon Parliament' was sufficient to cause a feeling of distrust in the Government's righteousness and corape- &nee." As "the pressman does not care, particularly in a tubeless London," to seek for news, considered " bulletins " suited to the occasion were distributed broadcast. Even then the Department was not satisfied, and with the sanction of Unity House it was decided to spend up to £2,000 a day—later £l;500—on "publicity advertisements." Many thousands of leaflets were now scattered abroad, and the clergy in the London area were artfully approached with "a reprint of a letter to the editor from Bishop Gore and others." "The American pressmen in London" were specially primed by Mr. Thomas on October 2nd, and received "a message exclusively written for American newspapers and designed for the American public." The final triumph of the Department was celebrated in an article in the Daily News, which pointed out that, as a result ell its activities, "before the strike had ended the railwaymen
had rallied nine-tenths of the industrial workers to their side," and had reduced the Government to the unhappy position of "a beetle on its back."
The whole report should be read by all who wish to undet- stand the refinements of the modern art of manufacturing opinion by means of a paid propaganda. The methods of Bismarck have been developed and brought to perfection, and present Press conditions appear to lend themselves admirably to interested exploitation The essence of the system is to make use of instruments apparently unconnected with the objects of the propagandist. The partisan or sectional news- paper can be counted on to give its readers food of a particular brand. We know what to expect from it, and we are apt to be bored by its tedious reiteration or overdone insistence upon some form of intellectual or political idolatry. It ministers to a regular clientgle, and does good or evil in accordance with its code of morality. But the subtle proceedings of the expert propagandist may be baffling to the last degree. We may unconsciously imbibe the ideas he desires to instil into us, and unknowingly breathe the " atmosphere " he creates. The first sensation, like that produced by the original poison gas secretly prepared by the German chemists, may even be pleasant.
Since the war began, and in the years immediately preceding, many countries have been subjected to insidious influences pro- ceeding from sources unknown, and with effects which cannot be estimated. Such influences are plainly at work with the 3bject of wrecking our Empire—directly in India, Ireland, and Britain, indirectly in foreign countries, where it is sought to raise antagonisms capable of crippling our national policy or hindering our recuperation. The sources of these influences are various and mainly external; but they receive reinforce- ment within our borders, and their mainspring is money. rt is interesting to note that the Trade Unions employ capital on a large scale to manufacture opinion in their own interests, and that their "Research Department" is not ashamed to pro- claim and to glory in the fact. All serious and careful students of affairs may well feel alarmed at the prospects which tlie Bismarckian methods hold out to humanity. Is democracy to be manipulated and controlled in the interests of the few by organizations working in secret? Is truth—already rare—to be permanently obscured by paid agencies working behind the scenes? If so, how can we, in the thrall of hostile influences, hope for a higher and purer standard of national life?
Meanwhile, we may note with advantage that the "Research Department" is" being perfected so that should another crisis arise in the world of Labour, it would be possible to have a publicity campaign in full swing within a few hours."—I am,
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